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Integration of the Armed Forces, 1940-1965

CHAPTER 16

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Integration in the Air Force and the Navy

The racial reforms instituted by the four services between 1949 and 1954 demonstrated that integration was to a great extent concerned with effective utilization of military manpower. In the case of the Army and the Marine Corps the reforms would be delayed and would occur, finally, on the field of battle. The Navy and the Air Force, however, accepted the connection between military efficiency and integration even before the Fahy Committee began to preach the point. Despite their very dissimilar postwar racial practices, the Air Force and the Navy were facing the same problem. In a period of reduced manpower allocations and increased demand for technically trained men, these services came to realize that racial distinctions were imposing unacceptable administrative burdens and reducing fighting efficiency. Their response to the Fahy Committee was merely to expedite or revise integration policies already decided upon.

The Air Force, 1949-1951

The Air Force Commanders' Conference, assembled on 12 April 1949, heard Lt. Gen. Idwal Edwards, the Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, explain the genesis of the integration plan and outline its major provisions. He mentioned two major steps to be taken in the first phase of the program. First, the 332d Fighter Wing would be inactivated on or before 30 June, and all blacks would be removed from Lockbourne. The commander of the Continental Air Command would create a board of Lockbourne officers to screen those assigned to the all-black base, dividing them into three groups. The skilled and qualified officers and airmen would be reassigned worldwide to white units "just like any other officers or airmen of similar skills and qualifications." General Edwards assumed that the number of men in this category would not be large. Some 200 officers and 1,500 airmen, he estimated, would be found sufficiently qualified and proficient for such reassignment. He added parenthetically that Colonel Davis understood the "implications" of the new policy and intended to recommend only an individual "of such temperament, judgment, and common sense that he can get along smoothly as an individual in a white unit, and second, that his ability is such as to warrant respect of the personnel of the unit to which he is transferred."

The technically unqualified but still "usable" men would be reassigned to black service units. The staff recognized, General Edwards added, that some Negroes were unsuited for assignment to white units for "various reasons" and had specifically authorized the retention of "this type of Negro" in black units. Finally, those who were found neither qualified nor useful would be discharged under current regulations.

The second major action would be taken at the same time as the first. All commands would similarly screen their black troops with the object of reassigning the skilled and qualified to white units and eliminating the chronically unqualified. At the same time racial quotas for recruitment and school attendance would be abolished. Henceforth, blacks would enter the Air Force under the same standards as whites and would be classified, assigned, promoted, or eliminated in accordance with rules that would apply equally to all. "In other words," Edwards commented, "no one is either helped or hindered because of the color of his skin; how far or how fast each one goes depends upon his own ability." To assure equal treatment and opportunity, he would closely monitor the problem. Edwards admitted that the subject of integrated living quarters had caused discussion in the staff, but based on the Navy's years of good experience with integrated quarters and bolstered by the probability that the number of Negroes in any white unit would rarely exceed 1 percent, the staff saw no need for separate sleeping accommodations.

General Edwards reminded the assembled commanders that, while integration was new to the Air Force, the Navy had been following a similar policy for years, encountering no trouble, even in the Deep South where black troops as well as the nearby civilian communities understood that when men left the base they must conform to the laws and customs of the community. And as a parting shot he made the commanders aware of where the command responsibility lay:

Assistant Secretary Zuckert
Assistant Secretary Zuckert

Assistant Secretary Zuckert

Concurrently with the Lockbourne processing, individual commanders established similar screening procedures wherever black airmen were then assigned. All these teams uncovered a substantial number of men and women considered eligible for further training or reassignment. (Table 4)

Table 4—Disposition of Black Personnel at Eight Air Force Bases, 1949

Percentages

Base Total Tested Asgmt to Instr Duty Asgmt to Tech School Asgmt to Present MOS Recom for Board Action

Lockbourne

Male 970 .32 12.08 64.64 22.98

Female 58 0.00 25.86 55.17 18.97

Lackland 247 1.62 20.65 67.61 10.12

Barksdale 158 0.00 20.25 65.82 13.93

Randolph 252 2.38 26.19 57.14 14.29

Waco 146 2.06 30.14 57.53 10.27

Mather 126 .79 27.78 40.48 30.95

Williams 144 8.33 21.53 39.58 30.56

Goodfellow 122 .82 36.89 40.89 21.31

Total 2,223 1.35 19.61 59.20 19.84

Source: President's Cmte on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Forces, "A First Report on the Racial Integration Program of the Air Force," 6 Feb 50, FC file.

The process of screening Lockbourne's troops was quickly completed, but the process of reassigning them was considerably more drawn-out. The reassignments were somewhat delayed in the first place by indecision, caused by budgetary uncertainties, on the future of Lockbourne itself. By 25 July, a full two months after the screening began, the Lockbourne board had recommended only 181 officers and 700 airmen to Air Force headquarters for new assignment. A short time later, however, Lockbourne was placed on inactive status and its remaining men and women, with the exception of a small caretaker detachment, were quickly reassigned throughout the Air Force.

Table 5—Racial Composition of Air Force Units

Month Black Units Integrated Units Negroes Assigned to Black Units Negroes Assigned to Integrated Units[1]

1949

June 106 167 Not available Not available

July 89 350 14,609 7,369

August 86 711 11,921 11,977

September 91 863 11,521 13,290

October 88 1,031 9,522 15,980

November 75 1,158 8,038 17,643

December 67 1,253 7,402 18,489

1950

January 59 1,301 6,773 18,929

February 36 1,399 5,511 20,654

March 26 1,476 5,023 20,938

April 24 1,515 4,728 20,793

May 24 1,506 4,675 21,033

Tablenote 1: Figures extracted from the Marr Report; see also monthly reports on AF integration, for example Memo, Dir, Pers Plng, for Osthagen (SecAF office), 10 Mar 50, sub: Distribution of Negro Personnel, SecAF files.

Despite the predictions of some analysts, the effect of integration on black recruitment proved to be negligible. In a service whose total strength remained about 415,000 men during the first year of integration, Negroes numbered as follows (Table 6):

Table 6—Black Strength in the Air Force

Date Officer Strength[1] Enlisted Strength[1] Percentage of Air Force Strength

December 1948 Not available Not available 6.5

June 1949 319 (47) 21,782 (2,196) 6.0

August 1949 330 (32) 23,568 (2,275) 6.5

December 1949 368 (18) 25,523 (3,072) 7.2

May 1950 341 (8) 25,367 (2,611) 7.1

Tablenote 1: Includes in parentheses the Special Category Army Personnel with Air Force (SCARWAF), those soldiers assigned for duty in the Air Force but still administratively under the segregated Army, leftovers from the Department of Defense reorganization of 1947. Figures extracted from Marr Report.

The Air staff explained that the slight surge in black recruits in the early months of integration was related less to the new policy than to the abnormal recruiting conditions of the period. In addition to the backlog of Negroes who for some time had been trying to enlist only to find the Air Force quota filled, there were many black volunteers who had turned to the quota-free Air Force when the Army, its quota of Negroes filled for some time, stopped recruiting Negroes.

Table 7—Racial Composition of the Training Command, December 1949

A. Flight Training White Black Percent Black

Officers 1,345 11 .8

Enlisted 3,063 22 1.0

Total 3,408 33 .9

B. Technical Training

Officers 1,897 37 1.9

Enlisted 25,838 1,819 6.5

Total 27,735 1,856 6.0

C. Indoctrination (Basic) Training

White 7,649

Black 1,007

Total 8,656

Percent black 11.6[a]

D. Officers Candidate Training (candidates graduating from 28 November through 26 December 1949)

White 225

Black 7

Total 232

Percent black 3.0

E. Course Representation

Base No. of Courses[b] No. of Courses with Blacks

Chanute 31 21

Warren 11 10

Keesler 16 7

Lowry 23 13

Scott 6 4

Sheppard 4 1

Tablenote a: In January 1950, probably as a result of a decline in backlog and the raising of enlistment standard to GCT 100, this percentage dropped to 8.8. Tablenote b: Negroes in 61 percent of the courses offered as of 26 Dec 1949.

Source: Kenworthy Report.

There were several reasons for the universal application of what was conceived as a limited program. First, the Air Force was in a sense the captive of its own publicity. While Secretary Symington had carefully delineated the limits of his departmental plan for the Personnel Policy Board in January 1949, he was carried considerably beyond these limits when he addressed President Truman in the open forum of the Fahy Committee's first formal meeting:

The more favorable the publicity garnered by the plan in succeeding months, the weaker the distinction became between the limited integration of black specialists and total integration. Reinforcing the favorable publicity were the monthly field reports that registered a steady drop in the number of black units and a corresponding rise in the number of integrated black airmen. This well-publicized progress provided another, almost irresistible reason for completing the task.

Music Makers
Music Makers

Music Makers of the U.S. Far East Air Force prepare to celebrate Christmas, Korea, 1950.

Maintenance Crew
Maintenance Crew

Maintenance Crew, 462d Strategic Fighter Squadron, disassembles aft section of an F-84 Thunderstreak.

Jet Mechanics
Jet Mechanics

Jet Mechanics work on an F-100 Supersabre, Foster Air Force Base, Texas.

The Navy and Executive Order 9981

Despite these well-intentioned efforts, the Navy failed to increase significantly the number of black officers or sailors in the next decade (Table 8). The percentage of Negroes in the Navy increased so slowly that not until 1955, in the wake of the great manpower buildup during the Korean War, did it exceed the 1949 figure. Although the percentage of black enlistments increased significantly at times—approximately 12 percent of all enlistments in 1955 were black, for example—the proportion of Negroes in the Navy's enlisted ranks was only 0.4 percent higher in 1960 than in 1949. While the number of black officers increased more than sevenfold in the same decade, it was still considerably less than 1 percent of the total officer strength, well below Army and Air Force percentages.

Table 8—Black Manpower, U.S. Navy

A. Enlisted Strength

Year Total Strength Black Strength Percent Black

1949 363,622 17,051 4.5

1950 329,114 14,858 3.7

1951 656,371 17,604 2.7

1952 728,511 23,010 3.2

1953 698,367 24,734 3.5

1954 635,103 24,236 3.8

1955 574,157 30,623 5.3

1956 586,782 37,308 6.3

1957 593,022 38,222 6.4

1958 558,955 30,978 5.7

1959 547,236 30,098 5.5

1960 544,323 26,760 4.9

B. Percentage of Blacks Enlisted in Steward's and Other Branches

Year Steward's Branch Other Branches

1949 65.12 34.88

1950 57.07 42.93

1951 51.73 48.27

1952 54.95 45.05

1953 51.73 48.27

1954 53.43 48.57

1955 51.19 48.81

1956 25.38 74.62

1957 21.66 78.34

1958 23.35 76.65

C. Officer Strength (Selected Years)

Year Black Officers on Active Duty Total Officers

1949 19 45,464

1951 23 66,323

1953 53 78,095

1955 81 71,591

1960 149

Source: BuPers, Personnel Statistics Branch. See especially BuPers, "Memo on Discrimination of the Negro," 24 Jan 59, BAF2-014. BuPers Technical Library. All figures represent yearly averages.

Christmas in Korea, 1950
Christmas in Korea, 1950

Christmas in Korea, 1950

Rearming At Sea
Rearming At Sea

Rearming At Sea. Ordnancemen at work on the deck of the USS Philippine Sea, off Korea, October 1950.

Broadening Skills.
Broadening Skills.

Broadening Skills. Stewards on the USS Valley Forge volunteer for classes leading to advancement in other fields, Korea, 1950.

The group acknowledged that the Steward's Branch was a "sore spot with the Negroes, and is our weakest position from the standpoint of Public Relations," and two of their recommendations were obviously aimed at immediate improvement of public relations. Combining the messmen and commissary specialists would of course create an integrated branch, which Granger estimated would be only 20 percent black, and would probably provide additional opportunities for promotions, but in the end it could not mask the fact that a high proportion of black sailors were employed in food service and valet positions. Nor was it clear how changing the familiar crescent insignia, symbolic of the steward's duties, would change the image of a separate group that still performed the most menial duties. Long-term reform, everyone agreed, demanded the presence of a significant number of whites in the branch, and there was strong evidence that the general service contained more than a few group IV white sailors. The group's proposal to abolish separate recruiting would probably increase the number of blacks in the general service and eliminate the possibility that unsuspecting black recruits would be dragooned into a messman's career; both were substantial reforms but did not guarantee that whites would be attracted or assigned to the branch.

Integrated Stewards Class Graduates
Integrated Stewards Class Graduates

Integrated Stewards Class Graduates, Great Lakes, 1953

WAVE Recruits
WAVE Recruits

WAVE Recruits, Naval Training Center, Bainbridge, Maryland, 1953.

Admiral Gravely
Admiral Gravely

Admiral Gravely (1973 portrait).

In time integrated service became routine throughout the Navy, and instances of Negroes in command of integrated units increased. Bigots of both races inevitably remained, and the black community continued to resent the separate Steward's Branch, but the sincerity of the Navy's promise to integrate the service seemed no longer in doubt.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · The Air Force's integration plan had gone to the Secretary of Defense on 6 January 1949, committing that service to a major reorganization oNote 2 · In the end the integration process was not a drawn-out one; much of Symington's effort in 1949 was devoted instead to winning approval for tNote 3 · By then the long official silence had produced serious consequences, for despite the lack of any public announcement, parts of the plan had Note 4 · Unfortunately, the Air Force's black personnel were not so easily reassured, and the service had a morale problem on its hands during the spNote 5 · The truth was that, while most Negroes in the Air Force favored integration, some were disturbed by the prospect of competition with whites Note 6 · But such suspicions were unfounded, for the Air Force's senior officials were determined to enforce the new program both fairly and expeditiNote 7 · There will be frictions and incidents. However, they will be minimized if commanders give the implementation of this policy their personal aNote 8 · Compelling reasons for reform notwithstanding, the effectiveness of an integration program would in the end depend on the attitude and initiNote 9 · The fact that the control of the new plan was specifically made a personal responsibility of the senior commanders spoke well for its speedyNote 10 · The order itself, as approved by the Secretary of Defense on 11 May 1949 and published on the same day as Air Force Letter 35-3, was unmistaNote 11 · The final version of the directive also deleted reference to a 10 percent limitation on black strength in formerly white units. Zuckert had Note 12 · Zuckert also deleted several clauses in the supplementary letter to Air Force commanders that was to accompany and explain the order. These Note 13 · The screening of officers and men at Lockbourne got under way on 17 May. A board of officers under the presidency of Col. Davis, the commandNote 14 · At the same time, a screening team in the Air Training Command gave a written examination to Lockbourne's more than 1,100 airmen and WAF's tNote 15 · The staff had predicted that the speed with which the integration order was carried out would follow a geographical pattern, with southern bNote 16 · There were of course a few exceptions. Some commanders, noticeably more cautious than the majority, began the integration process with consiNote 17 · With Negroes serving in over 1,500 separate units there was no need to invoke the 10 percent racial quota in individual units as Vandenberg Note 18 · At the end of the first year under the new program, the Acting Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, General Nugent, informed Zuckert that inNote 19 · To some extent the Air Force's integration program ran away with itself. Whatever their personal convictions regarding discrimination, senioNote 20 · Yet once begun, the integration process quickly became universal. By the end of 1950, for example, the Air Force had reduced the number of bNote 21 · As long as you mentioned the Air Force, sir, I just want to report to you that our plan is to completely eliminate segregation in the Air FoNote 22 · Later, Symington told the Fahy Committee that while the new program would probably temporarily reduce Air Force efficiency "we are ready, wiNote 23 · More to the point, the success of the program provided its own impetus to total integration. The prediction that a significant number of blaNote 24 · For the Air Force, it seemed, the problem of segregation was all over but for the celebrating. And there was plenty of that, thanks to the FNote 25 · General Vandenberg and his staff were well aware of the rapid and profound change in the Air Force wrought by the integration order. From thNote 26 · The commanders' warnings were understandable because, as any official from Secretary Symington on down would quickly explain, the Air Force Note 27 · Without a doubt the new policy improved the Air Force's manpower efficiency, as the experience of the 3202d Installation Group illustrates. Note 28 · The preoccupation of high officials with the effects of integration on a soldier's social life seemed at times out of keeping with the issueNote 29 · at the point where the Negro and the white person are actually in contact the problem has virtually disappeared. Since all races of Air ForcNote 30 · The Air staff had imposed only two rules on interracial social activities: with due regard for sex and rank all Air Force facilities were avNote 31 · Typical of most unit reports was one from the commander of the 1701st Air Transport Wing, Great Falls Air Force Base, Montana, who wrote SecNote 32 · But this problem could not detract from what had been accomplished on the bases. Judged by the standards it set for itself before the Fahy CNote 33 · The changing government attitude toward integration in the late 1940's had less dramatic effect on the Navy than upon the other services becNote 34 · Submitted to and approved by the Secretary of Defense, the new Navy plan announced on 7 June 1949 called for a specific series of measures tNote 35 · Yet a restatement of policy, no matter how specific, was not enough. As Under Secretary Dan A. Kimball admitted, the Navy had the formidableNote 36 · It was logical enough to start a reform of the Navy's integration program by attacking the perennial problem of too few Negroes in the generNote 37 · The Bureau of Naval Personnel had also polled black reservists on the possibility of returning to active duty on recruiting assignments, andNote 38 · An obvious concomitant to the increase in the number of black sailors was an increase in the number of black officers. The personnel bureau Note 39 · At the same time the Bureau of Naval Personnel wrote special press releases, arranged interviews for naval officials with members of the blaNote 40 · The Navy had an explanation for the small number of Negroes. The reduced manpower ceilings imposed on the Navy, even during the Korean War, Note 41 · What the Navy's explanation failed to mention was that the rise and decline in the Navy's black strength during the 1950's was intimately reNote 42 · The correlation between the rise and fall of the group IV enlistments and the percentage of Negroes in the Navy shows that all the increasesNote 43 · As for the shortage of officers, Nelson cited the awareness among candidates that promotions were slower for blacks in the Navy than in the Note 44 · Given the pressure on the personnel bureau to develop some respectable black manpower statistics, it is unlikely that the lack of educated, Note 45 · The Navy's poor reputation in the black community centered on the continued existence of the racially separate servants' branch, in the eyesNote 46 · The Navy instituted several changes in the branch in the wake of the Fahy Committee's recommendations. On 25 July 1949 the Chief of Naval PeNote 47 · Admiral Sprague got the point, and on 30 August he announced that effective with the new year, stewards—first, second, and third class—wouldNote 48 · Yet these reforms were modest in terms of the pressing need for a substantive change in the racial composition of the Steward's Branch. DespNote 49 · Obviously the Navy had to set a steady course if it intended any lasting racial reform of the Steward's Branch, but its leaders seemed ambivNote 50 · These explanations still figured prominently in the Navy's 1961 defense of its racial statistics. Discussing the matter at a White House meeNote 51 · However well founded these arguments were, they did not satisfy the Navy's critics, who continued to press for the establishment of one recrNote 52 · Granger's suggestion for change was straightforward. He wanted the Bureau of Naval Personnel to find a way to introduce a sufficiently largeNote 53 · Granger's suggestions were taken up by Secretary Anderson, who announced his intention of integrating the Steward's Branch and ordered the CNote 54 · Admiral Holloway was concerned about this latter point, which dominated his discussions with the Secretary of the Navy on 1 September 1953. Note 55 · The three recommendations of the reservist experts did not survive intact the ad hoc committee's scrutiny. At the committee's suggestion, HoNote 56 · Admiral Holloway promised a further search for ways to eliminate "points of friction" regarding the stewards, and naval officials discussed Note 57 · Nevertheless, by 1961 a definite pattern of change had emerged in the Steward's Branch. The end of separate recruitment drastically cut the Note 58 · If these changes caused by the increased enlistment of stewards from the western Pacific relieved the Steward's Branch of its reputation as Note 59 · The Fahy Committee had acknowledged that manpower statistics alone were not a reliable index of equal opportunity. Convinced that Negroes weNote 60 · It was ironic that black youth remained aloof from the Navy in the 1950's when the way of life for Negroes on shipboard and at naval bases hNote 61 · But how were these changes being accepted among the rank and file? Comments from official sources and civil rights groups alike showed the l
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