History of Dogma, Volume 2

Volume 2 / Book 2 — CHAPTER III.

Neil Buchanan translation

CONTINUATION. THE OLD CHRISTIANITY AND THE NEW CHURCH.

1. The legal and political forms by which the Church secured herself against the secular power and heresy, and still more the lower moral standard exacted from her members in consequence of the naturalisation of Christianity in the world, called forth a reaction soon after the middle of the second century. This movement, which first began in Asia Minor and then spread into other regions of Christendom, aimed at preserving or restoring the old feelings and conditions, and preventing Christendom from being secularised. This crisis (the so called Montanist struggle) and the kindred one which succeeded produced the following results: The Church merely regarded herself all the more strictly as a legal community basing the truth of its title on its historic and objective foundations, and gave a correspondingly new interpretation to the attribute of holiness she claimed. She expressly recognised two distinct classes in her midst, a spiritual and a secular, as well as a double standard of morality. Moreover, she renounced her character as the communion of those who were sure of salvation, and substituted the claim to be an educational institution and a necessary condition of redemption. After a keen struggle, in which the New Testament did excellent service to the bishops, the Church expelled the Cataphrygian fanatics and the adherents of the new prophecy (between 180 and 220); and in the same way, during the course of the third century, she caused the secession of all those Christians who made the truth of the Church depend on a stricter administration of moral discipline. Hence, apart from the heretic and Montanist sects, there existed in the Empire, after the middle of the second century, two great but numerically unequal Church confederations, both based on the same rule of faith and claiming the title "ecclesia catholica," viz., the confederation which Constantine afterwards chose for his support, and the Novatian Catharist one. In Rome, however, the beginning of the great disruption goes back to the time of Hippolytus and Calixtus; yet the schism of Novatian must not be considered as an immediate continuation of that of Hippolytus.

ADDENDA.

In the course of the third century a crass superstition became developed in respect to the conceptions of the Church and the mysteries connected with her. According to this notion we must subject ourselves to the Church and must have ourselves filled with holy consecrations as we are filled with food. But the following chapters will show that this superstition and mystery magic were counterbalanced by a most lively conception of the freedom and responsibility of the individual. Fettered by the bonds of authority and superstition in the sphere of religion, free and self-dependent in the province of morality, this Christianity is characterised by passive submission in the first respect and by complete activity in the second. It may be that exegetical theology can never advance beyond an alternation between these two aspects of the case, and a recognition of their equal claim to consideration; for the religious phenomenon in which they are combined defies any explanation. But religion is in danger of being destroyed when the insufficiency of the understanding is elevated into a convenient principle of theory and life, and when the real mystery of the faith, viz., how one becomes a new man, must accordingly give place to the injunction that we must obediently accept the religious as a consecration, and add to this the zealous endeavour after ascetic virtue. Such, however, has been the character of Catholicism since the third century, and even after Augustine's time it has still remained the same in its practice.

EXCURSUS TO CHAPTERS II. AND III.

CATHOLIC AND ROMAN.²⁹⁹

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 193: (return) See Ritschl, l.c.; Schwegler. Der Montanismus, 1841; Gottwald, De Montanismo Tertulliani, 1862; Réville, Tertull. et Note 2 · Footnote 194: (return) In certain vital points the conception of the original nature and history of Montanism, as sketched in the following Note 3 · Footnote 195: (return) Oracle of Prisca in Epiph. H. 49. 1.Note 4 · Footnote 196: (return) Even in its original home Montanism must have accommodated itself to circumstances at a comparatively early date—whic Note 5 · Footnote 197: (return) Special weight must be laid on this. The fact that whole communities became followers of the new prophets, who nevert Note 6 · Footnote 198: (return) See Oracles 1, 3, 4, 5, 10, 12, 17, 18, 21 in Bonwetsch, l.c., p. 197 f. It can hardly have been customary for Christ Note 7 · Footnote 199: (return) L.c., no. 9: Χριστος 'εν ιδεα γυναικος εσχηματισμενος. How variable must the misbirths of the Christian imagination h Note 8 · Footnote 200: (return) See Euseb., H. E. V. 16. 9. In Oracle No. 2 an evangelical promise is repeated in a heightened form; but see Papias i Note 9 · Footnote 201: (return) We may unhesitatingly act on the principle that the Montanist elements, as they appear in Tertullian, are, in all cas Note 10 · Footnote 202: (return) The precepts for a Christian life, if we may so speak, given by the new prophets, cannot be determined from the compr Note 11 · Footnote 203: (return) Euseb., V. 16. 9: V. 18. 5.Note 12 · Footnote 204: (return) It will not do simply to place Montanus and his two female associates in the same category as the prophets of primiti Note 13 · Footnote 205: (return) We are assured of this not only by Tertullian, but also by the Roman Montanist Proculus, who, like the former, argued Note 14 · Footnote 206: (return) The question as to whether the new prophecy had or had not to be recognised as such became the decisive one (fuga 1, Note 15 · Footnote 207: (return) The situation that preceded the acceptance of the new prophecy in a portion of Christendom may be studied in Tertulli Note 16 · Footnote 208: (return) See Bonwetsch, l.c., p. 82-108.Note 17 · Footnote 209: (return) This is the point about which Tertullian's difficulties are greatest. Tatian is expressly repudiated in de ieiun. 15.Note 18 · Footnote 210: (return) Tertullian (de monog.) is not deterred by such a limitation: "qui potest capere capiat, inquit, id est qui non potest Note 19 · Footnote 211: (return) It is very instructive, but at the same time very painful, to trace Tertullian's endeavours to reconcile the irreconc Note 20 · Footnote 212: (return) Nothing is known of attempts at a formal incorporation of the Oracles with the New Testament. Besides, the Montanists Note 21 · Footnote 213: (return) Here the bishops themselves occupy the foreground (there are complaints about their cowardice and serving of two mast Note 22 · Footnote 214: (return) The distinction of "Spiritales" and "Psychici" on the part of the Montanists is not confined to the West (see Clem., Note 23 · Footnote 215: (return) A contrast to the bishops and the regular congregational offices existed in primitive Montanism. This was transmitted Note 24 · Footnote 216: (return) See here particularly, de pudicitia 1, where Tertullian sees the virginity of the Church not in pure doctrine, but in Note 25 · Footnote 217: (return) There were of course a great many intermediate stages between the extremes of laxity and rigour, and the new prophecy Note 26 · Footnote 218: (return) Euseb., H. E. V. 16. 17. The life of the prophets themselves was subsequently subjected to sharp criticism.Note 27 · Footnote 219: (return) This was first done by the so-called Alogi who, however, had to be repudiated.Note 28 · Footnote 220: (return) De ieiun. 12, 16.Note 29 · Footnote 221: (return) Tertullian protested against this in the most energetic manner.Note 30 · Footnote 222: (return) It is well known that in the 3rd century the Revelation of John itself was viewed with suspicion and removed from the Note 31 · Footnote 223: (return) In the West the Chiliastic hopes were little or not at all affected by the Montanist struggle. Chiliasm prevailed the Note 32 · Footnote 224: (return) "Lex et prophetæ usque ad Johannem" now became the motto. Churchmen spoke of a "completus numerus prophetarum" (Murat Note 33 · Footnote 225: (return) Tertullian, adv. Marc. IV. 9, enumerates "septem maculas capitalium delictorum," namely, "idololatria," "blasphemia,"Note 34 · Footnote 226: (return) Hermas based the admissibility of a second atonement on a definite divine revelation to this effect, and did not expr Note 35 · Footnote 227: (return) In the work de pænit. (7 ff.) Tertullian treats this as a fixed Church regulation. K. Müller, Kirchengeschichte I. 18 Note 36 · Footnote 228: (return) In the 2nd century even endeavours at a formal repetition of baptism were not wholly lacking. In Marcionite congregat Note 37 · Footnote 229: (return) See Tertull., de pudic. 12: "hinc est quod neque idololatriæ neque sanguini pax ab ecclesiis redditur." Orig., de ora Note 38 · Footnote 230: (return) It is only of whoremongers and idolaters that Tertullian expressly speaks in de pudic. c. I. We must interpret in acc Note 39 · Footnote 231: (return) No doubt persecutions were practically unknown in the period between 220 and 260.Note 40 · Footnote 232: (return) See Cypr., de lapsis.Note 41 · Footnote 233: (return) What scruples were caused by this innovation is shown by the first 40 letters in Cyprian's collection. He himself had Note 42 · Footnote 234: (return) Apart from some epistles of Cyprian, Socrates, H. E. V. 22, is our chief source of information on this point. See als Note 43 · Footnote 235: (return) See my article "Novatian" in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie, 2nd ed. One might be tempted to assume that the introduction Note 44 · Footnote 236: (return) The distinction of sins committed against God himself, as we find it in Tertullian, Cyprian, and other Fathers, remai Note 45 · Footnote 237: (return) Cyprian never expelled any one from the Church, unless he had attacked the authority of the bishops, and thus in the Note 46 · Footnote 238: (return) Hippol., Philos. IX. 12: Και παραβολην των ζιζανιων προς τουτο εφη 'ο Καλλιστος λεγεσθαι. Αφετε τα ζιζανια συναυξειν Note 47 · Footnote 239: (return) Philos., l.c.: Καλλιστος εδογματισεν 'οπως ει επισκοπος 'αμαρτοι τι, ει και προς θανατον, μη δειν κατατιθεσθαι. That Note 48 · Footnote 240: (return) See Cypr., epp. 65, 66, 68; also 55. 11.Note 49 · Footnote 241: (return) This is asserted by Cyprian in epp. 65. 4 and 67. 3; but he even goes on to declare that everyone is polluted that ha Note 50 · Footnote 242: (return) On this point the greatest uncertainty prevails in Cyprian. Sometimes he says that God himself installs the bishops, Note 51 · Footnote 243: (return) The Donatists were quite justified in appealing to Cyprian, that is, in one of his two aspects.Note 52 · Footnote 244: (return) Origen not only distinguishes between different groups within the Church as judged by their spiritual understanding a Note 53 · Footnote 245: (return) If, in assuming the irremovability of a bishop even in case of mortal sin, the Roman bishops went beyond Cyprian, Cyp Note 54 · Footnote 246: (return) As to the events during the vacancy in the Roman see immediately before Novatian's schism, and the part then played b Note 55 · Footnote 247: (return) So far as we are able to judge, Novatian himself did not extend the severer treatment to all gross sinners (see ep. 5 Note 56 · Footnote 248: (return) The title of the evangelical life (evangelical perfection, imitation of Christ) in contrast to that of ordinary Catho Note 57 · Footnote 249: (return) Tertullian (de pud. 22) had already protested vigorously against such injustice.Note 58 · Footnote 250: (return) From Socrates' Ecclesiastical History we can form a good idea of the state of the Novatian communities in Constantino Note 59 · Footnote 251: (return) This indeed was disputed by Hippolytus and Origen.Note 60 · Footnote 252: (return) This last conclusion was come to after painful scruples, particularly in the East—as we may learn from the 6th and 7t Note 61 · Footnote 253: (return) It is a characteristic circumstance that Tertullian's de ieiun. does not assume that the great mass of Christians pos Note 62 · Footnote 254: (return) The condition of the constitution of the Church about the middle of the 3rd century (in accordance with Cyprian's epi Note 63 · Footnote 255: (return) To how great an extent the Church in Decius' time was already a state within the state is shown by a piece of informa Note 64 · Footnote 256: (return) See Tertullian's frightful accusations in de pudic. (10) and de ieiun. (fin) against the "Psychici", i.e., the Cathol Note 65 · Footnote 257: (return) The relation of this Church to theology, what theology she required and what she rejected, and, moreover, to what ext Note 66 · Footnote 258: (return) We have already referred to the passage above. On account of its importance we may quote it here: "According to Celsu Note 67 · Footnote 259: (return) Ritschl, Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche pp. 362, 368, 394, 461, 555, 560, 576. Otto Ritschl, l.c., pp. 208, 21 Note 68 · Footnote 260: (return) Clement of Rome was the first to compare the conductors of public worship in Christian Churches with the priests and Note 69 · Footnote 261: (return) See Sohm, I. p. 207.Note 70 · Footnote 262: (return) The "deservire altari et sacrificia divina celebrare" (Cypr. ep. 67. 1) is the distinctive function of the sacerdos d Note 71 · Footnote 263: (return) Soon after the creation of a professional priesthood, there also arose a class of inferior clergy. This was first the Note 72 · Footnote 264: (return) Along with the sacerdotal laws, strictly so called, which Cyprian already understood to apply in a frightful manner (Note 73 · Footnote 265: (return) Tertullian (de pud. I) sneeringly named the bishop of Rome "pontifex maximus," thereby proving that he clearly recogn Note 74 · Footnote 266: (return) Yet this influence, in a direct form at least, can only be made out at a comparatively late period. But nevertheless,Note 75 · Footnote 267: (return) Examples are found in epp. 1, 3, 4, 33, 43, 54, 57, 59, 65, 66. But see Iren., IV. 26. 2, who is little behind Cypria Note 76 · Footnote 268: (return) See Döllinger, Die Lehre von der Eucharistie in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten, 1826. Höfling, Die Lehre der ältesten Note 77 · Footnote 269: (return) See the proof passages in Höfling, l.c., who has also treated in detail Clement and Origen's idea of sacrifice, and c Note 78 · Footnote 270: (return) Cf. specially the Montanist writings; the treatise de ieiunio is the most important among them in this case; see cc. Note 79 · Footnote 271: (return) In the East it was Origen who introduced into Christianity the rich treasure of ancient ideas that had become associa Note 80 · Footnote 272: (return) Moreover, Tertullian (Scorp. 6) had already said: "Quomodo multæ mansiones apud patrem, si non pro varietate meritoru Note 81 · Footnote 273: (return) See c. 1: "Nam cum dominus adveniens sanasset illa, quæ Adam portaverit vulnera et venena serpentis antiqua curasset,Note 82 · Footnote 274: (return) Baptism with blood is not referred to here.Note 83 · Footnote 275: (return) With modifications, this has still continued to be the case beyond Augustine's time down to the Catholicism of the pr Note 84 · Footnote 276: (return) "Sacrificare," "sacrificium celebrare," in all passages where they are unaccompanied by any qualifying words, mean to Note 85 · Footnote 277: (return) Cf. the whole 63rd epistle and above all c. 7: "Et quia passionis eius mentionem in sacrificiis omnibus facimus, pass Note 86 · Footnote 278: (return) In ep. 63. 13 Cyprian has illustrated the incorporation of the community with Christ by the mixture of wine and water Note 87 · Footnote 279: (return) Much as the use of the word "sacramentum" in the Western Church from Tertullian to Augustine (Hahn, Die Lehre von den Note 88 · Footnote 280: (return) We have explained above that the Church already possessed this means of grace, in so far as she had occasionally abso Note 89 · Footnote 281: (return) Höfling, Das Sacrament der Taufe, 2 Vols., 1846. Steitz, Art. "Taufe" in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie. Walch, Hist. pæd Note 90 · Footnote 282: (return) In de bono pudic. 2: "renati ex aqua et pudicitia," Pseudo-Cyprian expresses an idea, which, though remarkable, is no Note 91 · Footnote 283: (return) But Tertullian says (de bapt. 6): "Non quod in aquis spiritum sanctum consequamur, sed in aqua emundati sub angelo sp Note 92 · Footnote 284: (return) The disquisitions of Clement of Alexandria in Pædag. I, 6 (baptism and sonship) are very important, but he did not fo Note 93 · Footnote 285: (return) See Tertullian, de bapt. 7 ff.; Cypr., ep. 70. 2 ("ungi quoque necesse est eum qui baptizatus est, ut accepto chrisma Note 94 · Footnote 286: (return) In itself the performance of this rite seemed too simple to those who sought eagerly for mysteries. See Tertull., de Note 95 · Footnote 287: (return) But see Euseb., H. E. VI. 43. 15, who says that only the laying on of hands on the part of the bishop communicates th Note 96 · Footnote 288: (return) See Tertullian's superstitious remarks in de bap. 3-9 to the effect that water is the element of the Holy Spirit and Note 97 · Footnote 289: (return) It was easy for Origen to justify child baptism, as he recognised something sinful in corporeal birth itself, and bel Note 98 · Footnote 290: (return) Translator's note. The following is the original Latin, as quoted by Prof. Harnack: "Cunctatio baptismi utilior est, Note 99 · Footnote 291: (return) Under such circumstances the recollection of the significance of baptism in the establishment of the Church fell more Note 100 · Footnote 292: (return) Döllinger, Die Lehre von der Eucharistie in dem ersten 3 Jahrhunderten, 1826. Engelhardt in the Zeitschrift fur die h Note 101 · Footnote 293: (return) The collocation of baptism and the Lord's Supper, which, as the early Christian monuments prove, was a very familiar Note 102 · Footnote 294: (return) The story related by Dionysius (in Euseb., l.c.) is especially characteristic, as the narrator was an extreme spiritu Note 103 · Footnote 295: (return) Leimbach's investigations of Tertullian's use of words have placed this beyond doubt; see de orat. 6; adv. Marc. I. 1 Note 104 · Footnote 296: (return) The chief passages referring to the Supper in Clement are Protrept. 12. 120; Pæd. I. 6. 43: II. 2. 19 sq.: I. 5. 15: Note 105 · Footnote 297: (return) Orig. in Matth. Comment. ser. 85: "Panis iste, quem deus verbum corpus suum esse fatetur, verbum est nutritorium anim Note 106 · Footnote 298: (return) The conception of the Supper as viaticum mortis (fixed by the 13th canon of Nicæa: περι δε των εξοδευοντων 'ο παλαιος Note 107 · Footnote 299: (return) The fullest account of the "history of the Romish Church down to the pontificate of Leo I." has been given by Langen,Note 108 · Footnote 300: (return) No doubt we must distinguish two halves in Christendom. The first, the ecclesiastical West, includes the west coast o Note 109 · Footnote 301: (return) Rome was the first city in the Empire, Alexandria the second. They were the metropolitan cities of the world (see the Note 110 · Footnote 302: (return) In this connection we need only keep in mind the following summary of facts. Up to the end of the second century the Note 111 · Footnote 303: (return) See the proofs in the two preceding chapters. Note also that these elements have an inward connection. So long as one Note 112 · Footnote 304: (return) Ignatius already says that the Roman Christians are αποδιυλισμενοι απο παντος αλλοτριον χρωματος (Rom. inscr.); he us Note 113 · Footnote 305: (return) I must here refrain from proving the last assertion. The possibility of Asia Minor having had a considerable share, o Note 114 · Footnote 306: (return) See the Prolegg. of Westcott and Hort (these indeed give an opposite judgment), and cf. Harris, Codex Bezae. A study Note 115 · Footnote 307: (return) On the relations between Edessa and Rome see the end of the Excursus.Note 116 · Footnote 308: (return) See my treatise "Die ältesten christlichen Datirungen und die Anfánge einer bischòflichen Chronographie in Rom." in t Note 117 · Footnote 309: (return) That the idea of the apostolic succession of the bishops was first turned to account or appeared in Rome is all the m Note 118 · Footnote 310: (return) See Pseudo-Cyprian's work "de aleat" which, in spite of remarks to the contrary, I am inclined to regard as written b Note 119 · Footnote 311: (return) See report of the proceedings of the Royal Prussian Academy of Science, 1892, p. 622 ff. To the material found there Note 120 · Footnote 312: (return) Cf. the 8th book of the Apostolic Constitutions with the articles referring to the regulation of the Church, which in Note 121 · Footnote 313: (return) See my proofs in "Texte und Untersuchungen," Vol. II., Part 5. The canons of the Council of Nicæa presuppose the dist Note 122 · Footnote 314: (return) We see this from the Easter controversy, but there are proofs of it elsewhere, e.g., in the collection of Cyprian's e Note 123 · Footnote 315: (return) This conception, as well as the ideas contained in this Excursus generally, is now entirely shared by Weingarten (Zei Note 124 · Footnote 316: (return) This is also admitted by Langen (l.c., 184 f.), who even declares that this precedence existed from the beginning.Note 125 · Footnote 317: (return) Cf. chaps. 59 and 62, but more especially 63.Note 126 · Footnote 318: (return) At that time the Roman Church did not confine herself to a letter; she sent ambassadors to Corinth, 'οιτινες μαρτυρες Note 127 · Footnote 319: (return) In Ignatius, Rom. inscr., the verb προκαθημαι is twice used about the Roman Church (προκαθηται εν [to be understood i Note 128 · Footnote 320: (return) Euseb., H. E. IV. 23. 9-12; cf., above all, the words: Εξ αρχης 'υμιν εθος εστι τουτο, παντας μεν αδελφους ποικιως ευ Note 129 · Footnote 321: (return) According to Irenæus a peculiar significance belongs to the old Jerusalem Church, in so far as all the Christian cong Note 130 · Footnote 322: (return) Iren. III. 3. i: "Sed quomiam valde longum est, in hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successiones, maxim Note 131 · Footnote 323: (return) Beyond doubt his "convenire necesse est" is founded on actual circumstances.Note 132 · Footnote 324: (return) On other important journeys of Christian men and bishops to Rome in the 2nd and 3rd centuries see Caspari, l.c. Above Note 133 · Footnote 325: (return) We cannot here discuss how this tradition arose; in all likelihood it already expresses the position which the Roman Note 134 · Footnote 326: (return) The wealth of the Roman Church is also illustrated by the present of 200,000 sesterces brought her by Marcion (Tertul Note 135 · Footnote 327: (return) See Tertullian, adv. Prax. I; Euseb., H. E. V. 3, 4. Dictionary of Christian Biography III., p. 937.Note 136 · Footnote 328: (return) Euseb, H.E. V. 24. 9: επι τουτοις 'ο μεν της 'Ρωμαιων προεστως Βικτωρ αθροως της Ασιας πασης 'αμα ταις 'ομοροις εκκλη Note 137 · Footnote 329: (return) Irenæus also (l.c. § 11) does not appear to have questioned Victor's proceeding as such, but as applied to this parti Note 138 · Footnote 330: (return) See Tertull., de orat. 22: "Sed non putet institutionem unusquisque antecessoris commovendam." De virg. vel. I: "Para Note 139 · Footnote 331: (return) Stephen acted like Victor and excluded almost all the East from the fellowship of the Church; see in addition to Cypr Note 140 · Footnote 332: (return) In the treatise "Die Briefe des romischen Klerus aus der Zeit der Sedisvacanz im Jahre 250" (Abhandlungen fur Weizsäc Note 141 · Footnote 333: (return) In Tertullian, de præsc. 36, the bishops are not mentioned. He also, like Irenæus, cites the Roman Church as one amon Note 142 · Footnote 334: (return) De pudic. 21: "De tua nunc sententia quæro, unde hoc ius ecclesiæ usurpes. Si quia dixerit Petro dominus: Super hanc Note 143 · Footnote 335: (return) See Dionysius of Alexandria's letter to the Roman bishop Stephen (Euseb., H. E. VII. 5. 2): 'Αι μεντοι Συριαι 'ολαι κ Note 144 · Footnote 336: (return) In the case of Origen's condemnation the decision of Rome seems to have been of special importance. Origen sought to Note 145 · Footnote 337: (return) Peculiar circumstances, which unfortunately we cannot quite explain, are connected with the cases discussed by Cypria Note 146 · Footnote 338: (return) Euseb., H. E. VII. 30. 19. The Church of Antioch sought to enter upon an independent line of development under Paul o Note 147 · Footnote 339: (return) The memorable words in the lately discovered appeal by Eusebius of Dorylæum to Leo I. (Neues Archiv., Vol. XI., part Note 148 · 2. The so-called Montanist reaction193 was itself subjected to a similar change, in accordance with the advancing ecclesiastical development Note 149 · The natural resistance offered to the new prophets with this extravagant message—especially by the leaders of communities, and the persecuti Note 150 · In this new prophecy they recognised a subsequent revelation of God, which for that very reason assumed the existence of a previous one. Thi Note 151 · In the East, that is, in Asia Minor, the breach between the Montanists and the Church had in all probability broken out before the question Note 152 · Had victory remained with the stricter party, which, though not invariably, appealed to the injunctions of the Paraclete,217 the Church woul Note 153 · 3. But there was one rule which specially impeded the naturalisation of the Church in the world and the transformation of a communion of the Note 154 · This state of matters continued till about 220.229 In reality the rule was first infringed by the peremptory edict of bishop Calixtus, who, Note 155 · 4. The original conception of the relation of the Church to salvation or eternal bliss was altered by this development. According to the old Note 156 · The new conception of the Church, which was a necessary outcome of existing circumstances and which, we may remark, was not formulated in co Note 157 · But a minority struggled against this Church, not with speculations, but by demanding adherence to the old practice with regard to lapsed me Note 158 · It was not till the subsequent period, when the Catholic Church had resolutely pursued the path she had entered, that the difference in prin Note 159 · 5. If we glance at the Catholic Church and leave the melancholy recriminations out of account, we cannot fail to see the wisdom, foresight, Note 160 · A comparison of the aims of primitive Christendom with those of ecclesiastical society at the end of the third century—a comparison of the a Note 161 · I. THE PRIESTHOOD. The completion of the old Catholic conception of the Church, as this idea was developed in the latter half of the third c Note 162 · II. SACRIFICE. In Book I., chap. III., § 7, we have already shown what a wide field the idea of sacrifice occupied in primitive Christendom,Note 163 · No less significant is Cyprian's advance as regards the idea of the sacrifice in public worship, and that in three respects. To begin with, Note 164 · III. MEANS OF GRACE, BAPTISM, and EUCHARIST. That which the Western Church of post-Augustinian times calls sacrament in the specific sense o Note 165 · Since the middle of the second century the notions of baptism281 in the Church have not essentially altered (see Vol. I. p. 206 ff.). The re Note 166 · The Lord's Supper was not only regarded as a sacrifice, but also as a divine gift.292 The effects of this gift were not theoretically fixed,Note 167 · In investigating the development of Christianity up till about the year 270 the following facts must be specially kept in mind: In the regio Note 168 · It can, however, be proved that it was in the Roman Church, which up to about the year 190 was closely connected with that of Asia Minor, th Note 169 · From these considerations we can scarcely doubt that the fundamental apostolic institutions and laws of Catholicism were framed in the same Note 170 · No other community made a more brilliant entrance into Church history than did that of Rome by the so called First Epistle of Clement—Paul h Note 171 · That this theory is more than a hypothesis is shown by several facts which prove the unique authority as well as the interference of the Rom Note 172 · It was the Roman Church that first displayed this activity and care; the Roman bishop sprang from the community in exactly the same way as t

CONTINUATION. THE OLD CHRISTIANITY AND THE NEW CHURCH.

ADDENDA.

EXCURSUS TO CHAPTERS II. AND III.

CATHOLIC AND ROMAN.299

Notes in this chapter

CATHOLIC AND ROMAN.²⁹⁹