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History of Dogma, Volume 2

Volume 2 / Book 2 — CHAPTER V.

Neil Buchanan translation

THE BEGINNINGS OF AN ECCLESIASTICO-THEOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION AND REVISION OF THE RULE OF FAITH IN OPPOSITION TO GNOSTICISM ON THE BASIS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT AND THE CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY OF THE APOLOGISTS: MELITO, IRENÆUS, TERTULLIAN, HIPPOLYTUS, NOVATIAN.460

1. The theological position of Irenæus and the later contemporary Church teachers.

But, as this realistic, quasi-historical view of the subject was by no means completely worked out by Irenæus himself, since the theory of human freedom did not admit of its logical development, and since the New Testament also pointed in other directions, it did not yet become the predominating one even in the third century, nor was it consistently carried out by any one teacher. The two conceptions opposed to it, that of the early Christian eschatology and the rationalistic one, were still in vogue. The two latter were closely connected in the third century, especially in the West, whilst the mystic and realistic view was almost completely lacking there. In this respect Tertullian adopted but little from Irenæus. Hippolytus also lagged behind him. Teachers like Commodian, Arnobius, and Lactantius, however, wrote as if there had been no Gnostic movement at all, and as if no Antignostic Church theology existed. The immediate result of the work carried on by Irenæus and the Antignostic teachers in the Church consisted in the fixing of tradition and in the intelligent treatment of individual doctrines, which gradually became established. The most important will be set forth in what follows. On the most vital point, the introduction of the philosophical Christology into the Church's rule of faith, see Chapter 7.

2. The Doctrines of the Church.

In the following section we do not intend to give a presentation of the theology of Irenæus and the other Antignostic Church teachers, but merely to set forth those points of doctrine to which the teachings of these men gave currency in succeeding times.

This conception of Adam as the representative of humanity corresponds to Irenæus' doctrine of the God-man. The historical importance of this author lies in the development of the Christology. At the present day, ecclesiastical Christianity, so far as it seriously believes in the unity of the divine and human in Jesus Christ and deduces the divine manhood from the work of Christ as his deification, still occupies the same standpoint as Irenæus did. Tertullian by no means matched him here; he too has the formula in a few passages, but he cannot, like Irenæus, account for its content. On the other hand we owe to him the idea of the "two natures," which remain in their integrity—that formula which owes its adoption to the influence of Leo I. and at bottom contradicts Irenæus' thought "the Son of God became the Son of man," ("filius dei factus filius hominis"). Finally, the manner in which Irenæus tried to interpret the historical utterances about Jesus Christ from the standpoint of the Divine manhood idea, and to give them a significance in regard to salvation is also an epoch-making fact.

Finally, we have still to treat of the altered conceptions regarding the Old Testament which the creation of the New produced among the early-Catholic Fathers. In the case of Barnabas and the Apologists we became acquainted with a theory of the Old Testament which represented it as the Christian book of revelation and accordingly subjected it throughout to an allegorical process. Here nothing specifically new could be pointed out as having been brought by Christ. Sharply opposed to this conception was that of Marcion, according to which the whole Old Testament was regarded as the proclamation of a Jewish God hostile to the God of redemption. The views of the majority of the Gnostics occupied a middle position between the two notions. These distinguished different components of the Old Testament, some of which they traced to the supreme God himself and others to intermediate and malevolent beings. In this way they both established a connection between the Old Testament, and the Christian revelation and contrived to show that the latter contained a specific novelty. This historico-critical conception, such as we specially see it in the epistle of Ptolemy to Flora, could not be accepted by the Church because it abolished strict monotheism and endangered the proof from prophecy. No doubt, however, we already find in Justin and others the beginning of a compromise, in so far as a distinction was made between the moral law of nature contained in the Old Testament—the Decalogue—and the ceremonial law; and in so far as the literal interpretation of the latter, for which a pedagogic significance was claimed, was allowed in addition to its typical or Christian sense. With this theory it was possible, on the one hand, to do some sort of justice to the historical position of the Jewish people, and on the other, though indeed in a meagre fashion, to give expression to the novelty of Christianity. The latter now appears as the new law or the law of freedom, in so far as the moral law of nature had been restored in its full purity without the burden of ceremonies, and a particular historical relation to God was allowed to the Jewish nation, though indeed more a wrathful than a covenant one. For the ceremonial regulations were conceived partly as tokens of the judgment on Israel, partly as concessions to the stiffneckedness of the people in order to protect them from the worst evil, polytheism.

Now the struggle with the Gnostics and Marcion, and the creation of a New Testament had necessarily a double consequence. On the one hand, the proposition that the "Father of Jesus Christ is the creator of the world and the God of the Old Testament" required the strictest adherence to the unity of the two Testaments, so that the traditional apologetic view of the older book had to undergo the most rigid development; on the other hand, as soon as the New Testament was created, it was impossible to avoid seeing that this book was superior to the earlier one, and thus the theory of the novelty of the Christian doctrine worked out by the Gnostics and Marcion had in some way or other to be set forth and demonstrated. We now see the old Catholic Fathers engaged in the solution of this twofold problem; and their method of accomplishing it has continued to be the prevailing one in all Churches up to the present time, in so far as the ecclesiastical and dogmatic practice still continues to exhibit the inconsistencies of treating the Old Testament as a Christian book in the strict sense of the word and yet elevating the New above it, of giving a typical interpretation to the ceremonial law and yet acknowledging that the Jewish people had a covenant with God.

3. Results to ecclesiastical Christianity.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 460: (return) Authorities: The works of Irenæus (Stieren's and Harvey's editions), Melito (Otto, Corp. Apol. IX.), Tertullian (OehlNote 2 · Footnote 461: (return) The following exposition will show how much Irenæus and the later old Catholic teachers learned from the Gnostics. AsNote 3 · Footnote 462: (return) That Melito is to be named here follows both from Eusebius, H. E. V. 28. 5, and still more plainly from what we know Note 4 · Footnote 463: (return) See Eusebius, H. E. V. 13.Note 5 · Footnote 464: (return) Tertullian does indeed say in de præscr. 14: "Ceterum manente forma regulæ fidei in suo ordine quantumlibet quæras, eNote 6 · Footnote 465: (return) The most important point was that the Pauline theology, towards which Gnostics, Marcionites, and Encratites had alreaNote 7 · Footnote 466: (return) See what Rhodon says about the issue of his conversation with Appelles in Euseb., H. E. V. 13. 7: εγω δε γελασας κατεNote 8 · Footnote 467: (return) On the old "prophets and teachers" see my remarks on the Διδαχη, c. 11 ff., and the section, pp. 93-137, of the proleNote 9 · Footnote 468: (return) In the case of Irenæus, as is well known, there was absolutely no consciousness of this, as is well remarked by EusebNote 10 · Footnote 469: (return) See the passage already quoted on p. 63, note 1.Note 11 · Footnote 470: (return) Irenæus and Tertullian scoffed at the Gnostic terminology in the most bitter way.Note 12 · Footnote 471: (return) Tertullian, adv. Prax. 3: "Simplices enim quique, ne dixerim imprudentes et idiotæ, quæ major semper credentium pars Note 13 · Footnote 472: (return) The danger of speculation and of the desire to know everything was impressively emphasised by Irenæus, II. 25-28. As Note 14 · Footnote 473: (return) The same observation applies to Tertullian, Cf. his point blank repudiation of philosophy in de præse. 7, and the useNote 15 · Footnote 474: (return) In point of form this standpoint is distinguished from the ordinary Gnostic position by its renunciation of absolute Note 16 · Footnote 475: (return) Tertullian seems even to have had no great appreciation for the degree of systematic exactness displayed in the disquNote 17 · Footnote 476: (return) The more closely we study the writings of Tertullian, the more frequently we meet with inconsistencies, and that in hNote 18 · Footnote 477: (return) With reference to certain articles of doctrine, however, Tertullian adopted from Irenæus some guiding principles and Note 19 · Footnote 478: (return) Further references to Tertullian in a future volume. Tertullian is at the same time the first Christian individual afNote 20 · Footnote 479: (return) Consequently the spirit of Irenæus, though indeed strongly modified by that of Origen, prevails in the later Church dNote 21 · Footnote 480: (return) The supreme God is the Holy and Redeeming One. Hence the identity of the creator of the world and the supreme God alsNote 22 · Footnote 481: (return) What success the early-Christian writings of the second century had is almost completely unknown to us; but we are juNote 23 · Footnote 482: (return) People are fond of speaking of the "Asia Minor" theology of Irenæus, ascribe it already to his teachers, Polycarp andNote 24 · Footnote 483: (return) Marcion, as is well known, went still further in his depreciatory judgment of the world, and therefore recognised in Note 25 · Footnote 484: (return) See Molwitz, De Ανακεφαλαιωσεως in Irenæi theologia potestate, Dresden, 1874.Note 26 · Footnote 485: (return) See, e.g., the Epistle to the Ephesians and also the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.Note 27 · Footnote 486: (return) But see the remark made above, p. 220, note 1. We might without loss give up the half of the Apologies in return for Note 28 · Footnote 487: (return) According to the Gnostic Christology Christ merely restores the status quo ante, according to that of Irenæus he firsNote 29 · Footnote 488: (return) According to the Gnostic conception the incarnation of the divine, i.e., the fall of Sophia, contains, paradoxically Note 30 · Footnote 489: (return) After tracing in II. 14 the origin of the Gnostic theologoumena to the Greek philosophers Irenæus continues § 7: "DicNote 31 · Footnote 490: (return) See II. 24. 3, 4: "Non enim ex nobis neque ex nostra natura vita est; sed secundum gratiam dei datur." Cf. what folloNote 32 · Footnote 491: (return) Book V. pref.: "Iesus Christus propter immensam suam dilectionem factus est quod sumus nos, uti nos perficeret esse qNote 33 · Footnote 492: (return) Theophilus also did not see further, see Wendt, l.c., 17 ff.Note 34 · Footnote 493: (return) Melito's teaching must have been similar. In a fragment attributed to him (see my Texte und Untersuchungen I. 1, 2 p.Note 35 · Footnote 494: (return) The conception of the stage by stage development of the economy of God and the corresponding idea of "several covenanNote 36 · Footnote 495: (return) It would seem from some passages as if faith and theological knowledge were according to Irenæus simply related as thNote 37 · Footnote 496: (return) See 1. 10. 2: Και ουτε 'ο πανυ δυνατος εν λογω των εν ταις εκκλησιαις προεστωτων τουτων (scil. than the regula sidei)Note 38 · Footnote 497: (return) See Bohringer's careful reviews of the theology of Irenæus and Tertullian (Kirchengeschichte in Biographien, Vol. I. Note 39 · Footnote 498: (return) To the proof from prescription belong the arguments derived from the novelty and contradictory multiplicity of the GnNote 40 · Footnote 499: (return) See Irenæus II. 1. 2-4: II. 31. 1. Tertull., adv. Marc. I. 2-7. Tertullian proves that there can be neither two moralNote 41 · Footnote 500: (return) See Irenæus II. 13. Tertullian (ad Valent. 4) very appropriately defined the æons of Ptolemy as "personales substantiNote 42 · Footnote 501: (return) See Irenæus, l.c., and elsewhere in the 2nd Book, Tertull. adv. Valent. in several passages. Moreover, Irenæus still Note 43 · Footnote 502: (return) See Iren. II. 17. 5 and II. 18.Note 44 · Footnote 503: (return) See Iren. II. 4. 2.Note 45 · Footnote 504: (return) Tertullian in particular argued in great detail (adv. Marc. I. 9-19) that every God must, above all, have revealed hiNote 46 · Footnote 505: (return) But this very method of argument was without doubt specially impressive in the case of the educated, and it is these Note 47 · Footnote 506: (return) See his arguments that the Gnostics merely assert that they have only one Christ, whereas they actually possess severNote 48 · Footnote 507: (return) See Iren., I. 9 and elsewhere; Tertull., de præscr. 39, adv. Valent. passim.Note 49 · Footnote 508: (return) See Tertull., adv. Marc. II. 19, 21, 22: III. 5, 6, 14, 19: V. 1.; Orig. Comm. in Matth., T. XV. 3, Opp. III., p. 655Note 50 · Footnote 509: (return) For this reason Tertullian altogether forbade exegetic disputes with the Gnostics, see de præscr. 16-19: "Ego non ad Note 51 · Footnote 510: (return) See Iren., III. 5. 1: III. 12. 6.Note 52 · Footnote 511: (return) See Iren., III. 14. 2: III. 15. 1; Tertull., de præscr. 25: "Scripturæ quidem perfectæ sunt, quippe a verbo dei et spNote 53 · Footnote 512: (return) See Iren. II. 35. 2: IV. 34, 35 and elsewhere. Irenæus also asserted that the translation of the Septuagint (III. 21.Note 54 · Footnote 513: (return) See Iren. II. 10. 1: II. 27. 1, 2.Note 55 · Footnote 514: (return) See Iren. II. 25. I.Note 56 · Footnote 515: (return) Irenæus appropriates the words of an Asia Minor presbyter when he says (IV. 31. 1): "De his quidem delictis, de quibuNote 57 · Footnote 516: (return) See, e.g., IV. 20. 12 where he declares the three spies whom Rahab entertained to be Father, Son. and Spirit.Note 58 · Footnote 517: (return) See Iren. IV. 22. 1.Note 59 · Footnote 518: (return) See Iren. III. 17. 3.Note 60 · Footnote 519: (return) Justin had already noted certain peculiarities of the Holy Scriptures as distinguished from profane writings. TertullNote 61 · Footnote 520: (return) See above p. 233, note 2, Kunze, l.c.Note 62 · Footnote 521: (return) See Iren, II. 26. 1, 13. 4: "Sic et in reliquis omnibus nulli similis erit omnium pater hominum pusillitati: et dicitNote 63 · Footnote 522: (return) See Iren., IV. 6. 4: Εδιδαξεν 'ημας 'ο κυριος, 'οτι Θεον ειδεναι ουδεις δυναται, μη ουχι Θεου διδαξαντος, τουτεστιν, Note 64 · Footnote 523: (return) Iren. II. 6. 1, 9. 1, 27. 2: III. 25. 1: "Providentiam habet deus omnium propter hoc et consilium dat: consilium auteNote 65 · Footnote 524: (return) See Iren., IV. 6. 2; Tertull., adv. Marc. I, II.Note 66 · Footnote 525: (return) See Iren., V. 26. 2.Note 67 · Footnote 526: (return) See Iren., II. 1. I and the Hymn II. 30. 9.Note 68 · Footnote 527: (return) See Iren., III. 8. 3. Very pregnant are Irenæus' utterances in II. 34. 4 and II. 30. 9: "Principari enim debet in omnNote 69 · Footnote 528: (return) See Iren. II. 28. 4, 5: IV. 11. 2.Note 70 · Footnote 529: (return) Tertullian also makes the same demand (e.g. adv. Marc. II. 27); for his assertion "deum corpus esse" (adv. Prax. 7: "Note 71 · Footnote 530: (return) See Iren., III. 25. 2; Tertull., adv. Marc. I. 23-28: II. 11 sq. Hippolytus briefly defined his doctrine of God in PhNote 72 · Footnote 531: (return) Apol. 21: "Necesse et igitur pauca de Christo ut deo ... Jam ediximus deum universitatem hanc mundi verbo et ratione Note 73 · Footnote 532: (return) See Hagemann, Die römische Kirche (1864), p. 172 ff.Note 74 · Footnote 533: (return) See my detailed exposition of the orthodox side of Tertullian's doctrine of the Trinity ("orthodox" in the later sensNote 75 · Footnote 534: (return) See adv. Prax. 3: "Igitur si et monarchia divina per tot legiones et exercitus angelorum administratur, sicut scriptuNote 76 · Footnote 535: (return) See Hippol., c. Noetum II. According to these doctrines the unity is sufficiently preserved (1) if the separate persoNote 77 · Footnote 536: (return) Adv. Prax. 8: "Hoc si qui putaverit, me προβολην aliquam introducere id est prolationem rei alterius ex altera, quod Note 78 · Footnote 537: (return) See adv. Prax. 5.Note 79 · Footnote 538: (return) Tertull., adv. Hermog. 3: "fuit tempus, cum ei filius non fuit."Note 80 · Footnote 539: (return) Novatian (de trin. 23) distinguishes very decidedly between "factum esse" and "procedere".Note 81 · Footnote 540: (return) Adv. Prax. 2: "Custodiatur οικονομιας sacramentum, quæ unitatem in trinitatem disponit, tres dirigens, tres autem nonNote 82 · Footnote 541: (return) See the discussions adv. Prax. 16 ff.Note 83 · Footnote 542: (return) Tertull., adv. Marc. III. 6: "filius portio plenitudinis." In another passage Tertullian has ironically remarked in oNote 84 · Footnote 543: (return) Adv. Prax. 9.Note 85 · Footnote 544: (return) See the whole 14th chap. adv. Prax. especially the words: "I am ergo alius erit qui videbatur, quia non potest idem iNote 86 · Footnote 545: (return) According to Tertullian it is certainly an essential part of the Son's nature to appear, teach, and thus come into coNote 87 · Footnote 546: (return) See adv. Prax. 4. the only passage, however, containing this idea, which is derived from 1 Cor. XV.Note 88 · Footnote 547: (return) Cf. specially the attempts of Plotinus to reconcile the abstract unity which is conceived as the principle of the uniNote 89 · Footnote 548: (return) Following the baptismal confession, Tertullian merely treated the Holy Ghost according to the scheme of the Logos docNote 90 · Footnote 549: (return) See Zahn, Marcellus of Ancyra, pp. 235-244. Duncker, Des heiligen Irenaus Christologie, 1843.Note 91 · Footnote 550: (return) Zahn, l.c., p. 238.Note 92 · Footnote 551: (return) See Iren., II. 13. 8: II. 28. 4-9: II. 12. 2: II. 13. 2, and also the important passage II. 29. 3 fin.Note 93 · Footnote 552: (return) A great many passages clearly show that Irenæus decidedly distinguished the Son from the Father, so that it is absoluNote 94 · Footnote 553: (return) The Logos (Son) is the administrator and bestower of the divine grace as regards humanity, because he is the revealerNote 95 · Footnote 554: (return) Logos and Sophia are the hands of God (III. 21. 10: IV. 20): also IV. 6. 6: "Invisibile filii pater, visibile autem pNote 96 · Footnote 555: (return) Irenæus very frequently emphasises the idea that the whole economy of God refers to mankind, see, e.g., I. 10. 3: εκδNote 97 · Footnote 556: (return) Irenæus speaks about the Holy Spirit in numerous passages. No doubt he firmly believes in the distinction of the SpirNote 98 · Footnote 557: (return) The opinions advanced here are, of course, adumbrations of the ideas about redemption. Noldechen (Zeitschrift fur wisNote 99 · Footnote 558: (return) Here the whole 38th chapter of the 4th Book is to be examined. The following sentences are perhaps the most importantNote 100 · Footnote 559: (return) On the psychology of Irenæus see Bohringer, p. 466 f., Wendt p. 22. The fact that in some passages he reckoned the πνNote 101 · Footnote 560: (return) As a matter of fact this view already belongs to the second train of thought; see particularly III. 21-23. Here in reNote 102 · Footnote 561: (return) Man's sin is thoughtlessness; he is merely led astray (IV. 40. 3). The fact that he let himself be seduced under the Note 103 · Footnote 562: (return) See IV. 37. 7: "Alias autem esset nostrum insensatum bonum, quod esset inexercitatum. Sed et videre non tantum nobis Note 104 · Footnote 563: (return) See Wendt, l.c., p. 24.Note 105 · Footnote 564: (return) See III. 23. 6.Note 106 · Footnote 565: (return) See V. I. 1: "Non enim aliter nos discere poteramus quæ sunt dei, nisi magister noster, verbum exsistens, homo factusNote 107 · Footnote 566: (return) See Hippol. Philos. X. 33 (p. 538 sq.): Επι τουτοις τον παντων αρχοντα δημιουργων εκ πασων συνθετων ουσιων εσκευασεν,Note 108 · Footnote 567: (return) See Tertull. adv. Marc. II. 4-11; his undiluted moralism appears with particular clearness in chaps. 6 and 8. No weigNote 109 · Footnote 568: (return) See IV. 5. 1, 6. 4.Note 110 · Footnote 569: (return) See IV 14. 1: "In quantum enim deus nullius indiget, in tantum homo indiget dei communione. Hæc enim gloria hominis, Note 111 · Footnote 570: (return) See the passages quoted above, p. 241 f.Note 112 · Footnote 571: (return) See III. 18. 1. V. 16. 1 is very remarkable: Εν τοις προσθεν χρονοις ελεγετο μεν κατ' εικονα Θεου γεγονεναι τον ανθρωNote 113 · Footnote 572: (return) See Wendt, l.c., p. 29, who first pointed out the two dissimilar trains of thought in Irenæus with regard to man's orNote 114 · Footnote 573: (return) See V. 16. 3: εν τω πρωτω Αδαμ προσεκοψαμεν, μη ποιησαντες αυτου την εντολην. IV. 34. 2: "homo initio in Adam inobediNote 115 · Footnote 574: (return) Here also Irenæus keeps sin in the background; death and life are the essential ideas. Bohringer l.c., p. 484 has verNote 116 · Footnote 575: (return) III. 22. 4 has quite a Gnostic sound ... "eam quæ est a Maria in Evam recirculationem significans; quia non aliter quNote 117 · Footnote 576: (return) See III. 23. 1, 2, a highly characteristic statement.Note 118 · Footnote 577: (return) See, e.g., III. 9. 3, 12. 2, 16. 6-9, 17. 4 and repeatedly 8. 2: "verbum dei, per quem facta sunt omnia, qui est domiNote 119 · Footnote 578: (return) See IV. 6. 7.Note 120 · Footnote 579: (return) See III. 11. 3.Note 121 · Footnote 580: (return) See III. 6.Note 122 · Footnote 581: (return) See III. 19. 1, 2: IV. 33. 4: V. 1. 3; see also Tertullian against "Ebion" de carne 14, 18, 24; de præser. 10. 33.Note 123 · Footnote 582: (return) See III. 21, 22: V. 19-21.Note 124 · Footnote 583: (return) See the arguments, l.c., V. 19. 1: "Quemadmodum adstrictum est morti genus humanum per virginem, salvatur per virgineNote 125 · Footnote 584: (return) See, e.g., III. 18. 1 and many other places. See the passages named in note, p. 276.Note 126 · Footnote 585: (return) So also Tertullian. See adv. Marc. III. 8: The whole work of salvation is destroyed by Docetism; cf. the work de carnNote 127 · Footnote 586: (return) This conception was peculiar to Irenæus, and for good reasons was not repeated in succeeding times; see II. 22: III. Note 128 · Footnote 587: (return) See Iren. V. 31. 2: "Surgens in carne sic ascendit ad patrem." Tertullian, de carne 24: "Bene quod idem veniet de cælNote 129 · Footnote 588: (return) See Iren. IV. 33. 11.Note 130 · Footnote 589: (return) See Iren. IV. 20. 4; see also III. 19. 1.Note 131 · Footnote 590: (return) He always posits the unity in the form of a confession without describing it. See III. 16. 6, which passage may here Note 132 · Footnote 591: (return) Here Irenæus was able to adopt the old formula "God has suffered" and the like; so also Melito, see Otto l.c., IX. p.Note 133 · Footnote 592: (return) The concepts employed by Irenæus are deus, verbum, filius dei, homo, filius hominis, plasma dei. What perhaps hindereNote 134 · Footnote 593: (return) See Apol. 21: "verbum caro figuratus ... homo deo mixtus;" adv. Marc. II. 27: "filius dei miscens in semetipso homineNote 135 · Footnote 594: (return) De carne 5: "Crucifixus est dei filius, non pudet quia pudendum est; et mortuus est dei filius, prorsus credibile estNote 136 · Footnote 595: (return) De carne I, cf. ad nat. II. 4: "ut iure consistat collegium nominis communione substantiæ."Note 137 · Footnote 596: (return) De carne 18 fin.Note 138 · Footnote 597: (return) Adv. Prax. 27: "Sed enim invenimus illum diiecto et deum et hominem expositum, ipso hoc psalmo suggerente (Ps. LXXXVINote 139 · Footnote 598: (return) Of this in a future volume. Here also two substances in Christ are always spoken of (there are virtually three, sinceNote 140 · Footnote 599: (return) In the West up to the time of Leo I. the formula "deus et homo," or, after Tertullian's time "duæ substantiæ," was alNote 141 · Footnote 600: (return) "Quare," says Irenæus III. 21. 10—"igitur non iterum sumpsit limum deus sed ex Maria operatus est plasmationem fieri?Note 142 · Footnote 601: (return) See de carne 18. Oehler has misunderstood the passage and therefore mispointed it. It is as follows: "Vox ista (Joh. Note 143 · Footnote 602: (return) Adv. Prax. 27 sq. In de carne 3 sq. and elsewhere Tertullian indeed argues against Marcion that God in contradistinctNote 144 · Footnote 603: (return) So I think I ought to express myself. It does not seem to me proper to read a twofold conception into Irenæus' ChristNote 145 · Footnote 604: (return) See, e.g., V. 1. 3. Nitzch, Dogmengeschichte I. p. 309. Tertullian, in his own peculiar fashion, developed still moreNote 146 · Footnote 605: (return) Iren. IV. 14. 2; for further particulars on the point see below, where Irenæus' views on the preparation of salvationNote 147 · Footnote 606: (return) "Secundum id quod verbum dei homo erat ex radice lesse et filius Abrabæ, secunum hoc requiescebat spiritus dei super Note 148 · Footnote 607: (return) On Hippolytus' views of the incarnation see Dorner, l.c., I. p. 609 ff.—an account to be used with caution—and OverbeNote 149 · Footnote 608: (return) See other passages on p. 241, note 2. This is also reëchoed in Cyprian. See, for example, ep. 58. 6: "filius dei passNote 150 · Footnote 609: (return) See III. 10. 3.Note 151 · Footnote 610: (return) See the remarkable passage in IV. 36. 7: 'η γνωσις του 'υιου του Θεου, 'ητις ην αφθαρσια. Another result of the GnostNote 152 · Footnote 611: (return) See IV. 36. 6: "Adhuc manifestavit oportere nos cum vocatione (i.e., μετα την κλησιν) et iustitiæ operibus adornari, Note 153 · Footnote 612: (return) The incapacity of man is referred to in III. 18. 1: III. 21. 10; III. 21-23 shows that the same man that had fallen hNote 154 · Footnote 613: (return) Irenæus demonstrated the view in V. 21 in great detail. According to his ideas in this chapter we must include the hiNote 155 · Footnote 614: (return) See particularly V. 1. 1: "Verbum potens et homo verus sanguine suo rationabiliter redimens nos, redemptionem semetipNote 156 · Footnote 615: (return) See Iren. V. 2, 3, 16. 3, 17-4. In III. 16. 9 he says: "Christus per passionem reconciliavit nos deo." It is moreoverNote 157 · Footnote 616: (return) See, e.g., IV. 5. 4: προθυμως Αβρααμ τον ιδιον μονογενη και αγαπητον παραχωρησας θυσιαν τω Θεω, 'ινα και 'ο Θεος ευδοNote 158 · Footnote 617: (return) There are not a few passages where Irenæus said that Christ has annihilated sin, abolished Adam's disobedience, and iNote 159 · Footnote 618: (return) Irenæus has no hesitation in calling the Christian who has received the Spirit of God the perfect, the spiritual one,Note 160 · Footnote 619: (return) See IV. 22. In accordance with the recapitulation theory Christ must also have descended to the lower world. There heNote 161 · Footnote 620: (return) See III. 16. 6: "In omnibus autem est et homo plasmatio dei; et hominem ergo in semetipsum recapitulans est, invisibiNote 162 · Footnote 621: (return) There are innumerable passages where Tertullian has urged that the whole work of Christ is comprised in the death on Note 163 · Footnote 622: (return) By the regula inasmuch as the words "from thence he will come to judge the quick and the dead" had a fixed place in tNote 164 · Footnote 623: (return) Cf. here the account already given in Book I., chap. 3, Vol. I., p. 167 ff., Book I., chap. 4, Vol. I, p. 261, Book INote 165 · Footnote 624: (return) Irenæus begins with the resurrection of the body and the proofs of it (in opposition to Gnosticism). These proofs areNote 166 · Footnote 625: (return) Hippolytus in the lost book 'υπερ του κατα Ιωαννην ευαγγελιου και αποκαλυψεως. Perhaps we may also reckon Melito amonNote 167 · Footnote 626: (return) See Epiph., H. 51, who here falls back on Hippolytus.Note 168 · Footnote 627: (return) In the Christian village communities of the district of Arsinoe the people would not part with chiliasm, and matters Note 169 · Footnote 628: (return) See Irenæus lib. IV. and Tertull. adv. Marc. lib. II. and III.Note 170 · Footnote 629: (return) It would be superfluous to quote passages here; two may stand for all Iren. IV. 9. 1: "Utraque testamenta unus et ideNote 171 · Footnote 630: (return) See Iren. IV. 31. 1.Note 172 · Footnote 631: (return) Iren. III. 12. 15 (on Gal. II. 11 f.): "Sic apostoli, quos universi actus et universæ doctrinæ dominus testes fecit, Note 173 · Footnote 632: (return) Cf., e.g., de monog. 7: "Certe sacerdotes sumus a Christo vocati, monogarniæ debitores, ex pristina dei lege, quæ nosNote 174 · Footnote 633: (return) Very much may be made out with regard to this from Origen's works and the later literature, particularly from CommodiNote 175 · Footnote 634: (return) Where Christians needed the proof from prophecy or indulged in a devotional application of the Old Testament, everythNote 176 · Footnote 635: (return) With the chiliastic view of history this newly acquired theory has nothing in common.Note 177 · Footnote 636: (return) Iren. III. 12. 11.Note 178 · Footnote 637: (return) See III. 12. 12.Note 179 · Footnote 638: (return) No commutatio agnitionis takes place, says Irenæus, but only an increased gift (IV. 11. 3); for the knowledge of God Note 180 · Footnote 639: (return) See IV. 11. 2 and other passages, e.g., IV. 20 7: IV. 26. 1: IV. 37. 7: IV. 38. 1-4.Note 181 · Footnote 640: (return) Several covenants I. 10. 3; four covenants (Adam, Noah, Moses, Christ) III. II. 8; the two Testaments (Law and New CoNote 182 · Footnote 641: (return) This is very frequently mentioned; see e.g., IV. 13. 1: "Et quia dominus naturalia legis, per quæ homo iustificatur, Note 183 · Footnote 642: (return) Irenæus, as a rule, views the patriarchs as perfect saints; see III. II. 8: "Verbum dei illis quidem qui ante Moysem Note 184 · Footnote 643: (return) On the contrary he agrees with the teachings of a presbyter, whom he frequently quotes in the 4th Book. To Irenæus thNote 185 · Footnote 644: (return) Irenæus IV. 16. 3. See IV. 15. 1: "Decalogum si quis non fecerit, non habet salutem".Note 186 · Footnote 645: (return) As the Son has manifested the Father from of old, so also the law, and indeed even the ceremonial law, is to be traceNote 187 · Footnote 646: (return) The law, i.e., the ceremonial law, reaches down to John, IV. 4. 2. The New Testament is a law of freedom, because thrNote 188 · Footnote 647: (return) See III. II. 4. There too we find it argued that John the Baptist was not merely a prophet, but also an Apostle.Note 189 · Footnote 648: (return) From Irenæus' statement in IV. 4 about the significance of the city of Jerusalem we can infer what he thought of the Note 190 · Footnote 649: (return) No special treatment of Tertullian is required here, as he only differs from Irenæus in the additions he invented as Note 191 · Footnote 650: (return) In addition to this, however, they definitely established within the Church the idea that there is a "Christian" viewNote 192 · Footnote 651: (return) In the case of Irenæus, Hippolytus, and Tertullian we already find that they observe a certain order and sequence of Note 193 · Footnote 652: (return) It is worthy of note that there was not a single Arian ecclesiastic of note in the Novatian churches of the 4th centuNote 194 · Footnote 653: (return) Owing to the importance of the matter we shall give several Christological and trinitarian disquisitions from the worNote 195 · Footnote 654: (return) If I am not mistaken, the production or adaptation of Apocalypses did indeed abate in the third century, but acquiredNote 196 · Footnote 655: (return) I did not care to appeal more frequently to the Sibylline oracles either in this or the preceding chapter, because thNote 197 · Gnosticism and the Marcionite Church had compelled orthodox Christianity to make a selection from tradition and to make this binding on ChriNote 198 · Corresponding to the baptismal confession there thus arose at the first a loose system of dogmas which were necessarily devoid of strict styNote 199 · It is different with Irenæus. The Christianity of this man proved a decisive factor in the history of dogma in respect of its content. If TeNote 200 · So far as we know at least, Irenæus is the first ecclesiastical theologian after the time of the Apologists (see Ignatius before that) who aNote 201 · The manner in which Irenæus undertook his great task of expounding and defending orthodox Christianity in opposition to the Gnostic form wasNote 202 · Against the Gnostic theses497 Irenæus and his successors, apart from the proof from prescription, adduced the following intrinsic consideratNote 203 · Irenæus and Hippolytus have been rightly named Scripture theologians; but it is a strange infatuation to think that this designation charactNote 204 · The doctrine of God was fixed by the old Catholic Fathers for the Christendom of succeeding centuries, and in fact both the methodic directiNote 205 · In the case of the Logos doctrine also, Tertullian and Hippolytus simply adopted and developed that of the Apologists, whilst Irenæus struckNote 206 · It is essentially otherwise with the Logos doctrine of Irenæus.549 Whereas Tertullian and Hippolytus developed their Logos doctrine without Note 207 · Irenæus expressly refused to investigate what the divine element in Christ is, and why another deity stands alongside of the Godhead of the Note 208 · Nothing is more instructive than an examination of Irenæus' views with regard to the destination of man, the original state, the fall, and sNote 209 · But, in addition to this, Irenæus developed a second train of thought. This was the outcome of his Gnostic and realistic doctrine of recapitNote 210 · "Filius dei filius hominis factus," "it is one and the same Jesus Christ, not a Jesus and a Christ, nor a mere temporary union of an æon andNote 211 · A somewhat paradoxical result of the defence of the Logos doctrine in the struggle against the "Patripassians" was the increased emphasis thNote 212 · But beyond doubt the prevailing conception of Christ in Irenæus is the idea that there was the most complete unity between his divine and huNote 213 · His idea of the reconciliation of God is just as rudimentary, and merely suggested by Biblical passages. He sometimes saw the means of reconNote 214 · In Tertullian and Hippolytus, as the result of New Testament exegesis, we again find the same aspects of Christ's work as in Irenæus, only wNote 215 · Nevertheless the eschatology as set forth by Irenæus in the fifth Book by no means corresponds to this conception of the work of Christ as aNote 216 · As regards the details of the eschatological hopes, they were fully set forth by Irenæus himself in Book V. Apart from the belief that the rNote 217 · But the Gnostics were not the only opponents of chiliasm. Justin, even in his time, knew orthodox Christians who refused to believe in an eaNote 218 · With regard to the first point, viz., the maintenance of the unity of the two Testaments, Irenæus and Tertullian gave a most detailed demonsNote 219 · With reference to the second point, we may remark that just when the decay of antijudaism, the polemic against Marcion, and the new needs ofNote 220 · The fundamental features of Irenæus' conception are as follow: The Mosaic law and the New Testament dispensation of grace both emanated fromNote 221 · The question as to the difference between the New Testament and the Old is therefore answered by Irenæus in the following manner. It consistNote 222 · This conception, in spite of its want of stringency, made an immense impression, and has continued to prevail down to the present time. It hNote 223 · As we have shown, Irenæus, Tertullian, and Hippolytus had no strictly systematised theology; they formulated theological propositions becausNote 224 · In the "Testimonia" the doctrine of the two Testaments, as developed by Irenæus, forms the framework in which the individual dogmas are set.Note 225 · The most important articles which were now fixed and transferred to the general creed along with the necessary proofs, especially in the Wes
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