Volume 2 / Book 2 — CHAPTER VI.
Neil Buchanan translation
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL TRADITION INTO A PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION, OR THE ORIGIN OF THE SCIENTIFIC THEOLOGY AND DOGMATIC OF THE CHURCH.
The Alexandrian school of catechists was of inestimable importance for the transformation of the heathen empire into a Christian one, and of Greek philosophy into ecclesiastical philosophy. In the third century this school overthrew polytheism by scientific means whilst at the same time preserving everything of any value in Greek science and culture. These Alexandrians wrote for the educated people of the whole earth; they made Christianity a part of the civilisation of the world. The saying that the Christian missionary to the Greeks must be a Greek was first completely verified within the Catholic Church in the person of Origen, who at the same time produced the only system of Christian dogma possessed by the Greek Church before John Damascenus.
1. The Alexandrian Catechetical School. Clement of Alexandria.656
But, while so judging, we cannot deny that the Church tradition was here completely transformed into a Greek philosophy of religion on a historical basis, nor do we certify the Christian character of Clement's "dogmas" in acknowledging the evangelical spirit of his practical position. What would be left of Christianity, if the practical aim, given by Clement to this religious philosophy, were lost? A depotentiated system which could absolutely no longer be called Christian. On the other hand there were many valuable features in the ecclesiastical regula literally interpreted; and the attempts of Irenæus to extract an authoritative religious meaning from the literal sense of Church tradition and of New Testament passages must be regarded as conservative efforts of the most valuable kind. No doubt Irenæus and his theological confrères did not themselves find in Christianity that freedom which is its highest aim; but on the other hand they preserved and rescued valuable material for succeeding times. If some day trust in the methods of religious philosophy vanishes, men will revert to history, which will still be recognisable in the preserved tradition, as prized by Irenæus and the rest, whereas it will have almost perished in the artificial interpretations due to the speculations of religious philosophers.
2. The system of Origen.679
During the following century Origen's theology at first acted in its entirety. But it likewise attained this position of influence, because some important propositions could be detached from their original connection and fitted into a new one. It is one of the peculiarities of this ecclesiastical philosophy of religion that the most of its formulæ could be interpreted and employed in utramque partem. The several propositions could be made to serve very different purposes not only by being halved, but also by being grouped. With this the relative unity that distinguishes the system no doubt vanished; but how many are there who strive after unity and completeness in their theory of the world? Above all, however, there was something else that necessarily vanished, as soon as people meddled with the individual propositions, and enlarged or abridged them. We mean the frame of mind which produced them, that wonderful unity between the relative view of things and the absolute estimate of the highest good attainable by the free spirit that is certain of its God. But a time came, nay, had already come, when a sense of proportion and relation was no longer to be found.
But, with this prospect, we have already crossed the border of the third century. At its beginning there were but few theologians in Christendom who were acquainted with speculation, even in its fragmentary form. In the course of the century it became a recognised part of the orthodox faith, in so far as the Logos doctrine triumphed in the Church. This development is the most important that took place in the third century; for it denoted the definite transformation of the rule of faith into the compendium of a Greek philosophical system, and it is the parallel of a contemporaneous transformation of the Church into a holy commonwealth (see above, chapter 3).
Notes in this chapter
Note 1 · Footnote 656: (return) Guericke, De schola, quæ Alex. floruit catechetica 1824, 1825. Vacherot, Hist. crit. de l'école d'Alex., 1846-51. ReiNote 2 · Footnote 657: (return) This manner of expression is indeed liable to be misunderstood, because it suggests the idea that something new was tNote 3 · Footnote 658: (return) This was begun in the Church by Irenæus and Tertullian and continued by the Alexandrians. They, however, not only adoNote 4 · Footnote 659: (return) We are not able to form a clear idea of the school of Justin. In the year 180 the schools of the Valentinians, CarpocNote 5 · Footnote 660: (return) On the school of Edessa see Assemani, Bibl. orient., T. III., P. II., p. 924; Von Lengerke, De Ephraemi arte hermen.,Note 6 · Footnote 661: (return) Overbeck, l.c., p. 455, has very rightly remarked: "The origin of the Alexandrian school of catechists is not a portiNote 7 · Footnote 662: (return) On the connection of Julius Africanus with this school see Eusebius, VI. 31. As to his relations with Origen see the Note 8 · Footnote 663: (return) See my article "Heraklas" in the Real-Encyklopadie.Note 9 · Footnote 664: (return) We have the most complete materials in Zahn, "Forschungen" Vol. III. pp. 17-176. The best estimate of the great tripaNote 10 · Footnote 665: (return) This applies quite as much to the old principles of Christian morality as to the traditional faith. With respect to tNote 11 · Footnote 666: (return) Clement was also conscious of the novelty of his undertaking; see Overbeck, l.c., p. 464 f. The respect enjoyed by ClNote 12 · Footnote 667: (return) Strom. VI. 14, 109: πλεον εστιν του πιστευσαι το γνωναι, Pistis is γνωσις συντομος των κατεπειγοντων (VII. 10. 57, seNote 13 · Footnote 668: (return) We have here more particularly to consider those paragraphs of the Stromateis where Clement describes the perfect GnoNote 14 · Footnote 669: (return) Philo is quoted by Clement several times and still more frequently made use of without acknowledgment. See the copiouNote 15 · Footnote 670: (return) Like Philo and Justin, Clement also no doubt at times asserts that the Greek philosophers pilfered from the Old TestaNote 16 · Footnote 671: (return) See Bratke's instructive treatise cited above.Note 17 · Footnote 672: (return) The fact that Clement appeals in support of the Gnosis to an esoteric tradition (Strom. VI. 7. 61: VI. 8. 68: VII. 10Note 18 · Footnote 673: (return) Clement was not a Neoplatonic mystic in the strict sense of the word. When he describes the highest ethical ideal, ecNote 19 · Footnote 674: (return) What a bold and joyous thinker Clement was is shown by the almost audacious remark in Strom. IV. 22. 136: ει γουν τιςNote 20 · Footnote 675: (return) Strom. VII. 1. 1. In several passages of his main work Clement refers to those churchmen who viewed the practical andNote 21 · Footnote 676: (return) Eusebius, H. E. VI. 14. 8, tells us that Origen was a disciple of Clement.Note 22 · Footnote 677: (return) Clement's authority in the Church continued much longer than that of Origen. See Zahn, "Forschungen" III. p. 140 f. TNote 23 · Footnote 678: (return) In ecclesiastical antiquity all systematising was merely relative and limited, because the complex of sacred writingsNote 24 · Footnote 679: (return) See the treatises of Huetius (1668) reprinted by Lommatzsch. Thomasius, Origenes 1837. Redepenning, Origenes, 2 Vols.Note 25 · Footnote 680: (return) See his letter in Eusebius, H. E. VI. 19. 11 ff.Note 26 · Footnote 681: (return) In the polemic against Celsus it seems to us in not a few passages as if the feeling for truth had forsaken him. If wNote 27 · Footnote 682: (return) See, above all, the systematic main work "περι αρχων."Note 28 · Footnote 683: (return) Many writings of Origen are pervaded by arguments, evincing equal discretion and patience, against the Christians whoNote 29 · Footnote 684: (return) In this point Origen is already narrower than Clement. Free judgments, such as were passed by Clement on Greek philosNote 30 · Footnote 685: (return) We must here content ourselves with merely pointing out that the method of scientific Scriptural exegesis also led toNote 31 · Footnote 686: (return) The theory that justified a twofold morality in the Church is now completely legitimised, but the higher form no longNote 32 · Footnote 687: (return) See the preface to the work περι αρχων.Note 33 · Footnote 688: (return) From the conclusion of Hippolytus' Philosophoumena it is also evident how the Socratic Γνωθι σεαυτον was in that age Note 34 · Footnote 689: (return) See Gregory Thaumaturgus' panegyric on Origen, one of the most instructive writings of the 3rd century, especially ccNote 35 · Footnote 690: (return) Yet all excesses are repudiated. See Clem. Strom. IV. 22. 138: Ουκ εγκρατης ουτος ετι, αλλ' εν 'εξει γεγονεν απαθειαςNote 36 · Footnote 691: (return) In many passages of Clement the satisfaction in knowledge appears in a still more pronounced form than in Origen. TheNote 37 · Footnote 692: (return) See the beautiful prayer of the Christian Gnostic in Strom. IV. 23. 148.Note 38 · Footnote 693: (return) See Strom. IV. 26. 172: Origen's commentaries are continually interrupted by similar outbursts of feeling.Note 39 · Footnote 694: (return) On deification as the ultimate aim see Clem., Strom. IV. 23. 149-155: VII. 10. 56, 13. 82, 16. 95: 'ουτως 'ο τω κυριωNote 40 · Footnote 695: (return) Gregory (l.c., c. 13) relates that all the works of the poets and philosophers were read in Origen's school, and thatNote 41 · Footnote 696: (return) See, for example, c. Cels. V. 43: VII. 47, 59 sq. He compared Plato and other wise men to those doctors who give theiNote 42 · Footnote 697: (return) See, for example, c. Cels. VI. 2.Note 43 · Footnote 698: (return) C. Cels. V. 43.Note 44 · Footnote 699: (return) One of Origen's main ideas, which we everywhere meet with, particularly in the work against Celsus (see, for example,Note 45 · Footnote 700: (return) Bigg (l.c., p. 154) has rightly remarked: "Origen in point of method differs most from Clement, who not unfrequently Note 46 · Footnote 701: (return) Note, for example, § 8, where it is said that Origen adopted the allegorical method from the Stoic philosophers and aNote 47 · Footnote 702: (return) See Overbeck, Theologische Literatur-Zeitung, 1878, Col. 535.Note 48 · Footnote 703: (return) A full presentation of Origen's theology would require many hundreds of pages, because he introduced everything worthNote 49 · Footnote 704: (return) In c. Cels. III. 61 it is said (Lommatzsch XVIII., p. 337): επεμφθη ουν Θεος λογος καθο μεν ιατρος τοις 'αμαρτωλοις, Note 50 · Footnote 705: (return) Comment, in Joh. I. 9, Lomm. I. p, 20. The "mysteries" of Christ is the technical term for this theology and, at bottNote 51 · Footnote 706: (return) See Nitzsch, Dogmengeschichte, p. 136.Note 52 · Footnote 707: (return) To Origen the problem of evil was one of the most important; see Book III. of περι αρχων and c. Cels. VI. 53-59. He iNote 53 · Footnote 708: (return) See Mehlhorn, Die Lehre von der menschlichen Freiheit nach Origenes (Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, Vol. II., p. Note 54 · Footnote 709: (return) The distinction between Valentinus and Origen consists in the fact that the former makes an æon or, in other words, aNote 55 · Footnote 710: (return) The proof from prophecy was reckoned by Origen among the articles belonging to faith, but not to Gnosis (see for ex. Note 56 · Footnote 711: (return) See, for ex., c. Cels. VI. 6, Comment in Johann. XIII. 59, Lomm. II., p. 9 sq.Note 57 · Footnote 712: (return) Περι αρχων prefaceNote 58 · Footnote 713: (return) On Origen's exegetical method see Kihn, Theodor v. Mopsu. p. 20 ff., Bigg, l.c. p. 131 ff. On the distinction betweenNote 59 · Footnote 714: (return) Origen noted several such passages in the very first chapter of Genesis. Examples are given in Bigg, p. 137 f.Note 60 · Footnote 715: (return) Bigg, l.c., has very appropriately named Origen's allegorism "Biblical alchemy".Note 61 · Footnote 716: (return) To ascertain the pneumatic sense, Origen frequently drew analogies between the domain of the cosmic and that of the sNote 62 · Footnote 717: (return) See Hom in Luc. XXIX., Lomm. V., p. 193 sq.Note 63 · Footnote 718: (return) Since Origen does not, as a rule, dispute the literal meaning of the Scriptures, he has also a much more favourable oNote 64 · Footnote 719: (return) In opposition to the method for obtaining a knowledge of God, recommended by Alcinous (c. 12), Maximus Tyr. (XVII. 8)Note 65 · Footnote 720: (return) In defining the superessential nature of the One, Origen did not go so far as the Basilidians (Philosoph. VII. 20, 21Note 66 · Footnote 721: (return) Orig. περι αρχων II. 1. 3.Note 67 · Footnote 722: (return) C. Cels V. 23.Note 68 · Footnote 723: (return) L.c.Note 69 · Footnote 724: (return) Περι αρχων II. 9. 1: "Certum est, quippe quod præfinito aliquo apud se numero creaturas fecit: non enim, ut quidam voNote 70 · Footnote 725: (return) See above, p. 343, note 2.Note 71 · Footnote 726: (return) See c. Cels. II. 20.Note 72 · Footnote 727: (return) Clement also did so; see with respect to Origen περι αρχων II. 5, especially § 3 sq.Note 73 · Footnote 728: (return) See Comment. in Johann. I. 40, Lomm. I. p. 77 sq. I cannot agree that this view is a rapprochement to the MarcionitesNote 74 · Footnote 729: (return) Clement's doctrine of the Logos, to judge from the Hypotyposes, was perhaps different from that of Origen. According Note 75 · Footnote 730: (return) See Schultz, l.c., p. 51 ff. and Jahrbuch fur protestantische Theologie I. pp. 193 ff. 369 ff.Note 76 · Footnote 731: (return) It is very remarkable that Origen περι αρχων I. 2. 1 in his presentation of the Logos doctrine, started with the persNote 77 · Footnote 732: (return) Περι αρχων I. 2. 2, 6.Note 78 · Footnote 733: (return) The expression was familiar to Origen as to Justin (see Dial. c. Tryph). See c. Cels. V. 39: Και δευτερον ουν λεγωμενNote 79 · Footnote 734: (return) Περι αρχων I. 2. 13 has been much corrupted by Rufinus. The passage must have been to the effect that the Son is indeNote 80 · Footnote 735: (return) Selecta in Psalm., Lomm. XIII., p. 134; see also Fragm. comm. in ep. ad Hebr., Lomm. V., p. 299 sq.Note 81 · Footnote 736: (return) L.c.: "Sic et sapientia ex deo procedens, ex ipsa substantia dei generatur. Sic nihilominus et secundum similitudinemNote 82 · Footnote 737: (return) Ουκ εστιν οτε ουκ ην, de princip. I. 2. 9; in Rom. I. 5.Note 83 · Footnote 738: (return) Περι αρχων I. 2. 2-9. Comm. in ep. ad. Hebr. Lomm. V., p. 296: "Nunquam est, quando filius non fuit. Erat autem non, Note 84 · Footnote 739: (return) See Caspari, Quellen, Vol. IV., p. 10.Note 85 · Footnote 740: (return) In περι αρχων IV. 28 the prolatio is expressly rejected (see also I. 2, 4) as well as the "conversio partis alicuius Note 86 · Footnote 741: (return) L.c. I. 2. 2.Note 87 · Footnote 742: (return) L.c. I. 2. 3.Note 88 · Footnote 743: (return) De orat. 15: Ετερος κατ' ουσιαν και 'υποκειμενον 'ο 'υιος εστι του πατρος. This, however, is not meant to designate aNote 89 · Footnote 744: (return) C. Cels. VIII. 12.: δυο τη 'υποστασει πραγματα. This was frequently urged against the Monarchians in Origen's commentNote 90 · Footnote 745: (return) In Joh. I. 22, Lomm. I., p. 41 sq.: 'ο Θεος μεν ουν παντη 'εν εστι και απλουν 'ο δε σωτηρ 'ημων δια τα πολλα. The SonNote 91 · Footnote 746: (return) See the remarks on the saying: "The Father is greater than I," in Joh. XIII. 25, Lomm. II., p. 45 sq. and other passaNote 92 · Footnote 747: (return) Περι αρχων II. 2. 6 has been corrupted by Rufinus; see Jerome ep. ad Avitum.Note 93 · Footnote 748: (return) See Περι αρχων I. 2. 13 (see above, p. 354, note 3).Note 94 · Footnote 749: (return) Athanasius supplemented this by determining the essence of the Logos from the redeeming work of Christ.Note 95 · Footnote 750: (return) See περι αρχων præf. and in addition to this Hermas' view of the Spirit.Note 96 · Footnote 751: (return) Περι αρχων I. 3. The Holy Spirit is eternal, is ever being breathed out, but is to be termed a creature. See also in Note 97 · Footnote 752: (return) See περι αρχων I. 3, 5-8. Hence Origen says the heathen had known the Father and Son, but not the Holy Spirit (de priNote 98 · Footnote 753: (return) L.c. § 7.Note 99 · Footnote 754: (return) See Hom. in Num. XII. I, Lomm. X, p. 127: "Est hæc trium distinctio personarum in patre et filio et spiritu sancto, qNote 100 · Footnote 755: (return) Περι αρχων præf.Note 101 · Footnote 756: (return) From Hermas, Justin, and Athenagoras we learn how, in the 2nd century, both in the belief of uneducated lay-ChristianNote 102 · Footnote 757: (return) Περι αρχων I. 5.Note 103 · Footnote 758: (return) So also Clement, see Zahn, l.c.Note 104 · Footnote 759: (return) Περι αρχων I. 5. 2.Note 105 · Footnote 760: (return) It was of course created before the world, as it determines the course of the world. See Comm. in Matth. XV. 27, LommNote 106 · Footnote 761: (return) See Comm. in Joh. XIII. 25, Lomm. II, p. 45: we must not look on the human spirit as 'ομοουσιος with the divine one. Note 107 · Footnote 762: (return) Such is the teaching of Clement and Origen. They repudiated the possession of any natural, essential goodness in the Note 108 · Footnote 763: (return) Περι αρχων I. 2. 10: "Quemadmodum pater non potest esse quis, si filius non sit, neque dominus quis esse potest sine Note 109 · Footnote 764: (return) Περι αρχων I. 8.Note 110 · Footnote 765: (return) Here, however, Origen is already thinking of the temporary wrong development that is of growth. See περι αρχων I. 7. Note 111 · Footnote 766: (return) Angels, ideas (see Phot. Biblioth. 109), and human souls are most closely connected together, both according to the tNote 112 · Footnote 767: (return) Phot. Biblioth. 109: Κλημης πολλους προ του Αδαμ κοσμους τερατευεται. This cannot be verified from the Strom. Orig., Note 113 · Footnote 768: (return) Περι αρχων I. 5 and the whole 3rd Book. The Fall is something that happened before time began.Note 114 · Footnote 769: (return) The assumption of uncreated matter was decidedly rejected by Origen (περι αρχων II. 1, 2). On the other hand Clement Note 115 · Footnote 770: (return) This conception has given occasion to compare Origen's system with Buddhism. Bigg. (p. 193) has very beautifully saidNote 116 · Footnote 771: (return) The popular idea of demons and angels was employed by Origen in the most comprehensive way, and dominates his whole vNote 117 · Footnote 772: (return) Clement wrote a special work περι προνοιας (see Zahn, Forschungen III., p. 39 ff.), and treated at length of προνοια Note 118 · Footnote 773: (return) Περι αρχων II. 9. 2: "Recedere a bono, non aliud est quam effici in malo. Ceterum namque est, malum esse bono canere.Note 119 · Footnote 774: (return) Περι αρχων I. 5. 3: III. 6. The devil is the chief of the apostate angels (c. Cels. IV. 65). As a reasonable being heNote 120 · Footnote 775: (return) Origen defended the teleology culminating in man against Celsus' attacks on it; but his assumption that the spirits oNote 121 · Footnote 776: (return) The doctrine of man's threefold constitution is also found in Clement. See Pædag. III. 1. 1; Strom V. 14. 94: VI. 16.Note 122 · Footnote 777: (return) Clement (see Strom. II. 22. 131) gives the following as the opinion of some Christian teachers: το μεν κατ' εικονα ευNote 123 · Footnote 778: (return) This follows from the fundamental psychological view and is frequently emphasised. One must attain the σωφορσυνη.Note 124 · Footnote 779: (return) This is emphasised throughout. The goodness of God is shown first in his having given the creature reason and freedomNote 125 · Footnote 780: (return) See above, p. 344, and p. 361, note 5. Origen continually emphasised the universality of sin in the strongest expressNote 126 · Footnote 781: (return) See Clem., Strom. VII. 16. 101: μυριων γουν οντων κατ' αριθμον 'α πρασσουσιν ανθρωποι σχεδον δυο εισιν αρχαι πασης 'αNote 127 · Footnote 782: (return) Freedom is not prejudiced by the idea of election that is found here and there, for this idea is not worked out. In CNote 128 · Footnote 783: (return) C. Cels. III. 69.Note 129 · Footnote 784: (return) It is both true that men have the same freedom as Adam and that they have the same evil instincts. Moreover, Origen cNote 130 · Footnote 785: (return) Nevertheless Origen assumes that some souls are invested with flesh, not for their own sins, but in order to be of usNote 131 · Footnote 786: (return) Origen again and again strongly urged the necessity of divine grace.Note 132 · Footnote 787: (return) See on this point Bigg, pp. 207 ff., 223 f. Origen is the father of Joachim and all spiritualists.Note 133 · Footnote 788: (return) See Knittel, Orig. Lehre von der Menschwerdung (Tübinger Theologische Quartalschrift, 1872). Ramers, Orig. Lehre von Note 134 · Footnote 789: (return) With regard to this point we find the same explanation in Origen as in Irenæus and Tertullian, and also among the ValNote 135 · Footnote 790: (return) See above, p. 342. note 1, on the idea that Christ, the Crucified One, is of no importance to the perfect. Only the tNote 136 · Footnote 791: (return) From this also we can very clearly understand Origen's aversion to the early Christian eschatology. In his view the dNote 137 · Footnote 792: (return) Clement still advocated docetic views without reservation. Photius (Biblioth. 109) reproached him with these (μη σαρκNote 138 · Footnote 793: (return) See the full exposition in Thomasius, Origenes, p. 203 ff. The principal passages referring to the soul of Jesus are Note 139 · Footnote 794: (return) In c. Cels. III. 28, Origen spoke of an intermingling of the divine and human natures, commencing in Christ (see pageNote 140 · Footnote 795: (return) In opposition to Redepenning.Note 141 · Footnote 796: (return) This idea is found in many passages, especial in Book III, c. 22-43, where Origen, in opposition to the fables about Note 142 · Footnote 797: (return) A very remarkable distinction between the divine and human element in Christ is found in Clement Pæd. I. 3. 7: παντα Note 143 · Footnote 798: (return) "Fides in nobis; mensura fidei causa accipiendarum gratiarum" is the fundamental idea of Clement and Origen (as of JuNote 144 · Footnote 799: (return) This is frequent in Clement; see Orig. c. Cels. VII. 46.Note 145 · Footnote 800: (return) See Clem, Strom. V. I. 7: χαριτι σωζομεθα, ουκ ανευ μεντοι των καλων εργων.. VII. 7. 48: V. 12. 82, 13. 83: ειτε το εNote 146 · Footnote 801: (return) This goal was much more clearly described by Clement than by Origen; but it was the latter who, in his commentary on Note 147 · Footnote 802: (return) See Thomasius, Dogmengeschichte I., p. 467.Note 148 · Footnote 803: (return) See e.g., Clem. Quis dives salv. 37 and especially Pædag. I. 6. 25-32; Orig. de orat. 22 sq.—the interpretation of thNote 149 · Footnote 804: (return) See above, p. 339 f.Note 150 · Footnote 805: (return) See περι αρχων II. 11.Note 151 · Footnote 806: (return) See περι αρχων II. 10. 1-3. Origen wrote a treatise on the resurrection, which, however, has not come down to us, becNote 152 · Footnote 807: (return) See Eusebius, H. E. VI. 37.Note 153 · Footnote 808: (return) Orig., Hom. II. in Reg. I., Lomm. XI., p. 317 sq.Note 154 · Footnote 809: (return) C. Cels. V. 15: VI. 26; in Lc. Hom. XIV., Lomm. V., p. 136: "Ego puto, quod et post resurrectionem ex mortuis indigeaNote 155 · Footnote 810: (return) See περι αρχων II. 10. 4-7; c. Cels. l.c.Note 156 · Footnote 811: (return) See περι αρχων I. 6. 1-4: III. 6. 1-8; c. Cels. VI. 26.Note 157 · Footnote 812: (return) On the seven heavens in Clem. see Strom. V. II. 77 and other passages. Origen does not mention them, so far as I knowNote 158 · Footnote 813: (return) c. Cels. l.c.Note 159 · Footnote 814: (return) We would be more justified in trying this with Clement.Note 160 · Footnote 815: (return) See Bornemann, In investiganda monachatus origine quibus de causis ratio habenda sit Origenis. Gottingæ 1885.Note 161 · "The work of Irenæus still leaves it undecided whether the form of the world's literature, as found in the Christian Church, is destined onlNote 162 · Whilst all these phenomena, which collectively belong to the close of the second and beginning of the third century, show that it was indeedNote 163 · But does the Christianity of Clement correspond to the Gospel? We can only give a qualified affirmation to this question. For the danger of Note 164 · The importance that the Alexandrian school was to attain in the history of dogma is not associated with Clement, but with his disciple OrigeNote 165 · Among the theologians of ecclesiastical antiquity Origen was the most important and influential alongside of Augustine. He proved the fatherNote 166 · The Christian system of Origen682 is worked out in opposition to the systems of the Greek philosophers and of the Christian Gnostics. It is Note 167 · Not only, however, did Origen employ the Greek ethic in its varied types, but the Greek cosmological speculation also formed the complicatedNote 168 · This necessarily gave rise to the assumption of an esoteric and exoteric form of the Christian religion, for it is only behind the statutoryNote 169 · The only sources for obtaining a knowledge of the truth are the Holy Scriptures of both Testaments. No doubt the speculations of Greek philoNote 170 · THE DOCTRINE OF GOD AND HIS SELF-UNFOLDINGS OR CREATIONS.719 The world points back to an ultimate cause and the created spirit to an eternalNote 171 · From the perfect goodness of God Origen infers that he reveals or communicates himself, from his immutability that he always reveals himselfNote 172 · In order to comply with the rule of faith, and for this reason alone, for his speculation did not require a Spirit in addition to the Logos,Note 173 · The idea of createdness was already more closely associated with the Holy Ghost than with the Logos. He is in a still clearer fashion than tNote 174 · THE DOCTRINE OF THE FALL AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. All created spirits must develop. When they have done so, they attain perfection and make wayNote 175 · According to this conception the doctrine of man, who in Origen's view is no longer the sole aim of creation to the same extent as he is witNote 176 · In the view of Clement and Origen the proposition: "God wishes us to be saved by means of ourselves" (ο Θεος 'ημας εξ 'ημων αυτων βουλεται σNote 177 · On the basis of this conception of redemption Origen developed his idea of Christ. Inasmuch as he recognised Christ as the Redeemer, this ChNote 178 · The significance which this Christological attempt possessed for its time consists first in its complexity, secondly in the energetic endeavNote 179 · This is sufficient to settle the nature of what is called personal attainment of salvation. Freedom precedes and supporting grace follows. ANote 180 · Origen's eschatology occupies a middle position between that of Irenæus and the theory of the Valentinian Gnostics, but is more akin to the Note 181 · This system overthrew those of the Gnostics, attracted Greek philosophers, and justified ecclesiastical Christianity. If one undertook to suNote 182 · In the East the history of dogma and of the Church during the succeeding centuries is the history of Origen's philosophy. Arians and orthodo