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History of Dogma, Volume 2

Volume 2 / Book 2 — CHAPTER IV.

Neil Buchanan translation

ECCLESIASTICAL CHRISTIANITY AND PHILOSOPHY. THE APOLOGISTS.

1. Introduction.340

The answers to these questions appear paradoxical. The theses of the Apologists finally overcame all scruples in ecclesiastical circles and were accepted by the Græco-Roman world, because they made Christianity rational without taking from, or adding to, its traditional historic material. The secret of the epoch-making success of the apologetic theology is thus explained: These Christian philosophers formulated the content of the Gospel in a manner which appealed to the common sense of all the serious thinkers and intelligent men of the age. Moreover, they contrived to use the positive material of tradition, including the life and worship of Christ, in such a way as to furnish this reasonable religion with a confirmation and proof that had hitherto been eagerly sought, but sought in vain. In the theology of the Apologists, Christianity, as the religious enlightenment directly emanating from God himself, is most sharply contrasted with all polytheism, natural religion, and ceremonial. They proclaimed it in the most emphatic manner as the religion of the spirit, of freedom, and of absolute morality. Almost the whole positive material of Christianity is embodied in the story which relates its entrance into the world, its spread, and the proof of its truth. The religion itself, on the other hand, appears as the truth that is surely attested and accords with reason—a truth the content of which is not primarily dependent on historical facts and finally overthrows all polytheism.

This constitutes the deepest distinction between Christian philosophers like Justin and those of the type of Valentinus. The latter sought for a religion; the former, though indeed they were not very clear about their own purpose, sought assurance as to a theistic and moral conception of the world which they already possessed. At first the complexus of Christian tradition, which must have possessed many features of attraction for them, was something foreign to both. The latter, however, sought to make this tradition intelligible. For the former it was enough that they had here a revelation before them; that this revelation also bore unmistakable testimony to the one God, who was a Spirit, to virtue, and to immortality; and that it was capable of convincing men and of leading them to a virtuous life. Viewed superficially, the Apologists were no doubt the conservatives; but they were so, because they scarcely in any respect meddled with the contents of tradition. The "Gnostics," on the contrary, sought to understand what they read and to investigate the truth of the message of which they heard. The most characteristic feature is the attitude of each to the Old Testament. The Apologists were content to have found in it an ancient source of revelation, and viewed the book as a testimony to the truth, i.e., to philosophy and virtue; the Gnostics investigated this document and examined to what extent it agreed with the new impressions they had received from the Gospel. We may sum up as follows: The Gnostics sought to determine what Christianity is as a religion, and, as they were convinced of the absoluteness of Christianity, this process led them to incorporate with it all that they looked on as sublime and holy and to remove everything they recognised to be inferior. The Apologists, again, strove to discover an authority for religious enlightenment and morality and to find the confirmation of a theory of the universe, which, if true, contained for them the certainty of eternal life; and this they found in the Christian tradition.

2. Christianity as Philosophy and as Revelation.

Aristides. He first gives an exposition of monotheism and the monotheistic cosmology (God as creator and mover of the universe, as the spiritual, perfect, almighty Being, whom all things need, and who requires nothing). In the second chapter he distinguishes, according to the Greek text, three, and, according to the Syriac, four classes of men (in the Greek text polytheists, Jews, Christians, the polytheists being divided into Chaldeans, Greeks, and Egyptians; in the Syriac barbarians, Greeks, Jews, Christians), and gives their origin. He derives the Christians from Jesus Christ and reproduces the Christian kerygma (Son of the Most High God, birth from the Virgin, 12 disciples, death on the cross, burial, resurrection, ascension, missionary labours of the 12 disciples). After this, beginning with the third chapter, follows a criticism of polytheism, that is, the false theology of the barbarians, Greeks, and Egyptians (down to chapter 12). In the 13th chapter the Greek authors and philosophers are criticised, and the Greek myths, as such, are shown to be false. In the 14th chapter the Jews are introduced (they are monotheists and their ethical system is praised; but they are then reproached with worshipping of angels and a false ceremonial). In the 15th chapter follows a description of the Christians, i.e., above all, of their pure, holy life. It is they who have found the truth, because they know the creator of heaven and earth. This description is continued in chapters 16 and 17: "This people is new and there is a divine admixture in it." The Christian writings are recommended to the emperor.

But there is certainly a proof which, if not speculative, is nevertheless sure. The same ancient documents, which contain the Socratic and super-Socratic wisdom of the Christians, bear witness through prophecies, which, just because they are predictions, admit of no doubt, that the teacher Christ is the incarnate reason; for history confirms the word of prophecy even in the minutest details. Moreover, in so far as these writings are in the lawful possession of the Christians, and announced at the very beginning of things that this community would appear on the earth, they testify that the Christians may in a certain fashion date themselves back to the beginning of the world, because their doctrine is as old as the earth itself (this thought is still wanting in Aristides).

Apparently no one could speak in a more stoical fashion. But this train of thought is supplemented by something which limits it. Revelation does retain its peculiar and unique significance. For no one who merely possessed the "seed of the Logos" (σπερμα του λογου), though it may have been his exclusive guide to knowledge and conduct, was ever able to grasp the whole truth and impart it in a convincing manner. Though Socrates and Heraclitus may in a way be called Christians, they cannot be so designated in any real sense. Reason is clogged with unreasonableness, and the certainty of truth is doubtful wherever the whole Logos has not been acting; for man's natural endowment with reason is too weak to oppose the powers of evil and of sense that work in the world, namely, the demons. We must therefore believe in the prophets in whom the whole Logos spoke. He who does that must also of necessity believe in Christ; for the prophets clearly pointed to him as the perfect embodiment of the Logos. Measured by the fulness, clearness, and certainty of the knowledge imparted by the Logos Christ, all knowledge independent of him appears as merely human wisdom, even when it emanates from the seed of the Logos. The Stoic argument is consequently untenable. Men blind and kept in bondage by the demons require to be aided by a special revelation. It is true that this revelation is nothing new, and in so far as it has always existed, and never varied in character, from the beginning of the world, it is in this sense nothing extraordinary. It is the divine help granted to man, who has fallen under the power of the demons, and enabling him to follow his reason and freedom to do what is good. By the appearance of Christ this help became accessible to all men. The dominion of demons and revelation are the two correlated ideas. If the former did not exist, the latter would not be necessary. According as we form a lower or higher estimate of the pernicious results of that sovereignty, the value of revelation rises or sinks. This revelation cannot do less than give the necessary assurance of the truth, and it cannot do more than impart the power that develops and matures the inalienable natural endowment of man and frees him from the dominion of the demons.

3. The doctrines of Christianity as the revealed and rational religion.

These statements exhaust the arguments in most of the Apologies; and they accordingly seem neither to have contemplated a redemption by Christ in the stricter sense of the word, nor to have assumed the unique nature of the appearance of the Logos in Jesus. Christ accomplished salvation as a divine teacher, that is to say, his teaching brings about the αλλαγη and επανγωγη of the human race, its restoration to its original destination. This also seems to suffice as regards demon rule. Logically considered, the individual portions of the history of Jesus (of the baptismal confession) have no direct significance in respect to salvation. Hence the teachings of the Christians seem to fall into two groups having no inward connection, i.e., the propositions treating of the rational knowledge of God, and the predicted and fulfilled historical facts which prove those doctrines and the believing hopes they include.

Interpretation and Criticism, especially of Justin's Doctrines.

1. The fundamental assumption of all the Apologists is that there can only be one and the same relation on earth between God and free man, and that it has been conditioned by the creation. This thought, which presupposes the idea of God's unchangeableness, at bottom neutralises every quasi-historical and mythological consideration. According to it grace can be nothing else than the stimulation of the powers of reason existent in man; revelation is supernatural only in respect of its form, and the redemption merely enables us to redeem ourselves, just as this possibility was given at the creation. Sin, which arose through temptation, appears on the one hand as error which must almost of necessity have arisen so long as man only possessed the "germs of the Logos" (σπερματα του λογου) and on the other as the dominion of sensuousness, which was nearly unavoidable since earthly material clothes the soul and mighty demons have possession of the world. The mythological idea of the invading sway of the demons is really the only interruption of the rationalistic scheme. So far as Christianity is something different from morality, it is the antithesis of the service and sovereignty of the demons. Hence the idea that the course of the world and mankind require in some measure to be helped is the narrow foundation of the thought of revelation or redemption. The necessity of revelation and redemption was expressed in a much stronger and more decisive way by many heathen philosophers of the same period. Accordingly, not only did these long for a revelation which would give a fresh attestation to old truth, but they yearned for a force, a real redemption, a præsens numen, and some new thing. Still more powerful was this longing in the case of the Gnostics and Marcion; compare the latter's idea of revelation with that of the Apologists. It is probable indeed that the thought of redemption would have found stronger expression among them also, had not the task of proof, which could be best discharged by the aid of the Stoic philosophy, demanded religious rationalism. But, admitting this, the determination of the highest good itself involved rationalism and moralism. For immortality is the highest good, in so far as it is perfect knowledge—which is, moreover, conceived as being of a rational kind,—that necessarily leads to immortality. We can only find traces of the converse idea, according to which the change into the immortal condition is the prius and the knowledge the posterius. But, where this conception is the prevailing one, moralistic intellectualism is broken through, and we can now point to a specific, supernatural blessing of salvation, produced by revelation and redemption. Corresponding to the general development of religious philosophy from moralism into mysticism (transition from the second to the third century), a displacement in this direction can also be noticed in the history of Greek apologetics (in the West it was different); but this displacement was never considerable and therefore cannot be clearly traced. Even later on under altered circumstances, apologetic science adhered in every respect to its old method, as being the most suitable (monotheism, morality, proof from prophecy), a circumstance which is evident, for example, from the almost complete disregard of the New Testament canon of Scripture and from other considerations besides.

2. In so far as the possibility of virtue and righteousness has been implanted by God in men, and in so far as—apart from trifling exceptions—they can actually succeed in doing what is good only through prophetic, i.e., divine, revelations and exhortations, some Apologists, following the early Christian tradition, here and there designate the transformation of the sinner into a righteous man as a work of God, and speak of renewal and regeneration. The latter, however, as a real fact, is identical with the repentance which, as a turning from sin and turning to God, is a matter of free will. As in Justin, so also in Tatian, the idea of regeneration is exhausted in the divine call to repentance. The conception of the forgiveness of sins is also determined in accordance with this. Only those sins can be forgiven, i.e., overlooked, which are really none, i.e., which were committed in a state of error and bondage to the demons, and were well-nigh unavoidable. The blotting out of these sins is effected in baptism, "which is the bath of regeneration in so far as it is the voluntary consecration of one's own person. The cleansing which takes place is God's work in so far as baptism was instituted by him, but it is effected by the man who in his change of mind lays aside his sins. The name of God is pronounced above him who repents of his transgressions, that he may receive freedom, knowledge, and forgiveness of his previous sins, but this effects a change only denoting the new knowledge to which the baptised person has attained." If, as all this seems to show, the thought of a specific grace of God in Christ appears virtually neutralised, the adherence to the language of the cultus (Justin and Tatian) and Justin's conception of the Lord's Supper show that the Apologists strove to get beyond moralism, that is, they tried to supplement it through the mysteries. Augustine's assertion (de predest. sanct. 27) that the faith of the old Church in the efficacy of divine grace was not so much expressed in the opuscula as in the prayers, shows correct insight.

3. All the demands, the fulfilment of which constitutes the virtue and righteousness of men, are summed up under the title of the new law. In virtue of its eternally valid content this new law is in reality the oldest; but it is new because Christ and the prophets were preceded by Moses, who inculcated on the Jews in a transient form that which was eternally valid. It is also new because, being proclaimed by the Logos that appeared in Christ, it announced its presence with the utmost impressiveness and undoubted authority, and contains the promise of reward in terms guaranteed by the strongest proof—the proof from prophecy. The old law is consequently a new one because it appears now for the first time as purely spiritual, perfect, and final. The commandment of love to one's neighbour also belongs to the law; but it does not form its essence (still less love to God, the place of which is taken by faith, obedience, and imitation). The content of all moral demands is comprehended in the commandment of perfect, active holiness, which is fulfilled by the complete renunciation of all earthly blessings, even of life itself. Tatian preached this renunciation in a specially powerful manner. There is no need to prove that no remains of Judæo-Christianity are to be recognised in these ideas about the new law. It is not Judæo-Christianity that lies behind the Christianity and doctrines of the Apologists, but Greek philosophy (Platonic metaphysics, Logos doctrine of the Stoics, Platonic and Stoic ethics), the Alexandrine-Jewish apologetics, the maxims of Jesus, and the religious speech of the Christian Churches. Justin is distinguished from Philo by the sure conviction of the living power of God, the Creator and Lord of the world, and the steadfast confidence in the reality of all the ideals which is derived from the person of Christ. We ought not, however, to blame the Apologists because to them nearly everything historical was at bottom only a guarantee of thoughts and hopes. As a matter of fact, the assurance is not less important than the content. By dint of thinking one can conceive the highest truth, but one cannot in this way make out the certainty of its reality. No positive religion can do more for its followers than faith in the revelation through Christ and the prophets did for the Apologists. Although it chiefly proved to them the truth of that which we call natural theology and which was the idealistic philosophy of the age, so that the Church appears as the great insurance society for the ideas of Plato and Zeno, we ought not at the same time to forget that their idea of a divine spirit working upon earth was a far more lively and worthy one than in the case of the Greek philosophers.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 340: (return) Edition by Otto, 9 Vols., 1876 f. New edition of the Apologists (unfinished; only Tatian and Athenagoras by Schwarz hNote 2 · Footnote 341: (return) It is intrinsically probable that their works directly addressed to the Christian Church gave a more full exposition Note 3 · Footnote 342: (return) That is, so far as these were clearly connected with polytheism. Where this was not the case or seemed not to be so, Note 4 · Footnote 343: (return) Though these words were already found in the first edition, Clemen (Justin 1890, p. 56) has misunderstood me so far aNote 5 · Footnote 344: (return) Note here particularly the attitude of Tatian, who has already introduced a certain amount of the "Gnostic" element iNote 6 · Footnote 345: (return) Since the time of Josephus Greek philosophers had ever more and more acknowledged the "philosophical" character of JuNote 7 · Footnote 346: (return) On the relation of Christian literature to the writings of Philo, of Siegfried, Philo von Alexandrien, p. 303 f.Note 8 · Footnote 347: (return) It is very instructive to find Celsus (Origen, c. Cels. I. 2) proceeding to say that the Greeks understood better howNote 9 · Footnote 348: (return) See the section "Justin und die apostolischen Váter" in Engelhardt's "Christenthum Justin's des Martyrers," p. 375 ffNote 10 · Footnote 349: (return) See Euseb., H. E. IV. 3. Only one sentence of Quadratus' Apology is preserved; we have now that of Aristides in the SNote 11 · Footnote 350: (return) See Hermas, Mand I.Note 12 · Footnote 351: (return) With reservations this also holds good of the Alexandrians. See particularly Orig., c. Cels. I. 62.Note 13 · Footnote 352: (return) Semisch, Justin der Martyrer, 2 Vols, 1840 f. Aubé, S Justin, philosophe et martyre, 2nd reprint, 1875. Weizsäcker, DNote 14 · Footnote 353: (return) Apol. I. 2, p. 6, ed. Otto.Note 15 · Footnote 354: (return) Apol. I. 2, p. 6, sq.Note 16 · Footnote 355: (return) See the numerous philosophical quotations and allusions in Justin's Apology pointed out by Otto. Above all, he made aNote 17 · Footnote 356: (return) Apol. I. 4. p. 16, also I. 7, p. 24 sq: I. 26.Note 18 · Footnote 357: (return) Apol. I. 4, p. 14.Note 19 · Footnote 358: (return) Apol. I. 5, p. 18 sq., see also I. 14 fin.: ου σοφιστης 'υπηρχεν αλλα δυναμις Θεου 'ο λογος αυτου ην.Note 20 · Footnote 359: (return) L.c.: ου γαρ μονον εν 'Ελλησι δια Σωκρατους 'υπο λογου ηλεγχθηταυτα, αλλα και εν βαρβαροις 'υπ' αυτου του λογου μορφωNote 21 · Footnote 360: (return) Celsus also admits this, or rather makes his Jew acknowledge it (Orig., c. Cels. II. 31). In Book VI. 47 he adopts thNote 22 · Footnote 361: (return) See Apol. II. 10 fin.: Σωκρατει ουδεις επεισθη 'υπερ τουτου του δογματος αποθνησκιν Χριστω δε τω και 'υπο Σωκρατους αNote 23 · Footnote 362: (return) The utterances of Justin do not clearly indicate whether the non-Christian portion of mankind has only a σπερμα του λNote 24 · Footnote 363: (return) "For the sake of man" (Stoic) Apol. I. 10: II. 4, 5; Dial. 41, p. 260, Apol I. 8: "Longing for the eternal and pure lNote 25 · Footnote 364: (return) Justin has destroyed the force of this argument in two passages (I. 44, 59) by tracing (like the Alexandrian Jews) alNote 26 · Footnote 365: (return) Compare with this the following passages: In Apol. I. 20 are enumerated a series of the most important doctrines commNote 27 · Footnote 366: (return) In Justin's estimate of the Greek philosophers two other points deserve notice. In the first place, he draws a very sNote 28 · Footnote 367: (return) Dialogue 8. The dialogue takes up a more positive attitude than the Apology, both as a whole and in detail. If we conNote 29 · Footnote 368: (return) Dial. 2. sq. That Justin's Christianity is founded on theoretical scepticism is clearly shown by the introduction to Note 30 · Footnote 369: (return) Dial. 8: 'ουτως δη και δια ταυτα φιλοσοφος εγω.Note 31 · Footnote 370: (return) Dial., l.c.: παρεστιν σοι τον Χριστον του Θεου επιγνοντι και τελειω γενομενω ευδαιμονειν.Note 32 · Footnote 371: (return) See particularly the closing chapter.Note 33 · Footnote 372: (return) Suppl. 2,Note 34 · Footnote 373: (return) Suppl. 4.Note 35 · Footnote 374: (return) Suppl. 5-7.Note 36 · Footnote 375: (return) Suppl. 24 (see also Aristides c. 13).Note 37 · Footnote 376: (return) Suppl, 7 fin. and many other places.Note 38 · Footnote 377: (return) E.g., Suppl. 8. 35 fin.Note 39 · Footnote 378: (return) The Crucified Man, the incarnation of the Logos etc. are wanting. Nothing at all is said about Christ.Note 40 · Footnote 379: (return) Suppl. 7.Note 41 · Footnote 380: (return) Cf. the arguments in c. 8 with c. 9 init.Note 42 · Footnote 381: (return) Suppl. 11.Note 43 · Footnote 382: (return) Suppl. 23.Note 44 · Footnote 383: (return) Suppl. 18, 23-27. He, however, as well as the others, sets forth the demon theory in detail.Note 45 · Footnote 384: (return) The Apology which Miltiades addressed to Marcus Aurelius and his fellow-emperor perhaps bore the title: 'υπερ της κατNote 46 · Footnote 385: (return) See my treatise "Tatian's Rede an die Griechen übers." 1884 (Giessener Programm). Daniel, Tatianus, 1837. Steuer, DieNote 47 · Footnote 386: (return) But see Orat. 4 init., 24 fin., 25 fin., 27 init.Note 48 · Footnote 387: (return) He not only accentuated the disagreement of philosophers more strongly than Justin, but insisted more energetically tNote 49 · Footnote 388: (return) Orat. 13, 15 fin., 20. Tatian also gave credence to it because it imparts such an intelligible picture of the creatioNote 50 · Footnote 389: (return) Orat. 12: τα της 'ημετερας παιδειας εστιν ανωτερω της κοσμικης καταληψεως. Tatian troubled himself very little with gNote 51 · Footnote 390: (return) See Orat. 12 (p. 54 fin.), 20 (p. 90), 25 fin., 26 fin., 29, 30 (p. 116), 13 (p. 62), 15 (p. 70), 36 (p. 142), 40 (p.Note 52 · Footnote 391: (return) C. 31. init.: 'η 'ημετερα φιλοσοφια. 32 (p. 128): 'οι βουλομενοι φιλοσοφειν παρ' 'ημιν ανθρωποι. In c. 33 (p. 130) ChNote 53 · Footnote 392: (return) See, e.g., c. 29 fin.: the Christian doctrine gives us ουχ 'οπερ μη ελαβομεν, αλλ' 'οπερ λαβοντες 'υπο της πλανης εχεNote 54 · Footnote 393: (return) Tatian gave still stronger expression than Justin to the opinion that it is the demons who have misled men and rule tNote 55 · Footnote 394: (return) Tatian also cannot at bottom distinguish between revelation through the prophets and through Christ. See the descriptNote 56 · Footnote 395: (return) Knowledge and life appear in Tatian most closely connected. See, e.g., c. 13 init.: "In itself the soul is not immortNote 57 · Footnote 396: (return) Barbarian: the Christian doctrines are τα των βαρβαρων δογματα (c. 1): καθ' 'ημας βαρβαρος φιλοσοφια (c. 35); 'η βαρβNote 58 · Footnote 397: (return) See the proof from antiquity, c. 31 ff.Note 59 · Footnote 398: (return) C. 30 (p. 114): τουτων ουν την καταληψιν μεμυημενος.Note 60 · Footnote 399: (return) Tatian's own confession is very important here (c. 26): "Whilst I was reflecting on what was good it happened that thNote 61 · Footnote 400: (return) The unknown author of the Λογος προς Ελληνας also formed the same judgment as Tatian (Corp. Apolog., T. III., p. 2 sqNote 62 · Footnote 401: (return) Nor is Plato "'ο δοκων εν αυτοις σεμνοτερον πεφιλοσοφηκεναι" any better than Epicurus and the Stoics (III. 6). CorrecNote 63 · Footnote 402: (return) Theophilus confesses (I. 14) exactly as Tatian does: και γαρ εγω ηπιστουν τουτο εσεσθαι, αλλα νυν κατανοησας αυτα πισNote 64 · Footnote 403: (return) See II. 8: 'υπο δαιμονων δε εμπνευσθεντες και 'υπ' αυτων φυσιωθεντες 'α ειπον δι' αυτων ειπον.Note 65 · Footnote 404: (return) The unknown author of the work de resurrectione, which goes under the name of Justin (Corp. Apol., Vol. III.) has givNote 66 · Footnote 405: (return) Massebieau (Revue de l'histoire des religions, 1887, Vol. XV. No. 3) has convinced me that Minucius wrote at a later Note 67 · Footnote 406: (return) Cf. the plan of the "Octavius." The champion of heathenism here opposed to the Christian is a philosopher representinNote 68 · Footnote 407: (return) In R. Kühn's investigation ("Der Octavius des Min. Felix," Leipzig, 1882)—the best special work we possess on an earlNote 69 · Footnote 408: (return) C. 20: "Exposui opiniones omnium ferme philosophorum.... ut quivis arbitretur, aut nunc Christianos philosophos esse Note 70 · Footnote 409: (return) See Minucius, 31 ff. A quite similar proceeding is already found in Tertullian, who in his Apologeticum has everywherNote 71 · Footnote 410: (return) Tertullian has done exactly the same thing; see Apolog. 46 (and de præscr. 7.)Note 72 · Footnote 411: (return) Tertull., de testim. I.: "Sed non eam te (animam) advoco, quæ scholis formata, bibliothecis exercitata, academiis et Note 73 · Footnote 412: (return) Tertull., Apol. 46: "Quid simile philosophus et Christianas? Græciæ discipulus et cœli?" de præscr. 7: "Quid ergo AthNote 74 · Footnote 413: (return) Minucius did not enter closely into the significance of Christ any more than Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus; he Note 75 · Footnote 414: (return) Among the Greek Apologists the unknown author of the work "de Monarchia," which bears the name of Justin, has given cNote 76 · Footnote 415: (return) But almost all the Apologists acknowledged that heathendom possessed prophets. They recognise these in the Sibyls andNote 77 · Footnote 416: (return) See Justin, Apol. I. 31, Dial. 7, p. 30 etc.Note 78 · Footnote 417: (return) See Tatian, c. 31 ff.Note 79 · Footnote 418: (return) In the New Testament the content of the Christian faith is now here designated as dogma. In Clement (I. 11.), Hermas,Note 80 · Footnote 419: (return) Christ has a relation to all three parts of the scheme, (1) as λογος; (2) as νομος, νομοθετης, and κριτης; (3) as διδNote 81 · Footnote 420: (return) In the reproduction of the apologetical theology historians of dogma have preferred to follow Justin; but here they hNote 82 · Footnote 421: (return) Cicero's proposition (de nat. deor. II. 66. 167): "nemo vir magnus sine aliquo afflatu divino unquam fuit," which wasNote 83 · Footnote 422: (return) Justin, Apol. I. 3: 'Ημετερον ουν εργον και βιου και μαθηματων την επισκεψιν πασι παρεχειν.Note 84 · Footnote 423: (return) See the exposition of the doctrine of God in Aristides with the conclusion found in all the Apologists, that God requNote 85 · Footnote 424: (return) Even Tatian says in c. 19: Κοσμου μεν γαρ η κατασκευη καλη, το δε εν αυτω πολιτευμα φαυλον.Note 86 · Footnote 425: (return) Tatian 5: Ουτε αναρχος η 'υλη καθαπερ 'ο Θεος, ουδε δια το αναρχον και αυτη ισοδυναμος τω Θεω γεννητη δε και ουχ 'υποNote 87 · Footnote 426: (return) Hence the knowledge of God and the right knowledge of the world are most closely connected; see Tatian 27: 'η Θεου καNote 88 · Footnote 427: (return) The beginning of the fifth chapter of Tatian's Oration is specially instructive here.Note 89 · Footnote 428: (return) According to what has been set forth in the text it is incorrect to assert that the Apologists adopted the Logos doctNote 90 · Footnote 429: (return) We find the distinction of Logos (Son) and Spirit in Justin, Apol. I. 5, and in every case where he quotes formulæ (iNote 91 · Footnote 430: (return) To Justin the name of the Son is the most important; see also Athenag. 10. The Logos had indeed been already called tNote 92 · Footnote 431: (return) Athenag., 10; Tatian, Orat. 5.Note 93 · Footnote 432: (return) The clearest expression of this is in Tatian 5, which passage is also to be compared with the following: Θεος ην εν αNote 94 · Footnote 433: (return) The word "beget" (γενναν) is used by the Apologists, especially Justin, because the name "Son" was the recognised expNote 95 · Footnote 434: (return) None of the Apologists has precisely defined the Logos idea. Zahn, l.c., p. 233, correctly remarks: "Whilst the distiNote 96 · Footnote 435: (return) This distinction is only found in Theophilus (II. 10); but the idea exists in Tatian and probably also in Justin, thoNote 97 · Footnote 436: (return) Justin, Apol. II. 6., Dial. 61. The Logos is not produced out of nothing, like the rest of the creatures. Yet it is eNote 98 · Footnote 437: (return) All the Apologists tacitly assume that the Logos in virtue of his origin has the capacity of entering the finite. TheNote 99 · Footnote 438: (return) The most of the Apologists argue against the conception of the natural immortality of the human soul; see Tatian 13; Note 100 · Footnote 439: (return) The first chapter of Genesis represented to them the sum of all wisdom, and therefore of all Christianity. Perhaps JuNote 101 · Footnote 440: (return) See Theophilus ad Aut. II. 27: Ει γαρ 'ο Θεος αθανατον τον ανθρωπον απ' αρχης πεποιηκει, Θεον αυτον πεποιηκει; παλιν Note 102 · Footnote 441: (return) See Justin, Apol. I. 14 ff. and the parallel passages in the other Apologists.Note 103 · Footnote 442: (return) See Tatian, Orat. II. and many other passages.Note 104 · Footnote 443: (return) Along with this the Apologists emphasise the resurrection of the flesh in the strongest way as the specific article oNote 105 · Footnote 444: (return) No uniform conception of this is found in the Apologists; see Wendt, Die Christliche Lehre von der menschlichen VollkNote 106 · Footnote 445: (return) The idea that the demon sovereignty has led to some change in the psychological condition and capacities of man is abNote 107 · Footnote 446: (return) Death is accounted the worst evil. When Theophilus (II. 26) represents it as a blessing, we must consider that he is Note 108 · Footnote 447: (return) The Old Testament therefore is not primarily viewed as the book of prophecy or of preparation for Christ, but as the Note 109 · Footnote 448: (return) The Oratio of Tatian is very instructive in this respect. In this book he has nowhere spoken ex professo of the incarNote 110 · Footnote 449: (return) We seldom receive an answer to the question as to why this or that particular occurrence should have been prophesied.Note 111 · Footnote 450: (return) In Justin's polemical works this must have appeared in a still more striking way. Thus we find in a fragment of the tNote 112 · Footnote 451: (return) Christians do not place a man alongside of God, for Christ is God, though indeed a second God. There is no question oNote 113 · Footnote 452: (return) We find allusions in Justin where the various incidents in the history of the incarnate Logos are conceived as a seriNote 114 · Footnote 453: (return) Even the theologoumenon of the definite number of the elect, which must be fulfilled, is found in Justin (Apol. I. 28Note 115 · Footnote 454: (return) "To Justin faith is only an acknowledgment of the mission and Sonship of Christ and a conviction of the truth of his Note 116 · Footnote 455: (return) This is in fact already the case in Justin here and there, but in the main there are as yet mere traces of it: the ApNote 117 · Footnote 456: (return) If we consider how largely the demons bulked in the ideas of the Apologists, we must rate very highly their convictioNote 118 · Footnote 457: (return) Von Engelhardt, Christenthum Justin's, p. 432 f., has pronounced against its genuineness; see also my Texte und UnterNote 119 · Footnote 458: (return) Weizsäcker, Jahrbücher fur deutsche Theologie, 1867, p. 119, has with good reason strongly emphasised this element. SNote 120 · Footnote 459: (return) Loofs continues: "The Apologists, viewing the transference of the concept 'Son' to the preëxistent Christ as a matterNote 121 · The object of the Christian Apologists, some of whom filled ecclesiastical offices and in various ways promoted spiritual progress,341 was, Note 122 · Now this was the very thing required. In the second century of our era a great many needs and aspirations were undoubtedly making themselvesNote 123 · At bottom this contrast is a picture of the great discord existing in the religious philosophy of the age itself (see p. 129, vol. I.). No oNote 124 · The Gospel was hellenised in the second century in so far as the Gnostics in various ways transformed it into a Hellenic religion for the edNote 125 · This transformation of religion into a philosophic system would not have been possible had not Greek philosophy itself happened to be in proNote 126 · About the middle of the second century, however, the moral and rationalistic element in the philosophy and spiritual culture of the time wasNote 127 · It was a new undertaking and one of permanent importance to a tradition hitherto so little concerned for its own vindication, when QuadratusNote 128 · Justin.352 In his treatise addressed to the emperor Justin did not call himself a philosopher as Aristides had done. In espousing the cause Note 129 · Justin kept this promise better than any of his successors. For that very reason also he did not depict the Christian Churches as schools ofNote 130 · Is this philosophy or is it myth? The greatest paradox the Apologist has to assert is connected by him with the most impressive remembrance Note 131 · Justin nowhere tried to soften the effect of this conviction or explain it in a way adapted to his readers. Nor did he conceal from them thaNote 132 · The new Socrates who appeared among the barbarians is therefore quite different from the Socrates of the Greeks, and for that reason also hiNote 133 · And yet the doctrine of the Christians can only be compared with philosophy. For, so far as the latter is genuine, it is also guided by the Note 134 · Accordingly the teaching of the prophets and Christ is related even to the very highest human philosophy as the whole is to the part,364 or Note 135 · In the dialogue with the Jew Trypho, which is likewise meant for heathen readers, Justin ceased to employ the idea of the existence of a "seNote 136 · Athenagoras. The petition on behalf of Christians, which Athenagoras, "the Christian philosopher of Athens," presented, to the emperors MarcNote 137 · Moreover, it is not to be denied that Athenagoras views the revelation in the prophets and in Christ as completely identical. But in one verNote 138 · Tatian's385 chief aim was not to bring about a juster treatment of the Christians.386 He wished to represent their cause as the good contrasNote 139 · Theophilus agrees with Tatian, in so far as he everywhere appears to contrast Christianity with philosophy. The religious and moral culture Note 140 · Tertullian and Minucius Felix.405 Whilst, in the case of the Greek Apologists, the acknowledgment of revelation appears conditioned by philoNote 141 · We may sum up the doctrines of the Apologists as follows: (1) Christianity is revelation, i.e., it is the divine wisdom, proclaimed of old bNote 142 · The Apologists frequently spoke of the doctrines or "dogmas" of Christianity; and the whole content of this religion as philosophy is includNote 143 · The essential content of revealed philosophy is viewed by the Apologists (see A, B) as comprised in three doctrines.420 First, there is one Note 144 · 1. The dogmas which express the knowledge of God and the world are dominated by the fundamental idea that the world as the created, conditioNote 145 · These dogmas about God were not determined by the Apologists from the standpoint of the Christian Church which is awaiting an introduction iNote 146 · The Logos doctrine of the Apologists is an essentially unanimous one. Since God cannot be conceived as without reason, αλογος, but as the fuNote 147 · With the issuing forth of the Logos from God began the realisation of the idea of the world. The world as κοσμος νοητος is contained in the Note 148 · 2. Their clear system of morality is in keeping with their relatively simple cosmology. In giving man reason and freedom as an inalienable pNote 149 · 3. While it is certain that virtue is a matter of freedom, it is just as sure that no soul is virtuous unless it follows the will of God, i.Note 150 · With the majority of the Apologists "Christianity" seems to be exhausted in these doctrines; in fact, they do not even consider it necessaryNote 151 · But Justin at least gave token of a manifest effort to combine the historical statements regarding Christ with the philosophical and moral dNote 152 · 4. By their intellectualism and exclusive theories the Apologists founded philosophic and dogmatic Christianity (Loofs: "they laid the found
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