Volume 2 / Book 2 — CHAPTER II
Neil Buchanan translation
THE SETTING UP OF THE APOSTOLIC STANDARDS FOR ECCLESIASTICAL CHRISTIANITY. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.20
A. The Transformation of the Baptismal Confession into the Apostolic Rule of Faith.
B. The designation of selected writings read in the churches as New Testament Scriptures or, in other words, as a collection of apostolic writings.67
Be this as it may, if we understand by the New Testament a fixed collection, equally authoritative throughout, of all the writings that were regarded as genuinely apostolic, that is, those of the original Apostles and Paul, then the Alexandrian Church at the time of Clement did not yet possess such a book; but the process which led to it had begun. She had come much nearer this goal by the time of Origen. At that period the writings included in the New Testament of the West were all regarded in Alexandria as equally authoritative, and also stood in every respect on a level with the Old Testament. The principle of apostolicity was more strictly conceived and more surely applied. Accordingly the extent of "Holy Scripture" was already limited in the days of Origen. Yet we have to thank the Alexandrian Church for giving us the seven Catholic Epistles. But, measured by the canon of the Western Church, which must have had a share in the matter, this sifting process was by no means complete. The inventive minds of scholars designated a group of writings in the Alexandrian canon as "Antilegomena." The historian of dogma can take no great interest in the succeeding development, which first led to the canon being everywhere finally fixed, so far as we can say that this was ever the case. For the still unsettled dispute as to the extent of the canon did not essentially affect its use and authority, and in the following period the continuous efforts to establish a harmonious and strictly fixed canon were solely determined by a regard to tradition. The results are no doubt of great importance to Church history, because they show us the varying influence exerted on Christendom at different periods by the great Churches of the East and West and by their learned men.
C. The transformation of the episcopal office in the Church into an apostolic office. The history of the remodelling of the conception of the Church.130
Addendum III.—As soon as the empiric Church ruled by the bishops was proclaimed to be the foundation of the Christian religion, we have the fundamental premises for the conception that everything progressively adopted by the Church, all her functions, institutions, and liturgy, in short, all her continuously changing arrangements were holy and apostolic. But the courage to draw all the conclusions here was restrained by the fact that certain portions of tradition, such as the New Testament canon of Scripture and the apostolic doctrine, had been once for all exalted to an unapproachable height. Hence it was only with slowness and hesitation that Christians accepted the inferences from the idea of the Church in the remaining directions, and these conclusions always continued to be hampered with some degree of uncertainty. The idea of the παραδοσις αγραφος; (unwritten tradition); i.e., that every custom, however recent, within the sphere of outward regulations, of public worship, discipline, etc., is as holy and apostolic as the Bible and the "faith", never succeeded in gaining complete acceptance. In this case, complicated, uncertain, and indistinct assumptions were the result.
Notes in this chapter
Note 1 · Footnote 20: (return) In itself the predicate "Catholic" contains no element that signifies a secularising of the Church. "Catholic" originaNote 2 · Footnote 21: (return) Translator's note. The following is Tertullian's Latin as given by Professor Harnack: Cap. 21: "Constat omnem doctrinaNote 3 · Footnote 22: (return) None of the three standards, for instance, were in the original of the first six books of the Apostolic Constitutions,Note 4 · Footnote 23: (return) See Zahn, Glaubensregel und Taufbekenntniss in der alten Kirche in the Zeitschrift f. Kirchl. Wissensch. u. Kirchl. LeNote 5 · Footnote 24: (return) In Hermas, Mand. I., we find a still shorter formula which only contains the Confession of the monarchy of God, who crNote 6 · Footnote 25: (return) See on this point Justin, index to Otto's edition. It is not surprising that formulæ similar to those used at baptism Note 7 · Footnote 26: (return) These facts were known to every Christian. They are probably also alluded to in Luke I. 4.Note 8 · Footnote 27: (return) The most important result of Caspari's extensive and exact studies is the establishment of this fact and the fixing ofNote 9 · Footnote 28: (return) This supposition is based on observation of the fact that particular statements of the Roman Symbol, in exactly the saNote 10 · Footnote 29: (return) The investigations which lead to this result are of a very complicated nature and cannot therefore be given here. We mNote 11 · Footnote 30: (return) This caused the pronounced tendency of the Church to the formation of dogma, a movement for which Paul had already pavNote 12 · Footnote 31: (return) See the Pastoral Epistles, those of John and of Ignatius; also the epistle of Jude, 1 Clem. VII., Polycarp, ad PhilippNote 13 · Footnote 32: (return) In the apologetic writings of Justin the courts of appeal invariably continue to be the Old Testament, the words of thNote 14 · Footnote 33: (return) Hatch, "Organisation of the Church," p. 96.Note 15 · Footnote 34: (return) We can only conjecture that some teachers in Asia Minor contemporary with Irenæus, or even of older date, and especialNote 16 · Footnote 35: (return) Irenæus set forth his theory in a great work, adv. hæres., especially in the third book. Unfortunately his treatise, "Note 17 · Footnote 36: (return) Irenæus indeed asserts in several passages that all Churches—those in Germany, Iberia, among the Celts, in the East, iNote 18 · Footnote 37: (return) We must further point out here that Irenæus not only knew the tradition of the Churches of Asia Minor and Rome, but thNote 19 · Footnote 38: (return) Caspari's investigations leave no room for doubt as to the relation of the rule of faith to the baptismal confession. Note 20 · Footnote 39: (return) Besides Irenæus I. 10. 1, 2, cf. 9. 1-5; 22. 1; II. 1. 1; 9. 1; 28. 1; 32. 3, 4; III. 1-4; 11. 1; 12. 9; 15. 1; 16. 5 Note 21 · Footnote 40: (return) See Iren. I. 31. 3; II. Præf. 19. 8.Note 22 · Footnote 41: (return) This expression is not found in Irenæus, but is very common in Tertullian.Note 23 · Footnote 42: (return) See de præscr. 13: "Hæc regula a Christo instituta nullas habet apud nos quæstiones."Note 24 · Footnote 43: (return) See I. c. 14: "Ceterum manente forma regulæ in suo ordine quantumlibet quæras et tractes." See de virg. vol. 1.Note 25 · Footnote 44: (return) See 1. c. 14: "Fides in regula posita est, habet legem et salutem de observatione legis," and de vir. vol. 1.Note 26 · Footnote 45: (return) See de præscr. 21: "Si hæc ita sunt, constat perinde omnem doctrinam, quæ cum illis ecclesiis apostolicis matricibus eNote 27 · Footnote 46: (return) De præscr. 13; de virg. vol. 1; adv. Prax. 2. The latter passage is thus worded: "Unicum quidem deum credimus, sub hacNote 28 · Footnote 47: (return) De præscr. 13.Note 29 · Footnote 48: (return) L.c.Note 30 · Footnote 49: (return) L.c.Note 31 · Footnote 50: (return) L.c.: "id verbum filium eius appellatum, in nomine dei varie visum a patriarchis, in prophetis semper auditum, postremNote 32 · Footnote 51: (return) L.c.Note 33 · Footnote 52: (return) Adv. Prax. 2: "Unicum quidem deum credimus, sub hac tamen dispensatione quam οικονομιαν dicimus, ut unici dei sit et fNote 34 · Footnote 53: (return) But Tertullian also knows of a "regula disciplinæ" (according to the New Testament) on which he puts great value, and Note 35 · Footnote 54: (return) Note here the use of "contesserare" in Tertullian. See de præscr. 20: "Itaque tot ac tantæ ecclesiæ una est illa ab apNote 36 · Footnote 55: (return) We need not here discuss whether and in what way the model of the philosophic schools was taken as a standard. But we Note 37 · Footnote 56: (return) Herein lay the defect, even if the content of the law of faith had coincided completely with the earliest tradition. ANote 38 · Footnote 57: (return) Hegesippus, who wrote about the time of Eleutherus, and was in Rome about the middle of the second century (probably sNote 39 · Footnote 58: (return) This has been contested by Caspari (Ztschr. f. Kirchl. Wissensch. 1886, Part. 7, p. 352 ff.: "Did the Alexandrian ChurNote 40 · Footnote 59: (return) 'Η κυριακη διδασκαλια, e.g., VI. 15. 124; VI. 18. 165; VII. 10. 57; VII. 15. 90; VII. 18. 165, etc.Note 41 · Footnote 60: (return) We do not find in Clement the slightest traces of a baptismal confession related to the Roman, unless we reckon the ΘεNote 42 · Footnote 61: (return) Considering the importance of the matter it is necessary to quote as copiously as possible from original sources. In SNote 43 · Footnote 62: (return) De princip. l. I. præf. § 4-10., IV. 2. 2. Yet we must consider the passage already twice quoted, namely, Com. in JohnNote 44 · Footnote 63: (return) That may be also shown with regard to the New Testament canon. Very important is the declaration of Eusebius (H. E. VINote 45 · Footnote 64: (return) The original of the Apostolic Constitutions has as yet no knowledge of the Apostolic rule of faith in the Western sensNote 46 · Footnote 65: (return) The close of the first homily of Aphraates shows how simple, antique, and original this confession still was in outlyiNote 47 · Footnote 66: (return) Cf. the epistles of Cyprian, especially ep. 69. 70. When Cyprian speaks (69. 7) of one and the same law which is held Note 48 · Footnote 67: (return) See the histories of the canon by Credner, Reuss, Westcott, Hilgenfeld, Schmiedel, Holtzmann, and Weiss; the latter twNote 49 · Footnote 68: (return) "Holy" is not always equivalent to "possessing absolute authority." There are also various stages and degrees of "holyNote 50 · Footnote 69: (return) I beg here to lay down the following principles as to criticism of the New Testament. (1) It is not individual writingNote 51 · Footnote 70: (return) The novelty lies first in the idea itself, secondly in the form in which it was worked out, inasmuch as Marcion would Note 52 · Footnote 71: (return) It is easy to understand that, wherever there was criticism of the Old Testament, the Pauline epistles circulating in Note 53 · Footnote 72: (return) Four passages may be chiefly appealed to in support of the opposite view, viz., 2 Peter III. 16; Polycarp ep. 12. 1; BNote 54 · Footnote 73: (return) See on Justin Bousset. Die Evv.-Citate Justins. Gott., 1891. We may also infer from the expression of Hegesippus (EuseNote 55 · Footnote 74: (return) It is worthy of note that the Gnostics also, though they quote the words of the Apostles (John and Paul) as authoritatNote 56 · Footnote 75: (return) Rev. I. 3; Herm. Vis. II. 4; Dionys. Cor. in Euseb., IV. 23. 11.Note 57 · Footnote 76: (return) Tertullian, this Christian of the primitive type, still reveals the old conception of things in one passage where, revNote 58 · Footnote 77: (return) The history of the collection of the Pauline Epistles may be traced back to the first century (1 Clem. XLVII. and likeNote 59 · Footnote 78: (return) It should also be pointed out that Justin most probably used the Gospel of Peter among the απομνημονευματα; see Texte Note 60 · Footnote 79: (return) See my article in the Zeitschr. f. K. Gesch. Vol. IV. p. 471 ff. Zahn (Tatian's Diatessaron, 1881) takes a different vNote 61 · Footnote 80: (return) Justin also used the Gospel of John, but it is a disputed matter whether he regarded and used it like the other GospelNote 62 · Footnote 81: (return) The Sabellians still used it in the third century, which is a proof of the great authority possessed by this Gospel inNote 63 · Footnote 82: (return) Euseb. H. E. IV. 29. 5.Note 64 · Footnote 83: (return) In many regions the Gospel canon alone appeared at first, and in very many others it long occupied a more prominent plNote 65 · Footnote 84: (return) Euseb., H. E. II. 26. 13. As Melito speaks here of the ακριβεια των παλαιων βιβλιων, and of τα βιβλια της παλαιας διαθNote 66 · Footnote 85: (return) We may here leave undiscussed the hesitancy with regard to the admissibility of particular books. That the Pastoral EpNote 67 · Footnote 86: (return) Yet see the passage from Tertullian quoted, p. 15, note 1; see also the "receptior," de pudic. 20, the cause of the reNote 68 · Footnote 87: (return) Numerous examples may be found in proof of all these points, especially in the writings of Tertullian, though such areNote 69 · Footnote 88: (return) I cannot here enter into the disputed question as to the position that should be assigned to the Muratorian Fragment iNote 70 · Footnote 89: (return) The use of the word "canon" as a designation of the collection is first plainly demonstrable in Athanasius (ep. fest. Note 71 · Footnote 90: (return) Here there is a distinction between Irenæus and Tertullian. The former disputed with heretics about the interpretationNote 72 · Footnote 91: (return) The reader should remember the different recensions of the Gospels and the complaints made by Dionysius of Corinth (inNote 73 · Footnote 92: (return) That the text of these writings was at the same time revised is more than probable, especially in view of the beginninNote 74 · Footnote 93: (return) As regards its aim and contents, this book is furthest removed from the claim to be a portion of a collection of Holy Note 75 · Footnote 94: (return) People were compelled by internal and external evidence (recognition of their apostolicity; example of the Gnostics) tNote 76 · Footnote 95: (return) There is no doubt that this was the reason why to all appearance the innovation was scarcely felt. Similar causes wereNote 77 · Footnote 96: (return) At the beginning, that is about 180, it was only in practice, and not in theory, that the Gospels and the Pauline EpisNote 78 · Footnote 97: (return) See above, p. 40, note 2.Note 79 · Footnote 98: (return) We have ample evidence in the great work of Irenæus as to the difficulties he found in many passages of the Pauline EpNote 80 · Footnote 99: (return) Apollinaris of Hierapolis already regards any contradiction between the (4) Gospels as impossible. (See Routh, Reliq. Note 81 · Footnote 100: (return) See Overbeck, "Ueber die Auffassung des Streites des Paulus mit Petrus in Antiochien bei den Kirchenvätern," 1877, p.Note 82 · Footnote 101: (return) See also Clement Strom. IV. 21. 124; VI. 15. 125. The expression is also frequent in Origen, e.g., de princip. præf. Note 83 · Footnote 102: (return) The Roman Church in her letter to that of Corinth designates her own words as the words of God (1 Clem. LIX. 1) and tNote 84 · Footnote 103: (return) Tertull. de exhort. 4: "Spiritum quidem dei etiam fideles habent, sed non omnes fideles apostoli ... Proprie enim apoNote 85 · Footnote 104: (return) See Tertull., de virg. vol. 4, de resurr. 24, de ieiun. 15, de pudic. 12. Sufficiency is above all included in the coNote 86 · Footnote 105: (return) The direct designation "prophets" was, however, as a rule, avoided. The conflict with Montanism made it expedient to Note 87 · Footnote 106: (return) Compare also what the author of the Muratorian Fragment says in the passage about the Shepherd of Hermas.Note 88 · Footnote 107: (return) This caused the most decisive breach with tradition, and the estimate to be formed of the Apocalypses must at first hNote 89 · Footnote 108: (return) The disputed question as to whether all the acknowledged apostolic writings were regarded as canonical must be answerNote 90 · Footnote 109: (return) The fragment of Serapion's letter given in Eusebius owes its interest to the fact that it not only shows the progressNote 91 · Footnote 110: (return) See my essay "Theophilus v. Antiochien und das N. T." in the Ztschr. f. K. Gesch. XI. p. 1 ff.Note 92 · Footnote 111: (return) The most important passages are Autol. II. 9. 22: 'οθεν διδασκουσιν 'ημας 'αι 'αγιαι γραφαι και παντες 'οι πνευματοφοNote 93 · Footnote 112: (return) There has as yet been no sufficient investigation of the New Testament of Clement. The information given by Volkmar iNote 94 · Footnote 113: (return) According to Strom. V. 14. 138 even the Epicurean Metrodorus uttered certain words ενθεως; but on the other hand HomeNote 95 · Footnote 114: (return) In the Pæd. the Gospels are regularly called 'η γραφη but this is seldom the case with the Epistles. The word "ApostlNote 96 · Footnote 115: (return) It is also very interesting to note that Clement almost nowhere illustrates the parabolic character of the Holy ScripNote 97 · Footnote 116: (return) It is worthy of special note that Clem., Pæd. II. 10.3; Strom. II. 15. 67 has criticised an interpretation given by tNote 98 · Footnote 117: (return) In this category we may also include the Acts of the Apostles, which is perhaps used like the κηρυγμα. It is quoted iNote 99 · Footnote 118: (return) The "seventy disciples" were also regarded as Apostles, and the authors of writings the names of which did not otherwNote 100 · Footnote 119: (return) The formation of the canon in Alexandria must have had some connection with the same process in Asia Minor and in RomNote 101 · Footnote 120: (return) No greater creative act can be mentioned in the whole history of the Church than the formation of the apostolic colleNote 102 · Footnote 121: (return) The history of early Christian writings in the Church which were not definitely admitted into the New Testament is inNote 103 · Footnote 122: (return) See on this point Overbeck "Abhandlung über die Anfange der patristischen Litteratur," l.c., p. 469. Nevertheless, evNote 104 · Footnote 123: (return) But how diverse were the expositions; compare the exegesis of Origen and Tertullian, Scorp. II.Note 105 · Footnote 124: (return) On the extent to which the Old Testament had become subordinated to the New and the Prophets to the Apostles, since tNote 106 · Footnote 125: (return) That may be shown in all the old Catholic Fathers, but most plainly perhaps in the theology of Origen. Moreover, the Note 107 · Footnote 126: (return) The Catholic Church had from the beginning a very clear consciousness of the dangerousness of many New Testament writNote 108 · Footnote 127: (return) To a certain extent the New Testament disturbs and prevents the tendency to summarise the faith and reduce it to its Note 109 · Footnote 128: (return) We must not, however, ascribe that to conscious mistrust, for Irenæus and Tertullian bear very decided testimony agaiNote 110 · Footnote 129: (return) Tertullian, in de corona 3, makes his Catholic opponent say: "Etiam in traditionis obtentu exigenda est auctoritas scNote 111 · Footnote 130: (return) Hatch, Organisation of the early Christian Church, 1883. Harnack, Die Lehre der zwölf Apostel, 1884. Sohm, KirchenrecNote 112 · Footnote 131: (return) Marcion was the only one who did not claim to prove his Christianity from traditions inasmuch as he rather put it in Note 113 · Footnote 132: (return) See Tertullian, de præscr. 20, 21, 32.Note 114 · Footnote 133: (return) This theory is maintained by Irenæus and Tertullian, and is as old as the association of the 'αγια εκκλησια and the πNote 115 · Footnote 134: (return) Tertull., de præscr. 32 (see p. 19). Iren., III. 2. 2: "Cum autem ad eam iterum traditionem, quæ est ab apostolis, quNote 116 · Footnote 135: (return) For details on this point see my edition of the Didache, Proleg., p. 140. As the regula fidei has its preparatory staNote 117 · Footnote 136: (return) This theory must have been current in the Roman Church before the time when Irenæus wrote; for the list of Roman bishNote 118 · Footnote 137: (return) We do not yet find this assertion in Tertullian's treatise "de præscr."Note 119 · Footnote 138: (return) Special importance attaches to Tertullian's treatise "de pudicitia," which has not been sufficiently utilised to explNote 120 · Footnote 139: (return) See Rothe, Die Anfänge der christlichen Kirche und ihrer Verfassung, 1837. Köstlin, Die Katholische Auffassung von deNote 121 · Footnote 140: (return) See Hatch, l.c. pp. 191, 253.Note 122 · Footnote 141: (return) See vol. I. p. 150 f. Special note should be given to the teachings in the Shepherd, in the 2nd Epistle of Clement anNote 123 · Footnote 142: (return) This notion lies at the basis of the exhortations of Ignatius. He knows nothing of an empirical union of the differenNote 124 · Footnote 143: (return) The expression "Catholic Church" appears first in Ignatius (ad Smyrn. VIII. 2): 'οπου αν φανηι 'ο επισκοπος, εκει το Note 125 · Footnote 144: (return) The expression "invisible Church" is liable to be misunderstood here, because it is apt to impress us as a mere idea,Note 126 · Footnote 145: (return) It was thus regarded by Hegesippus in whom the expression "'η 'ενωσις της εκκλησιας" is first found. In his view the Note 127 · Footnote 146: (return) The oldest predicate which was given to the Church and which was always associated with it, was that of holiness. SeeNote 128 · Footnote 147: (return) Very significant is Tertullian's expression in adv. Val. 4: "Valentinus de ecclesia authenticæ regulæ abrupit," (but Note 129 · Footnote 148: (return) Tertullian called the Church mother (in Gal. IV. 26 the heavenly Jerusalem is called "mother"); see de oral. 2: "ne mNote 130 · Footnote 149: (return) Hippol. Philos. IX. 12 p. 460.Note 131 · Footnote 150: (return) The phraseology of Irenæus is very instructive here. As a rule he still speaks of Churches (in the plural) when he meNote 132 · Footnote 151: (return) The most important passages bearing on this are II. 31. 3: III. 24. 1 (see the whole section, but especially: "in eccNote 133 · Footnote 152: (return) Hence the repudiation of all those who separate themselves from the Catholic Church (III. 11. 9; 24. 1: IV. 26. 2; 33Note 134 · Footnote 153: (return) On IV. 33. 7 see Seeberg, l.c., p. 20, who has correctly punctuated the passage, but has weakened its force. The factNote 135 · Footnote 154: (return) The Church as a communion of the same faith, that is of the same doctrine, is spoken of in de præscr. 20; de virg. voNote 136 · Footnote 155: (return) The notion that the true Gnostic can attain the same position as the Apostles also preserved Clement from thrusting tNote 137 · Footnote 156: (return) Some very significant remarks are found in Clement about the Church which is the object of faith. See Pæd. I. 5. 18, Note 138 · Footnote 157: (return) It may, however, be noted that the old eschatological aim has fallen into the background in Clement's conception of tNote 139 · Footnote 158: (return) A significance of this kind is suggested by the notion that the orders in the earthly Church correspond to those in tNote 140 · Footnote 159: (return) De princip. IV. 2, 2: 'η ουρανιος εκκλησια; Hom. IX. in Exod. c. 3: "ecclesia credentium plebs;" Hom. XI. in Lev. c. Note 141 · Footnote 160: (return) De princip. IV. 2. 2; Hom. III. in Jesu N. 5: "nemo tibi persuadeat, nemo semetipsum decipiat: extra ecclesiam nemo sNote 142 · Footnote 161: (return) Hermas (Sim. I.) has spoken of the "city of God" (see also pseudo-Cyprian's tractate "de pascha computus"); but for hNote 143 · Footnote 162: (return) See c. Cels. VIII. 68-75.Note 144 · Footnote 163: (return) Comment. in Joh. VI. 38.Note 145 · Footnote 164: (return) Accordingly he often speaks in a depreciatory way of the οχλος της εκκλησιας (the ignorant) without accusing them of Note 146 · Footnote 165: (return) Origen, who is Augustine's equal in other respects also, and who anticipated many of the problems considered by the lNote 147 · Footnote 166: (return) This was not done even by Origen, for in his great work "de principiis" we find no section devoted to the Church.Note 148 · Footnote 167: (return) It is frequently represented in Protestant writers that the mistake consisted in this identification, whereas, if we Note 149 · Footnote 168: (return) Both repeatedly and very decidedly declared that the unity of faith (the rule of faith) is sufficient for the unity oNote 150 · Footnote 169: (return) On Calixtus see Hippolyt., Philos. IX. I2; and Tertull., de pudic.Note 151 · Footnote 170: (return) See on the other hand Tertull., de monog., but also Hippol., l.c.Note 152 · Footnote 171: (return) Cyprian's idea of the Church, an imitation of the conception of a political empire, viz., one great aristocratically Note 153 · Footnote 172: (return) We need only quote one passage here—but see also epp. 69. 3, 7 sq.: 70. 2: 73. 8—ep. 55. 24: "Quod vero ad Novatiani Note 154 · Footnote 173: (return) Epp. 4. 4: 33. 1: "ecclesia super episcopos constituta;" 43. 5: 45. 3: "unitatem a domino et per apostolos nobis succNote 155 · Footnote 174: (return) According to Cyprian the bishops are the sacerdotes κατ' εκσοχην and the iudices vice Christi. See epp. 59. 5: 66. 3 Note 156 · Footnote 175: (return) That is a fundamental idea and in fact the outstanding feature of the treatise "de unitate." The heretics and schismaNote 157 · Footnote 176: (return) Ep. 43. 5: 55. 24: "episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi numerositate diffusus;" de unit. 5: "episcopatus uNote 158 · Footnote 177: (return) Cyprian did not yet regard uniformity of Church practice as a matter of moment—or rather he knew that diversities musNote 159 · Footnote 178: (return) Cyprian no longer makes any distinction between Churches founded by Apostles, and those which arose later (that is, bNote 160 · Footnote 179: (return) The statement that the Church is "super Petrum fundata" is very frequently made by Cyprian (we find it already in TerNote 161 · Footnote 180: (return) See specially epp. 65, 67, 68.Note 162 · Footnote 181: (return) Hatch l.c., p. 189 f.Note 163 · Footnote 182: (return) The gradual union of the provincial communities into one Church may be studied in a very interesting way in the eccleNote 164 · Footnote 183: (return) There were communities in the latter half of the 3rd century, which can be proved to have been outside the confederatNote 165 · Footnote 184: (return) Hence we need not be surprised to find that the notion of heresy which arose in the Church was immediately coupled wiNote 166 · Footnote 185: (return) See Vol. I., p. 224, note 1.Note 167 · Footnote 186: (return) We already find this idea in Tertullian; see de bapt. 15: "Hæretici nullum habent consortium nostra discipline, quos Note 168 · Footnote 187: (return) As far as possible the Christian virtues of the heretics were described as hypocrisy and love of ostentation (see e.gNote 169 · Footnote 188: (return) Tertull., de præscr. 3-6.Note 170 · Footnote 189: (return) Irenæus definitely distinguishes between heretics and schismatics (III. 11. 9: IV. 26. 2; 33. 7), but also blames theNote 171 · Footnote 190: (return) Read, on the one hand, the Antimontanists in Eusebius and the later opponents of Montanism; and on the other, TertullNote 172 · Footnote 191: (return) Cyprian plainly asserts (ep. 3. 3): "hæc sunt initia hæreticorum et ortus adque conatus schismaticorum, ut præpositumNote 173 · Footnote 192: (return) Neither Optatus nor Augustine take Cyprian's theory as the starting-point of their disquisitions, but they adhere in Note 174 · We may take as preface to this chapter three celebrated passages from Tertullian's "de præscriptione hæreticorum." In chap. 21 we find: "It Note 175 · It has been explained (vol. I. p. 157) that the idea of the complete identity of what the Churches possessed as Christian communities with tNote 176 · We now know that before the violent conflict with Gnosticism short formulated summaries of the faith had already grown out of the missionaryNote 177 · Words of Jesus and, in general, directions for the Christian life were not, as a rule, admitted into the short formulated creed. In the receNote 178 · The permanence of the communities, however, depended on the discovery of such a standard. They were no longer held together by the conscientNote 179 · In this state of matters the Church of Rome, the proceedings of which are known to us through Irenæus and Tertullian, took, with regard to tNote 180 · Viewed historically, this thesis, which preserved Christianity from complete dissolution, is based on two unproved assumptions and on a confNote 181 · The persuasive power with which Irenæus set up the principle of the apostolic "rule of truth," or of "tradition" or simply of "faith," was uNote 182 · By the fixing of the rule of truth, the formulation of which in the case of Irenæus (I. 10. 1, 2) naturally follows the arrangement of the (Note 183 · Tertullian followed Irenæus in every particular. He also interpreted the (Romish) baptismal confession, represented it, thus explained, as tNote 184 · But we are not of course to suppose that at the beginning of the third century the actual bond of union between all the Churches was a fixedNote 185 · We can still prove from the works of Clement of Alexandria that a confession claiming to be an apostolic law of faith,56 ostensibly compreheNote 186 · Origen, although he also attempted to refute the heretics chiefly by a scientific exegesis of the Holy Scriptures, exhibits an attitude whicNote 187 · Every word and every writing which testified of the κυριος (Lord) was originally regarded as emanating from him, that is, from his spirit: 'Note 188 · Marcion had founded his conception of Christianity on a new canon of Scripture,70 which seems to have enjoyed the same authority among his fNote 189 · We must not think that the four Gospels now found in the canon had attained full canonical authority by the middle of the second century, foNote 190 · From the middle of the second century the Encratites stood midway between the larger Christendom and the Marcionite Church as well as the GnNote 191 · The probable conditions which brought about the formation of the New Testament canon in the Church, for in this case we are only dealing witNote 192 · The compilation and formation of a canon of Christian writings by a process of selection89 was, so to speak, a kind of involuntary undertakiNote 193 · The Holy Spirit and the Apostles became correlative conceptions (Tertull., de pudic. 21). The Apostles, however, were more and more overshadNote 194 · But we are very far from being able to show that such a rigidly fixed collection of apostolic writings existed everywhere in the Church abouNote 195 · It might certainly seem venturesome, on the basis of the material found in Theophilus and the original document of the first six books of thNote 196 · The condition of the Alexandrian Church of the time may perhaps be described as follows: Ecclesiastical custom had attributed an authority tNote 197 · Addendum.—The results arising from the formation of a part of early Christian writings into a canon, which was a great and meritorious act oNote 198 · 1. It was not sufficient to prove that the rule of faith was of apostolic origin, i.e., that the Apostles had set up a rule of faith. It hadNote 199 · 2. The transformation of the idea of the Church by Cyprian completed the radical changes that had been gradually taking place from the last Note 200 · The essential character of Christendom in its first period was a new holy life and a sure hope, both based on repentance towards God and faiNote 201 · But, in consequence of the naturalising of Christianity in the world and the repelling of heresy, a formulated creed was made the basis of tNote 202 · The Church herself, however, became a union based on the true doctrine and visible in it; and this confederation was at the same time enableNote 203 · But there was never a time in history when the conception of the Church, as nothing else than the visible communion of those holding the corNote 204 · From the disquisitions of Clement of Alexandria we see how vigorous the old conception of the Church, as the heavenly communion of the electNote 205 · 3. The contradictory notions of the Church, for so they appear to us, in Irenæus and Clement and still more in Tertullian and Origen, need nNote 206 · Addendum I.—The great confederation of Churches which Cyprian presupposes and which he terms the Church was in truth not complete, for it caNote 207 · Addendum II.—The idea of heresy is always decided by the idea of the Church. The designation 'αιρεσις implies an adherence to something selfNote 208 · But the Fathers we have named did not yet completely identify the Church with a harmoniously organised institution. For that very reason the