Volume 6 / Part 2 — The Story of Kahahana.

Within the wonderful and often charming domain of History, from classic to modern times, among so called cultured and so called barbarous peoples, few episodes are marked with greater pathos, or, if better known, would elicit greater interest, than the fall and death of Kahahana, King of Oahu, one of the Hawaiian Islands, about the years 1783–85.

Kahahana was high-born and royally connected. His father was Elani, one of the highest nobles in the Ewa district on Oahu, a descendant, on the Maweke-Lakona line, of the ancient lords of Lihue. His mother was Kaionuilalahai, a daughter of Kalanikahimakeialii, and a sister of Peleioholani, King of Oahu, and a cousin of Kahekili, King of Maui. Through his mother’s connections with the royal house of Maui Kahahana was brought up from his earliest youth on Maui and became a special favorite with his uncle Kahekili. Educated in all the athletic and warlike exercises, which it became a chief of that period to know, Kahahana was remarkable for his personal beauty and manly bearing. Handsome, brave and gallant, he was the idol of the Maui court and the pride of the Oahu aristocracy, his father’s peers, who chafed under the heavy yoke of their own King Peleioholani, and had but small confidence in his son and prospective successor Kumahana.

Though Kahekili was too reserved, some say too morose, to often share in the festivities and entertainments which, through the presence of his sisters, his nieces and other relatives, had made his court at Wailuku, where he mostly resided, a gathering place and a focus for the gallant and gay of all the other isles in the group, yet Kahahana was his alter ego, his rex convivii, whose prudence and popularity harmonized, or at least neutralized, the rival pretensions of Kahekili’s half sister Namahana to be the leading star and the oracle of fashion among the Hawaiian noblesse at her lately acquired domain in Waiehu.

At these princely reunions, these royal feasts, whether at Waiehu or at Wailuku, the palm of beauty and of woman grace was by universal accord awarded to Kekua-poi-ula-o-ka-lani, the youngest sister of Namahana and of Kekuamanoha, of whom we shall hear more hereafter. The legends and narratives handed down from that time have but one expression of her surpassing beauty and winning charms, and the present writer has had the fortune to meet more than one octogenerian Hawaiian who remembers seeing her while still, as Queen of Oahu, she was as remarkable for her incomparable beauty, as in the days, ten or twelve years before, when Kahahana first wooed and won her young affections.

Between Kahahana and Kekuapoi it was an affair of the heart. They loved each other like the commonest mortals and, as at that time no political or social considerations of convenience stood in the way, the union was allowed by Kahekili, whose wards they may be said to have been. They loved each other and, according to the custom and institutions of the land, they became man and wife. Nothing more natural, simple or straightforward. But the anomalous part of their married life was that in those days of social as well as political profligacy, when a chief or a chiefess took as many wives or husbands as he or she fancied or could maintain, Kahahana and Kekuapoi remained true to each other with undivided affection to the end of their lives.

In A.D. 1770 Peleioholani,—son of Kualii, hereditary Sovereign of the island of Oahu, hereditary lord of several districts on Southern Kauai, and, by the grace of his god and the strength of his spear, master and conqueror of the island of Molokai—died, at the advanced age of ninety and upward, and was succeeded by his son Kumahana.

The character of Peleioholani has been variously described in the traditions that have come down from his time. The Hawaii and Maui traditions, or reminiscences, of Peleioholani describe him as proud, arrogant, overbearing—proud, even beyond the most exacting Hawaiian etiquette. Molokai traditions acknowledge his prowess as a warrior, but are merciless in the condemnation of him as a tyrant, whose cruelty went even a step beyond what those cruel times considered admissible. Against those two sources of information we have the Oahu traditions which,—though they acknowledge that he was proud, and justly so, because no bluer blood flowed in anybody’s veins than in his and in his sister Kukuiaimakalani’s—yet assert that his cruelty towards the Molokai chiefs was but a just punishment for their wanton and unprovoked murder of his daughter Keelanihonuaiakama. But whatever his reputation on the other islands, on Oahu he was feared as a stern monarch, but also respected as a just man, under whom the husbandman prospered, priests and artisians were protected, and the naturally turbulent character of the feudal nobles kept under salutary, though at times summary, restraint. As sovereign of his island he made the customary circuits, for political and religious purposes, at stated times; but his favorite residence, when not otherwise occupied, was at Waikiki in the known district, where a perfect forest of coconut trees enclosed his dwelling or palace on three sides, and the pleasant grove of kou trees which his father had planted, threw its delicious shade on the heated sea-beach.

Stern but just, Peleioholani’s reign was a blessing to his kingdom of Oahu, which probably had never since the days of Mailekukahi stood higher in population, wealth, and resources, than at the time of his death.

The contrast between Peleioholani and his son Kumahana had no doubt been apparent to thoughtful men long before the black kapa covered the mortal remains of the father. Chiefs and commoners alike knew the man to whom their fealty now would be pledged. Indolent of body, weak, fickle and avaricious of mind, Kumahana was a failure as a sovereign, and it did not take long to ripen the public mind to that conviction. Feal and loyal as the Oahu chiefs had always been to the Kakuhihewa family, whom for six generations they had looked upon as their representative on the Oahu throne, yet the weaknesses and extravagancies of Kumahana were enough in three short years to alienate chiefs, priests, and commoners to such an extent that when Pupuka, Elani, Makaioulu and other chiefs, in conjunction with the High-priest Kaopulupulu, called a public meeting of chiefs and commoners, to consider the situation of the country and for the avowed purpose of deposing Kumahana, not a voice was heard nor a spear raised in defence of the unfortunate man who then and there was publicly decreed incompetent and unworthy to rule the Oahu kingdom. That meeting and the manner of the execution of its decree find few parallels in the most civilized of modern countries, where the people had to resort to revolution to protect the best interests of their country and their own well-being. It was a public declaration of the national non possumus any longer to suffer the rule of Kumahana. Its execution, through the wonderful unanimity of the national voice, required neither “National Guards,” nor spears, nor clubs, nor barricades to enforce it. It was a veritable vox populi, vox Dei, and the only trait of wisdom recorded of Kumahana was that he quietly submitted to the inevitable and left for Kauai, where the relations of his mother and sister provided a refuge for him and his family at Waimea. And to the lasting credit of those, whose kindred only six years later were stigmatized by civilized Europe as “barbarians,” “savages,” “cannibals,” not a drop of blood was shed in this mighty upheaval of an entire people.

Had I the powers of a Walter Scott to give the reader a description of that remarkable assembly of Oahu notables that then and there convened for high national objects, I gladly would do so. I would describe the preliminary meeting of the District Chiefs, the (Ai-moku), with the High Priest (Kahuna-nui), presiding. I would tell of the dispatch of the High Priest’s messenger or herald, elele, around the island, convoking the chiefs and commoners to the projected assembly, a kind of Hawaiian “Fiery Cross,” speeding from feudal hall to lowliest hamlet; his functions, his privileges, his insignia of office, his formula of convocation. I would describe the meeting of those thus convened; the appearance of the chiefs dressed in their ahu-ula (feather cloaks), their mahiole (feather helmets), their niho palaoa (necklace of whale’s tooth and human hair), their kupee or pupu houka (bracelets of glittering precious shells); carrying their pololu (long spears), in their right hand, their pahoa (dagger of hardened wood), in their malo, or belt, and their newa or war-club looped up under their cloak. I would describe the sturdy makaainana, the commoners or freemen of the land, mustering behind their chiefs, armed with their ihe, javelins, and maa, slings. But abler hands, at some not far distant day, will doubtless weave a pleasant tale from those materials; and I proceed with the main story, from my work, “An Account of the Polynesian Race,” Vol. II, on pages as shown:

Kahahana, son of Elani, of the Ewa line of chiefs, was elected Moi of Oahu in place of Kumahana, son of Peleioholani and grandson of Kualii, who had been deposed by the Oahu chiefs as an incompetent, indolent, penurious and unlovable chief. This occurred about the year 1773 (pp. 65, 290, 154).

It is not improbable that the influence of Kahekili, King of Maui, was in Kahahana’s favor, for in the war between Hawaii and Maui wherein the invading forces of Kalaniopuu were all but annihilated in the battle of Waikapu commons, Kahahana and his Oahu troops were joined with Kahekili in the defence of Maui (p. 154).

In a subsequent attempt of Kalaniopuu to wrest honors from Kahekili, Kahahana is found an ally in the defence of Lahaina, accompanied by Keaulumoku, bard and prophet who, a few years later, composed his famous “Haui Ka Lani” chant foretelling the success and glory of Kamehameha I (p. 156).

Kaeo, King of Kauai, sent two messengers to acquaint Kahahana of Cook’s visit, whereupon Kaopulupulu the high priest of Oahu said: “These people are foreigners; they are surely the people that will come and dwell in this land” (p. 169).

In 1779 Kahahana, the Oahu King, had but lately returned from Maui where he assisted Kahekili in his wars against Kalaniopuu of Hawaii. The rupture between Kahekili and Kahahana did not occur till afterward, in 1780–81 (pp. 197–8).

The death of Kahahana closed the autonomy of Oahu (p. 269).

In order to understand the political relations between Kahekili and Kahahana, the king of Oahu, and the causes of the war between them, it is necessary to go back to the year 1773, when Kumahana, the son of Peleioholani, was deposed by the chiefs and makaainana of Oahu. Though Kumahana had grown-up children at the time, yet the Oahu nobles passed them by in selecting a successor to the throne, and fixed their eyes on young Kahahana, the son of Elani, one of the powerful Ewa chiefs of the Maweke-Lakona line, and on his mother’s side closely related to Kahekili and the Maui royal family. Kahahana had from boyhood been brought up at the court of Kahekili, who looked upon his cousin’s child almost as a son of his own. What share, if any, indirectly, that Kahekili may have had in the election of Kahahana, is not known; but when the tidings arrived from Oahu announcing the result to Kahekili, he appears at first not to have been overmuch pleased with it. The Oahu chiefs had deputed Kekelaokalani, a high chiefess, a cousin to Kahahana’s mother and also to Kahekili, to proceed to Wailuku, Maui, and announce the election and solicit his approval. After some feigned or real demurrer, Kahekili consented to Kahahana going to Oahu, but refused to let his wife Kekuapoi-ula go with him, lest the Oahu chiefs should ill-treat her. Eventually, however, he consented, but demanded as a price of his consent that the land of Kualoa in Koolaupoko district should be ceded to him, and also the palaoa-pae (the whalebone and ivory) cast on the Oahu shores by the sea.

Hampered with these demands of the crafty Kahekili, Kahahana started with his wife and company for Oahu, and landed at Kahaloa in Waikiki. He was enthusiastically received, installed as Moi of Oahu, and great were the rejoicings on the occasion.

Shortly after his installation, Kahahana called a great council of the Oahu chiefs and the High Priest Kaopulupulu, and laid before them the demands of Kahekili regarding the land of Kualoa and the palaoa-pae. At first the council was divided, and some thought it was but a fair return for the kindness and protection shown Kahahana from his youth by Kahekili; but the high priest was strongly opposed to such a measure, and argued that it was a virtual surrender of the sovereignty and independence of Oahu, Kualoa being one of the most sacred places on the island, where stood the sacred drums of Kapahuula and Kaahu-ulapunawai, and also the sacred hill of Kauakahi-a-Kahoowaha; and that the surrender of the palaoa-pae would be a disrespect to the gods; in fact, if Kahekili’s demands were complied with, the power of war and of sacrifice would rest with the Maui king and not with Kahahana. He represented strongly, moreover, that if Kahahana had obtained the kingdom by conquest, he might do as he liked, but having been chosen by the Oahu chiefs, it would be wrong in him to cede to another the national emblems of sovereignty and independence. Kahahana and all the chiefs admitted the force of Kaopulupulu’s arguments, and submitted to his advice not to comply with the demands of Kahekili.

After the return of Kalaniopuu to Hawaii in January, 1779, Kahahana went over to Molokai to consecrate the heiau called Kupukapuakea at Wailau, and to build or repair the large taro patch at Kainalu known as Paikahawai. Here he was joined by Kahekili, who was cordially welcomed and royally entertained. On seeing the fruitfulness and prosperity of the Molokai lands, Kahekili longed to possess some of them, and bluntly asked Kahahana to give him the land of Halawa. Kahahana promptly acceded to the request, not being moved by the same considerations regarding the Molokai lands as those of Oahu, Molokai having been conquered and subjected as an appanage or tributary to the Oahu crown by Peleioholani. At this meeting, while discussing Kahahana’s previous refusal to give Kahekili the Kualoa land and the palaoa-pae on Oahu, Kahekili expressed his surprise at the opposition of Kaopulupulu, assuring Kahahana that the high priest had offered the government and throne of Oahu to him (Kahekili), but that out of affection for his nephew he had refused; and he intimated strongly that Kaopulupulu was a traitor to Kahahana.

The poisoned arrow hit its mark, and Kahahana returned to Oahu filled with mistrust and suspicion of his faithful high-priest. A coolness arose between them. Kahahana withdrew his confidence from, and slighted the advice of the high-priest, who retired from the court to his own estate in Waialua and Waimea, and caused himself and all his people and retainers to be tatooed on the knee, as a sign that the chief had turned a deaf ear to his advice. It is said that during this period of estrangement Kahahana became burdensome to the people, capricious and heedless, and in a great measure alienated their good-will. It is said, moreover, that he caused to be dug up dead men’s bones to make arrow-points wherewith to shoot rats—a favorite pastime of the chiefs; and that he even rifled the tombs of the chiefs in order to make kahili handles of their bones, thus outraging the public sentiment of the nation. That Kahahana was imprudent and rash, and perhaps exacting, there is no doubt; and that conquered chieftains’ bones were the legitimate trophies of the victors is equally true; but that Kahahana would have violated the tombs of the dead—an act of the greatest moral baseness even in those days—is hardly credible, and is probably an after exaggeration, either by the disaffected priestly faction or by the victorious Kahekili plotters.

Thus foolishly and cruelly Kahahana had played into the hand of Kahekili, who, with his high-priest Kaleopuupuu, had for a long time been plotting the death of Kahahana’s ablest and wisest counsellor.

Though executions de par le roi of obnoxious persons for political reasons were not uncommon in those days throughout the group, and by the proud and turbulent nobility generally looked upon more as a matter of personal ill-luck to the victim than as a public injustice, yet this double execution, in the necessity of which few people except the credulous Kahahana believed, greatly alienated the feelings of both chiefs and commoners from him, and weakened his influence and resources to withstand the coming storm.

The death of Kaopulupulu took place in the latter part of 1782 or beginning of 1783.

Kahahana was at Kawananakoa, in the upper part of Nuuanu valley, when the news came of Kahekili’s landing at Waikiki, and hastily summoning his warriors, he prepared as best he could to meet so sudden an emergency.

In the beginning of 1783—some say it was in the month of January—Kahekili, dividing his forces in three columns, marched from Waikiki by Puowaina, Pauoa, and Kapena, and gave battle to Kahahana near the small stream of Kaheiki. Kahahana’s army was thoroughly routed, and he and his wife Kekuapoi-ula fled to the mountains. It is related that in this battle Kauwahine, the wife of Kahekili, fought valiantly at his side.

Oahu and Molokai now became the conquest of Kahekili, and savagely he used his victory.

The cruel treachery practised on Kahahana and his sad fate, joined to the overbearing behaviour and rapacity of the invaders, created a revulsion of feeling in the Oahu chiefs, which culminated in a wide-spread conspiracy against Kahekili and the Maui chiefs who were distributed over the several districts of Oahu. Kahekili himself and a number of chiefs were at that time living at Kailua; Manonokauakapekulani, Kaiana, Namakeha, Nahiolea, Kalaniulumoku, and others, were quartered at Kaneohe and Heeia; Kalanikupule, Koalaukane, and Kekuamanoha were at Ewa, and Hueu was at Waialua.

The Oahu leaders of the conspiracy were Elani, the father of Kahahana, Pupuka and Makaioulu, above referred to, Konamanu, Kalakioonui, and a number of others. The plan was to kill the Maui chiefs on one and the same night in the different districts. Elani and his band were to kill the chiefs residing at Ewa; Makaioulu and Pupuka were to kill Kahekili and the chiefs at Kailua; Konamanu and Kalakioonui were to dispatch Hueu at Waialua. By some means the conspiracy became known to Kalanikupule, who hastened to inform his father, Kahekili, and the Maui chiefs at Kaneohe in time to defeat the object of the conspirators; but, through some cause now unknown, the messenger sent to advise Hueu, generally known as Kiko-Hueu, failed to arrive in time, and Hueu and all his retainers then living at Kaowakawaka, in Kawailoa, of the Waialua district, were killed. The conspiracy was known as the “Waipio Kimopo” (the Waipio assassination), having originated in Waipio, Ewa.

Fearfully did Kahekili avenge the death of Hueu on the revolted Oahu chiefs. Gathering his forces together, he overran the districts of Kona and Ewa, and a war of extermination ensued. Men, women, and children were killed without discrimination and without mercy. The streams of Makaho and Niuhelewai in Kona, and that of Hoaeae in Ewa, are said to have been literally choked with the corpses of the slain. The native Oahu aristocracy were almost entirely extirpated. It is related that one of the Maui chiefs, named Kalaikoa, caused the bones of the slain to be scraped and cleaned, and that the quantity collected was so great that he built a house for himself, the walls of which were laid up entirely of the skeletons of the slain. The skulls of Elani, Konamanu, and Kalakioonui adorned the portals of this horrible house. The house was called “Kauwalua,” and was situated at Lapakea in Moanalua, as one passes by the old upper road to Ewa. The site is still pointed out, but the bones have received burial.