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History of Dogma, Volume 1

Volume 1 / Book 1 — CHAPTER III

Neil Buchanan translation

THE COMMON FAITH AND THE BEGINNINGS OF KNOWLEDGE IN GENTILE CHRISTIANITY AS IT WAS BEING DEVELOPED INTO CATHOLICISM162

§ 1. The Communities and the Church.

§ 2 The Foundations of the Faith.

§ 3. The Main Articles of Christianity and the Conceptions of Salvation. Eschatology.

Supplement 2.—The realisation of salvation—as βασιλεια του θεου and as αφθαρσια—being expected from the future, the whole present possession of salvation might be comprehended under the title of vocation (κλησις) see, for example, the second Epistle of Clement. In this sense gnosis itself was regarded as something only preparatory.

Supplement 4.—However similar the eschatological expectations of the Jewish Apocalyptists and the Christians may seem, there is yet in one respect an important difference between them. The uncertainty about the final consummation was first set aside by the Gospel. It should be noted as highly characteristic of the Jewish hopes of the future, even of the most definite, how the beginning of the end, that is, the overthrow of the world-powers and the setting up of the earthly kingdom of God, was much more certainly expressed than the goal and the final end. Neither the general judgment, nor what we, according to Christian tradition, call heaven and hell, should be described as a sure possession of Jewish faith in the primitive Christian period. It is only in the Gospel of Christ, where everything is subordinated to the idea of a higher righteousness and the union of the individual with God, that the general judgment and the final condition after it are the clear, firmly grasped goal of all meditation. No doctrine has been more surely preserved in the convictions and preaching of believers in Christ than this. Fancy might roam ever so much and, under the direction of the tradition, thrust bright and precious images between the present condition and the final end, the main thing continued to be the great judgment of the world, and the certainty that the saints would go to God in heaven, the wicked to hell. But while the judgment, as a rule, was connected with the Person of Jesus himself (see the Romish Symbol: the words κριτης ζωντων και νεκρων, were very frequently applied to Christ in the earliest writings), the moral condition of the individual, and the believing recognition of the Person of Christ were put in the closest relation. The Gentile Christians held firmly to this. Open the Shepherd, or the second Epistle of Clement, or any other early Christian writing, and you will find that the judgment, heaven and hell, are the decisive objects. But that shews that the moral character of Christianity as a religion is seen and adhered to. The fearful idea of hell, far from signifying a backward step in the history of the religious spirit, is rather a proof of its having rejected the morally indifferent point of view, and of its having become sovereign in union with the ethical spirit.

§ 4. The Old Testament as Source of the Knowledge of Faith.214

§ 5. The Knowledge of God and of the World. Estimate of the World.

§ 6. Faith in Jesus Christ.

§ 7. The Worship, the Sacred Ordinances, and the Organisation of the Churches.

It is necessary to examine the original forms of the worship and constitution, because of the importance which they acquired in the following period even for the development of doctrine.

Supplementary.

The documents which have been preserved from the first century of the Gentile Church are, in their relation to the history of Dogma, very diverse. In the Didache we have a Catechism for Christian life, dependent on a Jewish Greek Catechism, and giving expression to what was specifically Christian in the prayers, and in the order of the Church. The Epistle of Barnabas, probably of Alexandrian origin, teaches the correct, Christian, interpretation of the Old Testament, rejects the literal interpretation and Judaism as of the devil, and in Christology essentially follows Paul. The Romish first Epistle of Clement, which also contains other Pauline reminiscences (reconciliation and justification) represents the same Christology, but it set it in a moralistic mode of thought. This is a most typical writing in which the spirit of tradition, order, stability, and the universal ecclesiastical guardianship of Rome is already expressed. The moralistic mode of thought is classically represented by the Shepherd of Hermas, and the second Epistle of Clement, in which, besides, the eschatological element is very prominent. We have in the Shepherd the most important document for the Church Christianity of the age, reflected in the mirror of a prophet who, however, takes into account the concrete relations. The theology of Ignatius is the most advanced, in so far as he, opposing the Gnostics, brings the facts of salvation into the foreground, and directs his Gnosis not so much to the Old Testament as to the history of Christ. He attempts to make Christ κατα πνευμα and κατα σαρκα the central point of Christianity. In this sense his theology and speech is Christocentric, related to that of Paul and the fourth Evangelist, (specially striking is the relationship with Ephesians), and is strongly contrasted with that of his contemporaries. Of kindred spirit with him are Melito and Irenæus, whose forerunner he is. He is related to them as Methodius at a later period was related to the classical orthodox theology of the fourth and fifth centuries. This parallel is appropriate, not merely in point of form: it is rather one and the same tendency of mind which passes over from Ignatius to Melito, Irenæus, Methodius, Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa (here, however, mixed with Origenic elements), and to Cyril of Alexandria. Its characteristic is that not only does the person of Christ as the God-man form the central point and sphere of theology, but also that all the main points of his history are mysteries of the world's redemption. (Ephes. 19). But Ignatius is also distinguished by the fact that behind all that is enthusiastic, pathetic, abrupt, and again all that pertains to liturgical form, we find in his epistles a true devotion to Christ ('ο θεος μου). He is laid hold of by Christ: Cf. Ad. Rom. 6: εκεινον ζητω, τον 'υπερ 'ημων αποθανοντα, εκεινον θελω τον δι' 'ημας ανασταντα; Rom. 7: 'ο εμος ερως εσταυρωται και ουκ εστιν εν εμοι πυρ φιλουλον. As a sample of his theological speech and his rule of faith, see ad. Smyrn. 1: ενοησα 'υμας κατηρτισμενους εν ακινητω πιστει, 'ωσπερ καθηλωμενους εν τω σταυρω του κυριου Ιησου Χριστου σαρκι τε και πνευματι και 'ηδρασμενους εν αγαπη εν τω 'αιματι Χριστου, πεπληροφορημενους εις τον κυριου 'ημων, αληθως οντα εκ γενους δαβιδ κατα σαρκα, 'υιον θεου κατα θελημα και δυναμιν θεου, γεγενημενον αληθως εκ παρθενου, βεβαπτισμενον 'υπο Ιωαννου, 'ινα πληρωθη πασα δικαιοσυνη 'υπ' αυτου, αληθως επι Ποντιου Πιλατου και 'Ηρωδου τετραρχου καθηλωμενον 'υπερ 'ημων εν σαρκι—αφ' 'ου καρπου 'ημεις, απο του θεομακαριτου αυτου παθους—'ινα αρη συσσημον εις τους αιωνας δια της αναστασεως εις τους αγιους και πιστους αυτου ειτε εν Ιουδαιους ειτε εν εθνεσιν εν 'ενι σωματι της εκκλησιας αυτου. The Epistle of Polycarp is characterised by its dependence on earlier Christian writings (Epistles of Paul, 1 Peter, 1 John), consequently, by its conservative attitude with regard to the most valuable traditions of the Apostolic period. The Kerygma of Peter exhibits the transition from the early Christian literature to the apologetic (Christ as νομος and as λογος).

It is manifest that the lineage, "Ignatius, Polycarp, Melito, Irenæus", is in characteristic contrast with all others, has deep roots in the Apostolic age, as in Paul and in the Johannine writings, and contains in germ important factors of the future formation of dogma, as it appeared in Methodius, Athanasius, Marcellus, Cyril of Jerusalem. It is very doubtful therefore, whether we are justified in speaking of an Asia Minor theology. (Ignatius does not belong to Asia Minor.) At any rate, the expression, Asia Minor-Romish Theology, has no justification. But it has its truth in the correct observation, that the standards by which Christianity and Church matters were measured and defined, must have been similar in Rome and Asia Minor during the second century. We lack all knowledge of the closer connections. We can only again refer to the journey of Polycarp to Rome, to that of Irenæus by Rome to Gaul, to the journey of Abercius and others (cf. also the application of the Montanist communities in Asia Minor for recognition by the Roman bishop). In all probability, Asia Minor, along with Rome, was the spiritual centre of Christendom from about 60-200: but we have but few means for describing how this centre was brought to bear on the circumference. What we do know belongs more to the history of the Church than to the special history of dogma.

Literature.—The writings of the so-called Apostolic Fathers. See the edition of v. Gebhardt, Harnack, Zahn, 1876. Hilgenfeld, Nov. Test. extra Can. recept. fasc. IV. 2 edit. 1884, has collected further remains of early Christian literature. The Teaching of the twelve Apostles. Fragments of the Gospel and Apocalypse of Peter (my edition, 1893). Also the writings of Justin and other apologists, in so far as they give disclosures about the faith of the communities of his time, as well as statements in Celsus Αληθης Λογος, in Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian. Even Gnostic fragments may be cautiously turned to profit. Ritschl, Entstehung der altkath. Kirche 2 Aufl. 1857. Pfleiderer, Das Urchristenthum, 1887. Renan, Origins of Christianity, vol. V. V. Engelhardt, Das Christenthum Justin's, d. M. 1878, p. 375 ff. Schenkel, Das Christusbild der Apostel, etc., 1879. Zahn, Gesch. des N.-Tlichen Kanons, 2 Bde. 1888. Behm, Das Christliche Gesetzthum der Apostolischen Väter (Zeitschr. f. kirchl. Wissensch. 1886). Dorner, History of the doctrine of the Person of Christ, 1845. Schultz, Die Lehre von der Gottheit Christi, 1881, p. 22 ff. Höfling. Die Lehre der ältesten Kirche vom Opfer, 1851. Höfling, Das Sacrament d. Taufe, 1848. Kahnis, Die Lehre vom Abendmahl, 1851. Th. Harnack, Der Christliche Gemeindegottedienst im Apost. u. Altkath. Zeitalter, 1854. Hatch, Organisation of the Early Church, 1883. My Prolegomena to the Didache (Texte u. Unters. II. Bd. H. 1, 2). Diestel, Gesch. des A.T. in der Christi. Kirche, 1869. Sohm, Kirchenrecht, 1892, Monographs on the Apostolic Fathers: on 1 Clem.: Lipsius, Lightfoot (most accurate commentary), Wrede; on 2 Clem.: A. Harnack (Ztschr. f. K. Gesch. 1887); on Barnabas: J. Müller; on Hermas: Zahn, Hückstädt, Link; on Papias: Weiffenbach, Leimbach, Zahn, Lightfoot; on Ignatius and Polycarp: Lightfoot (accurate commentary) and Zahn; on the Gospel and Apocalypse of Peter: A. Harnack: on the Kerygma of Peter: von Dobschütz; on Acts of Thecla: Schlau.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 162: (return) The statements made in this chapter need special forbearance, especially as the selection from the rich and motley maNote 2 · Footnote 163: (return) The Epistle to the Hebrews (X. 25), the Epistle of Barnabas (IV. 10), the Shepherd of Hermas (Sim. IX. 26, 3), but esNote 3 · Footnote 164: (return) "Corpus sumus," says Tertullian at a time when this description had already become an anachronism, "de conscientia reNote 4 · Footnote 165: (return) 1 Clem. 59. 2. in the Church prayer; 'οπως τον αριθμον τον κατηριθμηνον των εκλεκτων αυτου εν 'ολω τω κοσμω διαφυλαξηNote 5 · Footnote 166: (return) See 1 Clem., 2 Clem., Ignatius (on the basis of the Pauline view; but see also Rev. II. 9).Note 6 · Footnote 167: (return) See Hermas (the passage is given above, p. 103, note).Note 7 · Footnote 168: (return) See Hermas Vis. I-III. Papias. Fragm. VI. and VII. of my edition. 2 Clem. 14: ποιουντες το θελημα του πατρος 'ημων εσNote 8 · Footnote 169: (return) See Barn. 13 (2 Clem. 2).Note 9 · Footnote 170: (return) See Valentinus in Clem. Strom. VI. 6. 52. "Holy Church", perhaps also in Marcion, if his text (Zahn. Gesch. des N.T.-Note 10 · Footnote 171: (return) Barn. 3. 6.Note 11 · Footnote 172: (return) We are also reminded here of the "tertium genus." The nickname of the heathen corresponded to the self-consciousness Note 12 · Footnote 173: (return) See also the letter of Pliny the paragraphs about Christian morality, in the first third part of Justin's apology andNote 13 · Footnote 174: (return) An investigation of the Greco Jewish Christian literature of norms and moral rules commencing with the Old Testament Note 14 · Footnote 175: (return) Herm. Mand. I. has merely fixed the Monotheistic confession προτον παντων πιστευσον, 'οτι εις εστιν 'ο θεος, 'ο τα παNote 15 · Footnote 176: (return) Very instructive here is 2 Clem. ad Corinth. 20, 5 το μονω θεο αορατο, πατρι της αληθειας, τω εξατοστειλαντι 'ημιν τοNote 16 · Footnote 177: (return) They were quoted as 'η γραφη, τα βιβλια, or with the formula 'ο θεος (κυριος) λεγει, γεγραπται. Also Law and ProphetsNote 17 · Footnote 178: (return) See the collection of passages in Patr. App. Opp. edit. Gebhardt. 1. 2 p. 133, and the formula, Diogn. 11: αποστολων Note 18 · Footnote 179: (return) Barn. 5. 6, 'οι προφεται, απο του κυριου εχοντες την χαριν, εις αυτον επροφητευσαν. Ignat. ad Magn. 8. 2. cf. also ClNote 19 · Footnote 180: (return) See above § 5, p. 114 f.Note 20 · Footnote 181: (return) See my edition of the Didache. Prolegg. p. 32 ff.; Rothe, "De disciplina arcani origine," 1841.Note 21 · Footnote 182: (return) The earliest example is 1 Cor. XI. 1 f. It is different in 1 Tim. III. 16, where already the question is about το τηςNote 22 · Footnote 183: (return) Father, son, and spirit: Paul; Matt XXVIII. 19; 1 Clem. ad. Cor. 58. 2 (see 2. 1. f.; 42. 3; 46. 6); Didache 7; IgnatNote 23 · Footnote 184: (return) The formulæ run: "God who has spoken through the Prophets," or the "Prophetic Spirit," etc.Note 24 · Footnote 185: (return) That should be assumed as certain in the case of the Egyptian Church, yet Caspari thinks he can shew that already CleNote 25 · Footnote 186: (return) Also in the communities of Asia Minor (Smyrna); for a combination of Polyc. Ep. c. 2 with c. 7, proves that in SmyrnaNote 26 · Footnote 187: (return) See Caspari, Quellen z. Gesch. des Taufsymbols, III. p. 3 ff. and Patr. App. Opp. 1. 2. p 115-142. The old Roman SymbNote 27 · Footnote 188: (return) See the fragment in Euseb. H. E. III. 39, from the work of Papias.Note 28 · Footnote 189: (return) διδαχη κυριον δια των ιβ' αποστολων (Did. inscr.) is the most accurate expression (similarly 2 Pet. III. 2). Instead Note 29 · Footnote 190: (return) Read, apart from all others, the canonical Gospels, the remains of the so-called Apocryphal Gospels, and perhaps the Note 30 · Footnote 191: (return) That Peter was in Antioch follows from Gal. II.; that he laboured in Corinth, perhaps before the composition of the fNote 31 · Footnote 192: (return) See how in the three early "writings of Peter" (Gospel, Apocalypse, Kerygma) the twelve are embraced in a perfect uniNote 32 · Footnote 193: (return) See Papias and the Reliq. Presbyter, ap. Iren., collecta in Patr. Opp. I. 2, p. 105: see also Zahn, Forschungen. III.Note 33 · Footnote 194: (return) The Gentile-Christian conception of the significance of the twelve—a fact to be specially noted—was all but unanimousNote 34 · Footnote 195: (return) See Didache c. 1-10, with parallel passages.Note 35 · Footnote 196: (return) Cf., for example, the first epistle of Clement to the Corinthians with the Shepherd of Hermas. Both documents originaNote 36 · Footnote 197: (return) Compare how dogmatic and ethical elements are inseparably united in the Shepherd, in first and second Clement, as welNote 37 · Footnote 198: (return) Note the hymnal parts of the Revelation of John, the great prayer with which the first epistle of Clement closes, theNote 38 · Footnote 199: (return) The prophet and teacher express what the Spirit of God suggests to them. Their word is therefore God's word, and theiNote 39 · Footnote 200: (return) The so-called Chiliasm—the designation is unsuitable and misleading—is found wherever the Gospel is not yet HelleniseNote 40 · Footnote 201: (return) The hope of the resurrection of the body (1 Clem. 26. 3 αναστεσεις τεν σαρκα μου ταυτεν, Herm. Sim. V. 7. 2 βλεπε μητNote 41 · Footnote 202: (return) The perfect knowledge of the truth and eternal life are connected in the closest way (see p. 144, note 1) because theNote 42 · Footnote 203: (return) Even the assumption of such a remission is fundamentally in contradiction with moralism; but that solitary remission Note 43 · Footnote 204: (return) This idea appears with special prominence in the Epistle of Barnabas (see 6. 11. 14); the new formation (αναπλασσειν)Note 44 · Footnote 205: (return) Barn. 2. 6, and my notes on the passage.Note 45 · Footnote 206: (return) James I. 25.Note 46 · Footnote 207: (return) Hermas. Sim. VIII. 3. 2; Justin Dial. II. 43; Præd. Petri in Clem., Strom. I. 29. 182; II. 15. 68.Note 47 · Footnote 208: (return) Didache, c. 1., and my notes on the passage (Prolegg. p. 45 f.).Note 48 · Footnote 209: (return) The concepts, επαγγελια, γνωσις, νομος, form the Triad on which the later catholic conception of Christianity is baseNote 49 · Footnote 210: (return) See Lipsius De Clementis R. ep. ad. Cor. priore disquis. 1855. It would be in point of method inadmissible to concludNote 50 · Footnote 211: (return) Formally: τηρησατε την σαρκα αγνην και την σφραγιδα ασπιλον (2 Clem. 8. 6).Note 51 · Footnote 212: (return) Hermas (Mand. IV. 3) and Justin presuppose it. Hermas of course sought and found a way of meeting the results of thatNote 52 · Footnote 213: (return) The formula, "righteousness by faith alone", was really repressed in the second century; but it could not be entirelyNote 53 · Footnote 214: (return) The only thorough discussion of the use of the Old Testament by an Apostolic Father, and of its authority, that we poNote 54 · Footnote 215: (return) It is an extremely important fact that the words of the Lord were quoted and applied in their literal sense (that is Note 55 · Footnote 216: (return) Justin was not the first to do so, for it had already been done by the so-called Barnabas (see especially c. 13) and Note 56 · Footnote 217: (return) See διδαχη, 8.Note 57 · Footnote 218: (return) See the Revelation of John II. 9; III. 9; but see also the "Jews" in the Gospels of John and of Peter. The latter exoNote 58 · Footnote 219: (return) See Barn. 9. 4. In the second epistle of Clement the Jews are called: 'οι δοκιουντες εχειν θεον, cf. Præd. Petri in CNote 59 · Footnote 220: (return) Barn. 4. 6. f.; 14. 1 f. The author of Præd. Petri must have had a similar view of the matter.Note 60 · Footnote 221: (return) Justin in the Dialogue with Trypho.Note 61 · Footnote 222: (return) Barn. 9 f. It is a thorough misunderstanding of Barnabas' position towards the Old Testament to suppose it possible tNote 62 · Footnote 223: (return) Barn. 9. 6: αλλ' ερεις, και μην περιτετμηται 'ο λαος εις σφραγιδα.Note 63 · Footnote 224: (return) See the expositions of Justin in the Dial. (especially, 16, 18, 20, 30, 40-46); Von Engelhardt, "Christenthum Justin'Note 64 · Footnote 225: (return) See Ztschr fur K.G. I., p. 330 f.Note 65 · Footnote 226: (return) This is the unanimous opinion of all writers of the post-Apostolic age. Christians are the true Israel; and thereforeNote 66 · Footnote 227: (return) God was naturally conceived and represented as corporeal by uncultured Christians, though not by these alone, as the Note 67 · Footnote 228: (return) See Joh. IV. 22, 'ημεις προσκυνουμεν 'ο οιδαμεν. 1 Clem. 59. 3, 4, Herm. Mand. I., Præd Petri in Clem., Strom. VI. 5.Note 68 · Footnote 229: (return) See, for example 1 Clem. 20.Note 69 · Footnote 230: (return) This is frequent in the Apologists, see also Diogn. 10. 2; but Hermas, Vis. II. 4. 1 (see also Cels. ap Orig. IV. 23)Note 70 · Footnote 231: (return) God is named the Father, (1) in relation to the Son (very frequent) (2) as Father of the world (see above) (3) as theNote 71 · Footnote 232: (return) The present dominion of evil demons or of one evil demon, was just as generally presupposed as man's need of redemptiNote 72 · Footnote 233: (return) No other name adhered to Christ so firmly as that of κυριος; see a specially clear evidence of this, Novatian de trinNote 73 · Footnote 234: (return) Specially instructive examples of this are found in the Epistle of Barnabas and the second Epistle of Clement. ClemenNote 74 · Footnote 235: (return) See 1 Clem. 59-61. διδαχη, c. 9. 10. Yet Novatian (de trinit. 14) exactly reproduces the old idea, "Si homo tantummodNote 75 · Footnote 236: (return) In the epistle of Barnabas "Jesus Christ" and "Christ" appear each once, but "Jesus" twelve times: in the Didache "JeNote 76 · Footnote 237: (return) See 1 Clem. 64: 'ο θεος, 'ο εκλεξαμενος τον κυριον Ιησουν Χριστον και 'ημας δι' αυτου εις λαον περιουσιον δωη, κ.τ.λ.Note 77 · Footnote 238: (return) See Barn. 14. 5: Ιησους εις τουτο 'ητοιμασθη, 'ινα ... 'ημας λυτρωσαμενος εκ του σκοτους διαθηται εν 'ημιν διαθηκην λNote 78 · Footnote 239: (return) "Angel" is a very old designation for Christ (see Justin's Dial.) which maintained itself up to the Nicean controversNote 79 · Footnote 240: (return) Παις (after Isaiah): this designation, frequently united with Ιησους and with the adjectives 'αγιος and ηγαπημενος (sNote 80 · Footnote 241: (return) See the old Roman Symbol and Acts X. 42; 2 Tim. IV. 1; Barn. 7. 2; Polyc. Ep. 2. 1; 2 Clem. 2. 1; Hegesipp. in Euseb.Note 81 · Footnote 242: (return) There could of course be no doubt that Christ meant the "anointed" (even Aristides Apol. 2 fin., if Nestle's correctiNote 82 · Footnote 243: (return) See the Apologists: Apost. K.O. (Texte. v. Unters. II. 5, p. 25) προορωντας τους λογους του διδασκαλου 'ημων, ibid, pNote 83 · Footnote 244: (return) The baptismal formula which had been naturalised everywhere in the communities at this period preserved it above all.Note 84 · Footnote 245: (return) The so-called second Epistle of Clement begins with the words Αδελφοι ουτως δει 'ημας φρονειν περι Ιησου 'ως περι θεοNote 85 · Footnote 246: (return) Pliny in his celebrated letter (96) speaks of a "Carmen dicere Christo quasi deo" on the part of the Christians. HermNote 86 · Footnote 247: (return) On the further use of the word θεος in antiquity, see above, § 8, p. 120 f.; the formula "θεος εκ θεου" for Augustus,Note 87 · Footnote 248: (return) The combination of θεος and σωτηρ in the Pastoral Epistles is very important. The two passages in the New Testament iNote 88 · Footnote 249: (return) A very ancient formula ran "θεος και θεος 'υιος" see Cels. ap. Orig II. 30; Justin, frequently: Alterc. Sim. et TheopNote 89 · Footnote 250: (return) Such conceptions are found side by side in the same writer. See, for example, the second Epistle of Clement, and evenNote 90 · Footnote 251: (return) See § 6, p. 120. The idea of a θεοποιησις was as common as that of the appearances of the gods. In wide circles, howeNote 91 · Footnote 252: (return) This is usually overlooked. Christological doctrinal conceptions are frequently constructed by a combination of partiNote 92 · Footnote 253: (return) Both were clearly in existence in the Apostolic age.Note 93 · Footnote 254: (return) Only one work has been preserved entire which gives clear expression to the Adoptian Christology, viz., the Shepherd Note 94 · Footnote 255: (return) This Christology which may be traced back to the Pauline, but which can hardly have its point of departure in Paul alNote 95 · Footnote 256: (return) Hermas, for example, does this (therefore Link; Christologie des Hermas, and Weizsäcker, Gott Gel. Anz. 1886, p. 830,Note 96 · Footnote 257: (return) Passages may indeed be found in the earliest Gentile Christian literature, in which Jesus is designated Son of God, iNote 97 · Footnote 258: (return) The distinct designation "θεοποιησις" is not found, though that may be an accident. Hermas has the thing itself quiteNote 98 · Footnote 259: (return) The settlement with Gnosticism prepared a still always uncertain end for this naive Docetism. Apart from Barn. 5. 12,Note 99 · Footnote 260: (return) Even such a formulation as we find in Paul (e.g., Rom. I. 3 f. κατα σαρκα—κατα πνευμα), does not seem to have been ofNote 100 · Footnote 261: (return) Hermas (Sim. V. 6. 7) describes the exaltation of Jesus, thus: 'ινα και 'η σαρξ 'αυτη, δουλευσασα τωι πνευματι αμεμπτNote 101 · Footnote 262: (return) Barnabas, e. g., conceives it as a veil (5. 10: ει γαρ μη ηλθεν εν σαρκι, ουδ' αν πως 'οι ανθρωποι εσωθησαν βλεποντεςNote 102 · Footnote 263: (return) Even Hermas docs not speak of Jesus as ανθρωπος (see Link). This designation was used by the representatives of the ANote 103 · Footnote 264: (return) See above p. 185, note; p. 189, note. We have no sure evidence that the later so-called Modalism (Monarchianism) had Note 104 · Footnote 265: (return) That is a very important fact which clearly follows from the Shepherd. Even the later school of the Adoptians in RomeNote 105 · Footnote 266: (return) See the remarkable narrative about the cross in the fragment of the Gospel of Peter, and in Justin, Apol. 1. 55.Note 106 · Footnote 267: (return) We must, above all things, be on our guard here against attributing dogmas to the churches, that is to say, to the wrNote 107 · Footnote 268: (return) On the Ascension, see my edition of the Apost. Fathers I. 2, p. 138. Paul knows nothing of an Ascension, nor is it meNote 108 · Footnote 269: (return) See the Pastoral Epistles, and the Epistles of Ignatius and Polycarp.Note 109 · Footnote 270: (return) The "facts" of the history of Jesus were handed down to the following period as mysteries predicted in the Old TestamNote 110 · Footnote 271: (return) This was strongly emphasised see my remarks on Barn. 2. 3. The Jewish cultus is often brought very close to the heathNote 111 · Footnote 272: (return) Ps. LI. 19 is thus opposed to the ceremonial system (Barn. 2. 10). Polycarp consumed by fire is (Mart. 14. 1) compareNote 112 · Footnote 273: (return) See Barn. 6. 15, 16, 7-9, Tatian Orat. 15, Ignat. ad. Eph. 9. 15, Herm Mand. V. etc. The designation of Christians asNote 113 · Footnote 274: (return) Justin, Apol. I. 9. Dial. 117 'οτι μεν ουν και ευχαι κα ευχαριστιαι, 'υπο των αξιων γινομεναι τελειαι μοναι και ευαρεNote 114 · Footnote 275: (return) The Jewish regulations about fastings together with the Jewish system of sacrifice were rejected, but on the other haNote 115 · Footnote 276: (return) For details, see below in the case of the Lord's Supper. It is specially important that even charity, through its uniNote 116 · Footnote 277: (return) The idea of sacrifice adopted by the Gentile Christian communities, was that which was expressed in individual propheNote 117 · Footnote 278: (return) See my Texte und Unters. z Gesch. d. Altchristl. Lit. II. 1. 2, p. 88 ff., p. 137 ff.Note 118 · Footnote 279: (return) There neither was a "doctrine" of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, nor was there any inner connection presupposed betweNote 119 · Footnote 280: (return) Melito, Fragm. XII. (Otto. Corp. Apol. IX. p. 418). δυο συνεστη τα αφεσιν 'αμαρτηματων παρεχομενα, παθος δια Χριστον Note 120 · Footnote 281: (return) There is no sure trace of infant baptism in this epoch; personal faith is a necessary condition (see Hermas, Vis. IIINote 121 · Footnote 282: (return) On the basis of repentance. See Praed. Petri in Clem. Strom. VI. 5. 43, 48.Note 122 · Footnote 283: (return) See especially the second Epistle of Clement; Tertull. "de bapt." 15: "Felix aqua quæ semel abluit, quas ludibrio pecNote 123 · Footnote 284: (return) The sinking and rising in baptism, and the immersion, were regarded as significant, but not indispensable symbols (seNote 124 · Footnote 285: (return) In Hermas and 2 Clement. The expression probably arose from the language of the mysteries: see Appuleius, "de Magia",Note 125 · Footnote 286: (return) Justin is the first who does so (I. 61). The word comes from the Greek mysteries. On Justin's theory of baptism, see Note 126 · Footnote 287: (return) Paul unites baptism and the communication of the Spirit; but they were very soon represented apart, see the accounts Note 127 · Footnote 288: (return) The idea of the whole transaction of the Supper as a sacrifice, is plainly found in the Didache, (c. 14), in IgnatiusNote 128 · Footnote 289: (return) Justin lays special stress on this purpose. On the other hand, it is wanting in the Supper prayers of the Didache, unNote 129 · Footnote 290: (return) The designation θυσια is first found in the Didache, c. 14.Note 130 · Footnote 291: (return) The Supper was regarded as a "Sacrament" in so far as a blessing was represented in its holy food. The conception of Note 131 · Footnote 292: (return) Ignatius calls the thank-offering the flesh of Christ, but the concept "flesh of Christ" is for him itself a spirituaNote 132 · Footnote 293: (return) Cf. for the following my arguments in the larger edition of the "Teaching of the Apostles" Chap 5, (Texte u. Unters INote 133 · Footnote 294: (return) That the bishops and deacons were, primarily, officials connected with the cultus, is most clearly seen from 1 Clem. Note 134 · Footnote 295: (return) Sohm (in the work mentioned above) seeks to prove that the monarchical Episcopate originated in Rome and is already pNote 135 · Footnote 296: (return) See, above all, 1 Clem. 42, 44, Acts of the Apostles, Pastoral Epistles, etc.Note 136 · Footnote 297: (return) This idea is Romish. See Book II. chap, 11 C.Note 137 · Footnote 298: (return) We must remember here, that besides the teachers, elders, and deacons, the ascetics (virgins, widows, celibates, abstNote 138 · Footnote 299: (return) See Weizsäcker, Gött Gel. Anz. 1886, No. 21, whose statements I can almost entirely make my own.Note 139 · The confessors of the Gospels, belonging to organised communities who recognised the Old Testament as the Divine record of revelation, and pNote 140 · The Church, that is the totality of all believers destined to be received into the kingdom of God (Didache, 9. 10), is the holy Church, (HerNote 141 · The importance attached to morality is shewn in Didache cc. 1-6, with parallels173. But this section and the statements so closely related tNote 142 · The foundations of the faith—whose abridged form was, on the one hand, the confession of the one true God, μονος αλεθινος θεος,175 and of JeNote 143 · The traditions concerning Christ on which the communities were based, were of a twofold character. First, there were words of the Lord, mostNote 144 · The authority which the Apostles in this way enjoyed, did not, in any great measure, rest on the remembrance of direct services which the twNote 145 · 1. The main articles of Christianity were (1) belief in God the δεσποτης, and in the Son in virtue of proofs from prophecy, and the teachingNote 146 · 2. The conceptions of Christian salvation, or of redemption, were grouped around two ideas, which were themselves but loosely connected withNote 147 · The expression of the contents of the Gospel in the concepts επαγγελια (ζωη αιωνιος) γνωσις (αληθεια) νομος (εγκρατεια), seemed quite as plaNote 148 · Supplement 1.—The moralistic view of sin, forgiveness of sin, and righteousness, in Clement, Barnabas, Polycarp and Ignatius, gives place toNote 149 · Supplement 3.—In some circles the Pauline formula about righteousness and salvation by faith alone, must, it would appear, not infrequently Note 150 · The sayings of the Old Testament, the word of God, were believed to furnish inexhaustible material for deeper knowledge. The Christian prophNote 151 · The point mentioned under (5) needs, however, further explanation. The self-consciousness of the Christian community of being the people of Note 152 · Israel was thus at all times the pseudo-Church. The older people does not in reality precede the younger people, the Christians, even in poiNote 153 · The knowledge of faith was, above all, the knowledge of God as one, supramundane, spiritual,227 and almighty (παντοκρατωρ); God is creator aNote 154 · 1. As surely as redemption was traced back to God himself, so surely was Jesus ('ο σωτηρ 'ημων) held to be the mediator of it. Faith in JesuNote 155 · 2. As the Gentile Christians did not understand the significance of the idea that Jesus is the Christ (Messiah), the designation "χριστος" hNote 156 · 3. But the earliest tradition not only spoke of Jesus as κυριος, σωτηρ, and διδασκαλος, but as "'ο 'υιος του θεου", and this name was firmlyNote 157 · 4. The common confession did not go beyond the statements that Jesus is the Lord, the Saviour, the Son of God, that one must think of him asNote 158 · 5. The ideas of Christ's work which were influential in the communities—Christ as Teacher: creation of knowledge, setting up of the new law;Note 159 · As to the facts of the history of Jesus, the real and the supposed, the circumstance that they formed the ever repeated proclamation about CNote 160 · One can plainly see that the articles contained in the Kerygma were guarded and defended in their reality (κατ' αληθειαν) by the professionaNote 161 · 1. In accordance with the purely spiritual idea of God, it was a fixed principle that only a spiritual worship is well pleasing to Hun, and Note 162 · 2. When in the "Teaching of the Apostles," which may be regarded here as a classic document, the discipline of life in accordance with the wNote 163 · As regards the Lord's Supper, the most important point is that its celebration became more and more the central point, not only for the worsNote 164 · 3. The natural distinctions among men, and the differences of position and vocation which these involve, were not to be abolished in the ChuNote 165 · This review of the common faith and the beginnings of knowledge, worship and organisation, in the earliest Gentile Christianity, will have s
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