Part 2 — The Accusative of the Part Concerned. (continued 4)

pontem, quī erat ad Genāvam, iubet rescindī, 1, 7, 2, he orders the bridge which was near Geneva torn up. concēdō, quia necesse est, RA. 145, I give up, because I have to. In sentences of this class, however, the subjunctive is often required, particularly in indirect discourse (1722), or in cases of attraction (1728).

THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.

The Subjunctive of Indirect Discourse and of Attraction.

1722. The subjunctive is used in relative, causal, temporal, and conditional sentences in indirect discourse, and in cases of attraction.

1723. A direct quotation or question gives the words of the original speaker without alteration. When the original words of a quotation or question are changed to conform to the construction of the sentence in which they are quoted, it is called Indirect Discourse.

1724. In the complete form of indirect discourse, the subjunctive is subordinate to an infinitive or an accusative with the infinitive, dependent on a verb of saying or thinking (2175): as,

negat Epicūrus iūcundē posse vīvī, nisi cum virtūte vīvātur, TD. 3, 49, Epicurus avers there is no living happily, without living virtuously; directly, iūcundē vīvī nōn potest, nisi cum virtūte vīvitur. Sōcratēs dīcere solēbat, omnēs in eō quod scīrent, satis esse ēloquentēs, DO. 1, 63, Socrates used to maintain that all men were eloquent enough in a matter they knew; directly, omnēs in eō quod sciunt satis sunt ēloquentēs.

1725. The idea of saying or thinking is often not formally expressed in the main sentence, and the indirect discourse is intimated by the subordinate subjunctive only: as,

noctū ambulābat in pūblicō Themistoclēs, quod somnum capere nōn posset, TD. 4, 44, Themistocles used to walk the streets nights, ‘because he could not sleep,’ given as Themistocles’s reason; the writer’s would be poterat. Paetus omnēs librōs, quōs frāter suus relīquisset, mihī̆ dōnāvit, Att. 2, 1, 12, Paetus made me a present of all the books ‘that his brother had left.’ dum reliquae nāvēs eō convenīrent, in ancorīs expectāvit, 4, 23, 4, he waited at anchor till the rest of the vessels should gather there (2005). pervēnit priusquam Pompēius sentīre posset, Caes. C. 3, 67, 4, he got there before Pompey should be able to learn of his coming (1919). Xerxēs praemium prōposuit, quī invēnisset novam voluptātem, TD. 5, 20, Xerxes offered a reward to anybody who should devise a new form of entertainment (2110).

1726. A speaker or writer may quote his own thoughts in the indirect form, like another person’s: as, haec tibi dictābam post fānum putre Vacūnae, exceptō quod nōn simul essēs, cētera laetus, H. E. 1, 10, 49, I write thee this behind Vacuna’s mouldering pile, in all else well, except that thou’rt not here the while (1601).

1727. Instead of an intimation of indirect discourse by a mere subjunctive, a verb of thinking or saying is sometimes introduced by quī, or especially quod, sometimes by cum, and put illogically itself in the subjunctive: as, litterās, quās mē sibī̆ mīsisse dīceret, recitāvit, Ph. 2, 7, he read off a letter, which he said I sent him, i.e. quās mīsissem. impetrāre nōn potuī, quod religiōne sē impedīrī dīcerent, Sulpicius in Fam. 4, 12, 3, I could not get leave, because they said they were hampered by religious scruple, i.e. quod impedīrentur. cum dīceret, DN. 3, 83, saying as he did. This construction is common in Cicero, somewhat so in Caesar, rare in Sallust.

1728. The subjunctive is used in sentences expressing an essential part of the thought, which are subordinate to another subjunctive, or to an infinitive. This is called the Subjunctive of Attraction, or of Assimilation: as,

vereor nē, dum minuere velim labōrem, augeam, Leg. 1, 12, I am afraid I may make the work harder, while I am aiming to make it less. sī sōlōs eōs dīcerēs miserōs, quibus moriendum esset, nēminem eōrum, quī vīverent exciperēs, TD. 1, 9, if you should pronounce only such people unhappy as had to die, you would not except one of those who were living. mōs est Syrācūsīs, ut sī quā dē rē ad senātum referātur, dīcat sententiam quī velit, V. 4, 142, it is the custom at Syracuse, that if any question is discussed in the senate, anybody who pleases may express his opinion. sapiēns nōn dubitat, sī ita melius sit, migrāre dē vītā, Fin. 1, 62, the sage does not hesitate, if this be the better course, to withdraw from life. mōs est Athēnīs laudārī in cōntiōne eōs, quī sint in proeliīs interfectī, O. 151, it is the custom in Athens to eulogize in public assembly such as have fallen in action.

1729. The indicative is kept in subordinate statements added or vouched for by the person reporting, and also in circumlocutions equivalent to a substantive: as,

nūntiātum est Ariovistum ad occupandum Vesontiōnem, quod est oppidum maximum Sēquanōrum, contendere, 1, 38, 1, it was reported that Ariovistus was pressing on to seize Vesontio, which is the most considerable town of the Sequans. prūdentissima cīvitās Athēniēnsium, dum ea rērum potīta est, fuisse trāditur, RA. 70, Athens is said to have been passing wise, as long as she held the hegemony. vīs, quae restant, mē loquī? T. Andr. 195, wilt have me tell the rest? i.e. relicua. fierī potest, ut id quod sentit polītē ēloquī nōn possit, TD. 1, 6, it may be that he cannot express his thought in polished style, i.e. sententiam suam.

The Subjunctive of Repeated Action.

1730. The subjunctive is sometimes used in relative, temporal, or conditional sentences, to express action repeated or occurring at no particular time: as,

(a.) neque aliter sī faciat, ūllam inter suōs habet auctōritātem, 6, 11, 4, and if he does not do this, he never has any ascendancy at all over his people. With the present and perfect, however, this subjunctive is confined principally to the indefinite second person singular (1030): as, bonus sēgnior fit, ubī̆ neglegās, S. I. 31, 28, the good man always gets slacker, when you are neglectful. sīquoi mūtuom quid dederīs, fit prō propriō perditum, Pl. Tri. 1050, if you’ve lent anything to any man, ’tis not your own, but lost. (b.) The imperfect and pluperfect subjunctive begin with Catullus and Caesar, and get to be common with Livy and Tacitus: as, sī quis prehenderētur, cōnsēnsū mīlitum ēripiēbātur, Caes. C. 3, 110, 4, every time a man was taken up, he was rescued by the joint action of the rank and file. quemcumque līctor prēndisset, tribūnus mittī iubēbat, L. 3, 11, 2, every man the lictor arrested, a tribune would order released.

The Subjunctive as in the Simple Sentence.

1731. The subjunctive of wish, of action conceivable, or of interrogation, is sometimes used in a subordinate sentence exactly as in main sentences: as,

haec diē nātālī meō scrīpsī, quō utinam susceptus nōn essem, Att. 11, 9, 3, this I have written on my birthday, on which day I wish I had never been lifted from the ground (1544). ut videās, Lucr. 3, 348, so that you can see (1556). neque id faciō, ut forsitan quibusdam videar, simulātiōne, Fam. 1, 8, 2, nor do I do it, as perhaps I may seem to some to do, from hypocrisy (1556). etiamst paucīs vōs quod monitōs voluerim, Pl. Cap. 53, there’s one point more, on which I’d have you briefly warned (1558). erant eiusmodī sitūs oppidōrum, ut neque pedibus aditum habērent neque nāvibus, quod minuente aestū nāvēs in vadīs adflīctārentur, 3, 12, 1, the towns were so situated that there was no access to them by land, nor by boat either, because at ebb tide vessels would pound on the shoals (1559). vix erat hoc imperātum, cum illum spoliātum vidērēs, V. 4, 86, hardly was the order from his lips, when you might have seen the man stript (1559). quō mē vertam nesciō, Clu. 4, I don’t know which way to turn (1563).

TENSE OF THE SUBORDINATE SENTENCE.

THE TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE.

1732. I. The tense of a subordinate indicative often indicates a close relation of time with the tense of the leading verb, particularly in cases of repeated contemporaneous or antecedent action. The subordinate sentence in such combinations is said to have Relative time.

1733. (1.) The subordinate indicative tense may express action concurrent with the main action. Two concurrent sentences are usually put in the same tense.

Concurrent action is said to be (a.) congruent, when two actions merely cover the same time: as, dum legō, adsentior, TD. 1, 24, as long as I am reading, I assent. dum necesse erat, ūnus omnia poterat, RA. 139, so long as it had to be, one man controlled the world. dum Latīnae loquentur litterae, quercus huic locō nōn deerit, Leg. 1, 2, as long as Latin literature has the gift of speech, this spot will not lack its oak. vīxit, dum vīxit, bene, T. Hec. 461, he lived well all the time he lived. quoad potuit, fortissimē restitit, 4, 12, 5, as long as he could, he made a manful stand. Or (b.) coincident, when one action is virtually the same as the other: as, cum tacent, clāmant, C. 1, 21, while they are dumb, they cry out, i.e. their silence is as telling as a shout. fēcistī mihī̆ pergrātum, quod Serāpiōnis librum mīsistī, Att. 2, 4, 1, you have obliged me very much by sending Serapio’s book.

1734. (2.) The subordinate indicative tense may express action contemporaneous, antecedent, or subsequent, in relation to the main action.

1735. (a.) Action contemporaneous with a main present is expressed by a present, with a main future or virtual future, by a future, with a main secondary tense by an imperfect: as,

quod est, eō decet ūtī, CM. 27, what you have, that you should avail yourself of. hōrologium mittam, sī erit sūdum, Fam. 16, 18, 3, I will send the clock, if it is pleasant (1625). paulātim dabis, sī sapiēs, T. Hau. 870, you’ll give in driblets, if you are wise. cum relaxāre animōs volent, caveant intemperantiam, Off. 1, 122, when they want to unbend, let them beware of excess (1625; 1718). omnia deerant, quae ad reficiendās nāvēs erant ūsuī, 4, 29, 4, they were out of everything that was serviceable for repairing their vessels.

1736. (b.) Action antecedent to a main present is expressed by a perfect, to a main future or virtual future by a future perfect, to a main secondary tense by a pluperfect: as,

quōcumque aspexistī tuae tibī̆ occurrunt iniūriae, Par. 18, wherever you turn your gaze, you are confronted by your own abominable acts. cum posuī librum, adsēnsiō omnis ēlābitur, TD. 1, 24, when I drop the book, all assent melts away (1860). quicquid fēceris, adprobābō, Fam. 3, 3, 2, no matter what you do, I shall think it well (1626). ut quisque istīus animum offenderat, in lautumiās statim coniciēbātur, V. 5, 143, any man that wounded his sensibilities was always flung into the quarries without any ado.

1737. (c.) Action subsequent to a main present is expressed by the future participle with a present form of sum, to a main future or virtual future by the future participle with a future form of sum, and to a main secondary tense by the future participle with an imperfect form of sum: as,

decem diēs sunt ante lūdōs, quōs Cn. Pompēius factūrus est, V. a. pr. 31, there are ten days before the shows which Pompey is to manage. attentōs faciēmus, sī dēmōnstrābimus ea, quae dictūrī erimus, magna esse, Inv. 1, 23, we shall make people attentive if we show that what we are going to say is important. rēx, quia nōn interfutūrus nāvālī certāminī erat, Magnēsiam concessit, L. 36, 43, 9, as the king was not to have a hand in the action at sea, he moved off to Magnesia.

1738. II. A subordinate indicative tense is said to be Independent when it simply expresses time of its own, without any close relation to the time of the main action.

Such independent tenses may denote general present action: as, ībam forte viā sacrā, sīcut meus est mōs, H. S. 1, 9, 1, in Sacred Street, as is my wont, I happened to be promenading (relatively, erat mōs, 1735). nōn mē appellābis, sī sapis, Pl. Most. 515, you won’t address me, if you have sense (relatively, sī sapiēs, 1735). Or past action, either continuous, completed, or indefinite: as, ut mōs fuit Bī̆thȳniae rēgibus, lectīcā ferēbātur, V. 5, 27, he regularly rode in a litter, as was the practice of the despots of Bithynia; here fuit denotes action simply as past, without further definition of time (1603), whereas erat, relative to the time of ferēbātur, would imply which was then the practice (1595).

1739. With dum, in the time while, an independent present is used: see 1995. With postquam, &c., after, an independent perfect is used of a single action; see 1925.

THE TENSES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE.

1740. Subordinate subjunctive sentences were originally independent coordinate sentences, in the tense required to express the thought. By degrees the subordinate sentence blended closely with the main sentence, and the combination of the two was regarded as one whole.

1741. I. The time of the subordinate subjunctive is usually Relative, that is either contemporaneous, antecedent, or subsequent, in relation to that of the main action.

1742. Action contemporaneous with the main action is expressed by a present or imperfect subjunctive. Action antecedent is expressed by a perfect or a pluperfect subjunctive. Action subsequent is expressed by the future participle with a form of sim or of essem.

1743. Subordinate sentences with verbs of will or aim, with verbs of fear, also final sentences and many consecutive sentences are expressed in Latin as contemporaneous with the main action, not as subsequent to it.

1744. II. The main and subordinate sentences may express wholly different spheres of time by tenses not commonly used together, when the thought requires it. In such cases the tense of the subordinate member is called Independent, like the analogous tenses of the indicative (1738).

1745. The use of subordinate subjunctive tenses relatively to the main tense, or what is commonly called the Sequence of Tenses, is as follows:

Tense subordinate to an Indicative.

1746. (1.) The present, or perfect subjunctive, or the future participle with a form of sim, is used in sentences subordinate to a primary tense (1717): as,

(a.) tē hortor, ut Rōmam pergās, QFr. 1, 3, 4, I urge you to repair to Rome. cūrā, ut quam prīmum veniās, Fam. 4, 10, 1, mind that you come as soon as you can. ego quid accēperim sciō, RA. 58, I know what I have received. quam sum sollicitus quidnam futūrum sit, Att. 8, 6, 3, how anxious I am to know what in the world is to come. (b.) in eum locum rēs dēducta est ut salvī esse nequeāmus, Fam. 16, 12, 1, to such a pass has it come that we cannot be saved. an oblītus es quid initiō dīxerim? DN. 2, 2, have you possibly forgotten what I said at the start? quoniam in eam ratiōnem vītae nōs fortūna dēdūxit, ut sempiternus sermō dē nōbīs futūrus sit, caveāmus, QFr. 1, 1, 38, since fortune has set us in such a walk of life that we are to be eternally talked about, let us be on our guard. (c.) efficiam, ut intellegātis, Clu. 7, I will see that you understand. dīcent quid statuerint, V. 2, 175, they will tell what they decided on. quae fuerit causa, mox vīderō, Fin. 1, 35, what the reason was I won’t consider till by and by (1630). tē disertum putābō, sī ostenderis quō modō sīs eōs inter sīcāriōs dēfēnsūrus, Ph. 2, 8, I shall think you a most effective speaker, if you show how you are going to defend them on the charge of murder.

1747. (2.) The imperfect, or pluperfect subjunctive, or the future participle with a form of essem, is used in sentences subordinate to a secondary tense (1717): as,

(a.) hīs rēbus fīēbat, ut minus lātē vagārentur, 1, 2, 4, so it came to pass that they did not roam round much. docēbat, ut tōtīus Galliae prīncipātum Aeduī tenuissent, 1, 43, 6, he showed how the Aeduans had had the mastery over all Gaul. Flaccus quid aliī posteā factūrī essent scīre nōn poterat, Fl. 33, Flaccus could not tell what other people would do in the future. (b.) is cīvitātī persuāsit, ut dē fīnibus suīs cum omnibus cōpiīs exīrent, 1, 2, 1, this man prevailed on his community to emigrate from their place of abode, bag and baggage. quās rēs in Hispāniā gessisset, disseruit, L. 28, 38, 2, he discoursed on his military career in Spain. an Lacedaemoniī quaesīvērunt num sē esset morī prohibitūrus? TD. 5, 42, did the Spartans ask whether he was going to prevent them from dying? (c.) Ariovistus tantōs sibī̆ spīritūs sūmpserat, ut ferendus nōn vidērētur, 1, 33, 5, Ariovistus had put on such high and mighty airs that he seemed intolerable. hīc pāgus, cum domō exīsset patrum nostrōrum memoriā, L. Cassium cōnsulem interfēcerat, 1, 12, 5, this canton, sallying out from home in our fathers’ recollection, had put Cassius, the consul, to death. illud quod mihī̆ extrēmum prōposueram, cum essem de bellī genere dictūrus, IP. 17, the point I had reserved till the end, when I was going to discourse on the character of the war.

1748. With any kind of a secondary main sentence, a subordinate general truth usually stands in the past, contrary to the English idiom: as,

hīc cōgnōscī licuit, quantum esset hominibus praesidī in animī firmitūdine, Caes. C. 3, 28, 4, here there was a chance to learn what a bulwark man has in courage. In the direct form est (1588).

1749. A subsequent relation is sometimes loosely suggested by a simple subjunctive; necessarily so with verbs which lack the future participle, or which are in the passive: as, sum sollicitus quidnam dē prōvinciīs dēcernātur, Fam. 2, 11, 1, I am anxious to see what in the world may be decided on about the provinces.

1750. In a single example, a future perfect of resulting state is represented in subordination as follows: nec dubitō quīn cōnfecta iam rēs futūra sit, Fam. 6, 12, 3, and I have no doubt the job will soon be completely finished up, directly, sine dubiō cōnfecta iam rēs erit.

1751. (1.) An imperfect subjunctive expressing a particular past result, cause, reason, &c., is sometimes connected with a main general present tense (1744): as,

cuius praeceptī tanta vīs est, ut ea Delphicō deō tribuerētur, Leg. 1, 58, the power of this rule is so mighty that it was ascribed to the Delphic god. cuius rē̆ī tanta est vīs, ut Ithacam illam sapientissimus vir immortālitātī antepōneret, DO. 1, 196, so irresistible is the power of this sentiment that the shrewdest of men loved his little Ithaca better than life eternal; of Ulixes. laudantur ōrātōrēs veterēs quod crīmina dīluere dīlūcidē solērent, V. 2, 191, the orators of old are admired ‘because they were always clear in explaining accusations away.’ The secondary sequence is also sometimes exceptionally used with ordinary presents.

1752. (2.) The present of vivid narration is commonly regarded as a secondary tense, especially when the subordinate sentence precedes, and regularly with narrative cum. Sometimes however as a primary tense: as,

(a.) servīs suīs Rubrius, ut iānuam clauderent, imperat, V. 1, 66, Rubrius orders his slaves to shut the front door. Aeduī, cum sē dēfendere nōn possent, lēgātōs ad Caesarem mittunt, 1, 11, 2, the Aeduans, finding they could not defend themselves, send some envoys to Caesar. (b.) hortātur, ut arma capiant, 7, 4, 4, he urges them to fly to arms. Sometimes the two sequences stand side by side, or a subjunctive of primary sequence has itself a second subordinate subjunctive of secondary sequence. Either sequence is used with the present of quotation also (1592).

1753. (3.) Subordinate sentences of past action conceivable, of action non-occurrent, or dubitative questions of the past, retain their past unchanged with a main primary tense: as,

(a.) vērī simile nōn est, ut ille monumentīs maiōrum pecūniam antepōneret, V. 4, 11, it is not conceivable that the man would have thought more of money than of his heirlooms, i.e. nōn antepōneret (1559). (b.) omnia sīc erunt inlūstria, ut ad ea probanda tōtam Siciliam testem adhibēre possem, V. 5, 139, everything will be so self-evident, that I could use all Sicily as a witness to prove it (1560). taceō, nē haec quidem conligō, quae fortasse valērent apud iūdicem, Lig. 30, I’ll hold my tongue, I won’t even gather together the following arguments, which might perhaps be telling with a juryman (1560). (c.) quaerō ā tē cūr C. Cornēlium nōn dēfenderem, Vat. 5, I put the question to you, why I was not to defend Cornelius (1563).

1754. A final subjunctive subordinate to a perfect definite sometimes has the primary sequence, but more commonly the secondary: as,

(a.) etiamne ad subsellia cum ferrō vēnistis, ut hīc iugulētis Sex. Rōscium? RA. 32, have you actually come to the court-room knife in hand, to cut Roscius’s throat on the spot? (b.) nē īgnōrārētis esse aliquās pācis vōbīs condiciōnēs, ad vōs vēnī, L. 21, 13, 2, I have come to you to let you know that you have some chances of peace. addūxī hominem in quō satis facere exterīs nātiōnibus possētis, V. a. pr. 2, I have brought up a man in whose person you can give satisfaction to foreign nations.

1755. An independent present or perfect subjunctive may be put with a main secondary tense (1744):

1756. (1.) In relative, causal, or concessive sentences: as,

cum in cēterīs colōniīs duūm virī appellentur, hī sē praetōrēs appellārī volēbant, Agr. 2, 93, though they are styled in all other colonies The Two, these men wanted to be styled praetors. quī adulēscēns nihil umquam nisi sevērissimē et gravissimē fēcerit, is eā aetāte saltāvit? D. 27, did the man who in his growing years invariably behaved with austere propriety, dance and caper round in his old age? hōc tōtō proeliō cum ab hōrā septimā ad vesperum pugnātum sit, āversum hostem vidēre nēmō potuit, 1, 26, 2, during the whole of this engagement, though the fighting went on from an hour past noon till evening, nobody could catch a glimpse of an enemy’s back.

1757. (2.) Often in consecutive sentences: as,

(a.) in prōvinciā Siciliā, quam iste per triennium ita vexāvit, ut ea restituī in antīquum statum nūllō modō possit, V. a. pr. 12, in the province of Sicily, which the defendant so effectually tormented three years running that it cannot be restored at all to its original estate. priōrēs ita rēgnārunt, ut omnēs conditōrēs partium certē urbis numerentur, L. 2, 1, 2, such was the administration of the monarchs preceding, that they are all accounted founders of parts at least of Rome. (b.) The perfect subjunctive sometimes represents the time of the perfect definite: as, tantum in aerārium pecūniae invēxit, ut ūnīus imperātōris praeda fīnem attulerit tribūtōrum, Off. 2, 76, he conveyed such quantities of money into the treasury, that the plunder turned in by a single commander has put an end to tribute for good and all. eō usque sē praebēbat patientem atque impigrum, ut eum nēmō umquam in equō sedentem vīderit, V. 5, 27, he showed himself so indefatigably active that no human being has ever seen him astride a horse. Sometimes the time of the historical perfect: as, temporis tanta fuit exiguitās, ut ad galeās induendās tempus dēfuerit, 2, 21, 5, so scant was the time that they had not time to put their helmets on. hīc ita quiēvit, ut eō tempore omnī Neāpolī fuerit, Sull. 17, this man held so quiet that he staid all that time at Neapolis. In Cicero a negative subordinate perfect is not uncommon; an affirmative one is very rare. This construction is more common in Nepos, Livy, and Tacitus, and is the prevalent one in Suetonius.

1758. The imperfect only is used in complementary sentences with past verbs of happening, such as accidit, contigit, &c. (1966).

1759. When two consecutive subjunctives are coordinated, they usually have the same tense. Sometimes however the first is perfect and the second imperfect, or the reverse.

1760. (3.) An indirect question in the present or perfect sometimes retains its original tense with a main secondary tense (1744): as,

hīc quantum in bellō fortūna possit, cōgnōscī potuit, 6, 35, 2, here there was a chance to see how potent dame Fortùne is in war. Here possit represents potest of a general truth (1588); but usually general truths have the regular sequence (1748). cūr abstinuerit spectāculō ipse, variē trahēbant, Ta. 1, 76, why the emperor did not go to the show, they accounted for in this way and that, representing cūr abstinuit? quō cōnsiliō redierim initiō audīstis, post estis expertī, Ph. 10, 8, what my idea was in coming back, you learned first by hearsay, afterwards by personal observation, representing quō cōnsiliō rediī?

1761. The subordinate subjunctive has sometimes the sequence of the nearest verb, instead of that of its proper verb: as, cūrāvit, quod semper in rē pūblicā tenendum est, nē plūrimum valeant plūrimī, RP. 2, 39, he arranged it so, a point which is always to be held fast in government, that the greatest number may not have the greatest power.

Tense subordinate to a Subjunctive.

1762. When the leading verb is a subjunctive, the present is regarded as primary, and the imperfect and pluperfect as secondary: as,

(a.) exspectō eius modī litterās ex quibus nōn quid fīat, sed quid futūrum sit sciam, Att. 5, 12, 2, I am expecting a letter of a kind to let me know not what is going on, but what will be going on. quid prōfēcerim faciās mē velim certiōrem, Fam. 7, 10, 3, how far I have succeeded I wish you would let me know. (b.) quālis esset nātūra montis quī cōgnōscerent mīsit, 1, 21, 1, he sent some scouts to find out what the character of the mountain was. quid mē prohibēret Epicūrēum esse, sī probārem quae dīceret, Fin. 1, 27, what would prevent me from being an Epicurean, if I accepted what he said? quae sī bis bīna quot essent didicisset Epicūrus, certē nōn dīceret, DN. 2, 49, Epicurus would certainly not say this, if he had ever been taught how much twice two is (1748).

1763. An imperfect subjunctive of action non-occurrent at the present time has occasionally the present sequence: as, mīrārēris, sī interessēs, quā patientiā valētūdinem toleret, Plin. Ep. 1, 22, 7, you would be amazed to find, if you were with him, with what dogged endurance he bears up under his illness. But the secondary sequence is far more common.

1764. (1.) The perfect subjunctive in independent main sentences of prohibition (1551) or of action conceivable (1558) is regarded as a primary tense: as,

nē dubitārīs quīn id mihī̆ futūrum sit antīquius, Att. 7, 3, 2, don’t entertain any doubt that this course will be preferable in my eyes. quid nōn sit citius quam quid sit dīxerim, DN. 1, 60, I could sooner tell what is not, than what is.

1765. (2.) In subordinate sentences, the perfect subjunctive has the main sequence when it represents the indicative perfect definite, and the secondary when it represents the indicative historical perfect or the imperfect: as,

(a.) nēmō ferē vestrūm est, quīn, quem ad modum captae sint Syrācūsae saepe audierit, V. 4, 115, there is hardly a man of your number but has heard over and over again how Syracuse was taken. (b.) quā rē acciderit ut id suspicārēre quod scrībis nesciō, Fam. 2, 16, 1, how it came to pass that you suspected what you write, I can’t imagine.

Tense subordinate to a Noun of the Verb.

1766. (1.) A subjunctive subordinate to one of the nouns of the verb, except the perfect infinitive or the perfect participle, follows the sequence of the verb: as,

dēsinō quaerere cūr ēmerīs, V. 4, 10, I cease to ask why you bought. nēminem tam āmentem fore putāvērunt, ut emeret argentum, V. 4, 9, they did not dream anybody would be crazy enough to buy plate. secūrī percussī, adeō torpentibus metū quī aderant, ut nē gemitus quidem exaudīrētur, L. 28, 29, 11, they were beheaded, everybody there being so completely paralyzed with fear that not even a groan could be heard. Q. Fabius Pīctor Delphōs missus est scīscitātum, quibus precibus deōs possent plācāre, L. 22, 57, 5, Fabius Pictor was sent to Delphi to find out by what sort of prayers they could get the ear of the gods. cupīdō incessit animōs iuvenum scīscitandī ad quem eōrum rēgnum esset ventūrum, L. 1, 56, 10, the youths were possessed with a desire to find out to which one of their number the throne was to fall.

1767. (2.) With a perfect infinitive or perfect participle, the subordinate subjunctive may be in the imperfect or pluperfect, even with a primary leading verb: as,

satis mihī̆ multa verba fēcisse videor, quā rē esset hoc bellum necessārium, IP. 27, I fancy I have said enough to show why this war is unavoidable. hunc istī aiunt, cum taurum immolāvisset, mortuum concidisse, Br. 43, your gentlemen say that this man, after sacrificing a bull, tumbled down dead. viātor bene vestītus causa grassātōrī fuisse dīcētur cūr ab eō spoliārētur, Fat. 34, a well-dressed traveller will be said to have been a temptation for a footpad to rob him. versābor in rē saepe quaesītā, suffrāgia clam an palam ferre melius esset, Leg. 3, 33, I shall be working on a question that has often been put, whether it was better to vote secretly or openly.

1768. The sequence with a perfect infinitive is, however, often primary: as, hīc sī fīnem faciam dīcendī, satis iūdicī fēcisse videar cūr secundum Rōscium iūdicārī dēbeat, RC. 14, if I should stop speaking here, I should feel I had made it plain enough to the court why a judgement should be rendered for Roscius.

1769. The secondary sequence is used with meminī, remember, even when it has the present infinitive (2220): as, L. Metellum meminī ita bonīs esse vīribus extrēmō tempore aetātis, ut adulēscentiam nōn requīreret, CM. 30, I can remember Metellus’s being so good and strong in the very last part of his life that he did not feel the want of youth.

1770. Sentences with a subjunctive due to another subjunctive or to an infinitive are put as follows:

1771. (1.) Sentences of relative time express contemporaneous, antecedent, and subsequent action like corresponding indicative sentences, with the appropriate sequence: as,

vereor, nē, dum minuere velim labōrem, augeam, Leg. 1, 12, I am afraid that while I wish to make the work less, I may make it more. crocodīlōs dīcunt, cum in terrā partum ēdiderint, obruere ōva, DN. 2, 129, they say that the crocodile, after laying on land, buries her eggs. dīcēbam quoad metuerēs, omnia tē prōmissūrum: simul ac timēre desīssēs, similem tē futūrum tuī, Ph. 2, 89, I said that as long as you were afraid, you would promise everything; the moment you ceased to fear, you would be just like yourself. cōnstituērunt ea, quae ad proficīscendum pertinērent, comparāre, 1, 3, 1, they resolved to get such things ready as were necessary for the march. erat scrīptum: nisi domum reverterētur, sē capitis eum damnātūrōs, N. 4, 3, 4, it stood written that, if he did not come back home, they would condemn him to death (direct form nisi revertēris, damnābimus). lēgātī vēnērunt, quī sē ea, quae imperāsset, factūrōs pollicērentur, 4, 22, 1, some envoys came, to engage to do what he ordered (direct form quae imperāris, faciēmus). Venetī cōnfīdēbant Rōmānōs neque ūllam facultātem habēre nāvium, neque eōrum locōrum ubī̆ bellum gestūrī essent portūs nōvisse, 3, 19, 6, the Venetans felt assured that the Romans had not any proper supply of ships, and were not acquainted with the ports in the places where they were to fight.

1772. (2.) Sentences with independent time retain the independent time in the subjunctive in primary sequence (1744); in secondary sequence the present becomes imperfect, and the perfect becomes pluperfect: as,

(a.) quamquam opīniō est, eum quī multīs annīs ante hōs fuerit, Pīsistratum, multum valuisse dīcendō, Br. 27, though there is an impression that the man who lived years and years before these people, Pisistratus, was a very telling orator (direct form, quī fuit, 1738). dīcitur, posteā quam vēnerit, paucīs diēbus esse mortuus, Clu. 175, he is said to have died a few days after he came (1739). (b.) cōgnōvit Suēbōs, posteā quam pontem fierī comperissent, nūntiōs in omnēs partēs dīmīsisse, 4, 19, 2, he ascertained that after the Suebans had learned of the building of the bridge, they had sent out messengers in every direction.

THE INDIRECT QUESTION.

1773. The subjunctive is used in indirect questions or exclamations.

Thus, when the direct question, quī scīs, how do you know? is subordinated to a main sentence, such as quaerō, I ask, the scīs becomes sciās: quaerō quī sciās, RA. 59, I ask how you know. Questions or exclamations thus subordinated are called Indirect (1723). In English, indirect questions are usually characterized simply by the position of the words, the subject standing before the verb.

1774. The indirect question is one of the commonest of constructions. It depends on verbs or expressions meaning not only ask, but also tell, inform, ascertain, see, hear, know, consider, deliberate, doubt, wonder, fear, &c., &c.

Yes or No Questions.

1775. Indirect Yes or No questions are introduced by the same interrogative particles that are used in direct questions (1503). But in indirect questions, num and -ne are used without any essential difference, in the sense of whether, if. nōnne is used thus only by Cicero, and by him only with quaerō: as,

quaeris num disertus sit? Planc. 62, do you ask whether he is a good speaker? quaesīvī cōgnōsceretne sīgnum, C. 3, 10, I asked if he recognized the seal. quaerō nōnne tibī̆ faciendum idem sit, Fin. 3, 13, I ask whether you ought not to do the same. vidēte num dubitandum vōbīs sit, IP. 19, consider whether you ought to have any hesitation.

1776. The combinations -ne . . . -ne, and an . . . an, introducing two separate questions, are rare; -ne . . . -ne is mostly confined to poetry. In a few instances such questions can hardly be distinguished from alternatives.

1777. A conditional protasis with sī, if, to see if, or sī forte, if perchance, sometimes takes the place of an indirect question in expressions or implications of trial, hope, or expectation: as, ībō, vīsam sī domīst, T. Hau. 170, I’ll go and see if he’s at home. Usually with the subjunctive: as, exspectābam, sī quid scrīberēs, Att. 16, 2. 4, I was waiting to see whether you would write anything. circumfunduntur hostēs, sī quem aditum reperīre possent, 6, 37, 4, the enemy came streaming round, to see if they could find any way of getting in.

Alternative Questions.

1778. Indirect alternative questions are introduced like direct questions (1519). But when the second member is negative, it has oftener necne than an nōn: as,

hoc quaerāmus, vērum sit an falsum, Clu. 124, let us ask this question, whether it is true or false. quaesīvī ā Catilīnā in conventū fuisset, necne, C. 2, 13, I asked Catiline whether he had been at the meeting or not. permultum interest utrum perturbātiōne animī, an cōnsultō fīat iniūria, Off. 1, 27, it makes a vast difference whether wrong be done in heat of passion, or with deliberate intent. quaerō, eum Brūtīne similem mālīs an Antōniī, Ph. 10, 5, I ask whether you would rather have him like Brutus or like Antony.

1779. An introductory utrum preceding an alternative question with -ne and an occurs a few times in Plautus and Cicero; utrumne . . . an occurs once in Cicero, and twice in Horace and Tacitus each; compare 1522. After utrum, a second alternative is sometimes suppressed, as in the direct question (1523).

1780. -ne in the second member only of an alternative question is rare, and not used by Caesar or Sallust: as, sine sciam captīva māterne sim, L. 2, 40, 5, let me know whether I am a captive or a mother.

1781. (1.) A few times in Plautus and Terence, the second member only of an alternative question is expressed with quī sciō an? or quī scīs an? equivalent to perhaps: as, quī scīs an quae iubeam faciat? T. Eu. 790, perhaps she’ll do as I direct. Horace has once quī scīs an, AP. 462, in the sense of perhaps, and once quis scit an, 4, 7, 17, in the sense of perhaps not.

1782. (2.) The second member only of an alternative question is often expressed after haud sciō an, I don’t know but, possibly, perhaps, with nōn; nēmō, nūllus, &c., if the sentence is negative: as,

haud sciō an fierī possit, V. 3, 162, I don’t know but it is possible. Similarly, though not often, with nesciō an, haud sciam an, dubitō an, dubitārim an, dubium an, incertum an, &c.: as, ēloquentiā nesciō an habuisset parem nēminem, Br. 126, in oratory I fancy he would have had no peer. This use, in which haud sciō an becomes adverbial, and the subjunctive approaches closely that of modest assertion, is principally confined to Cicero. In later Latin, haud sciō an, &c., sometimes has a negative sense, I don’t know whether, with ūllus, &c.

1783. From Curtius on, an is used quite like num or -ne, in a single indirect question, without implication of alternatives.

1784. Two alternatives are rarely used without any interrogative particles at all: as, velit nōlit scīre difficile est, QFr. 3, 8, 4, will he nill he, it is hard to know, i.e. whether he will or not. Compare 1518.

Pronoun Questions.

1785. Indirect pronoun questions are introduced by the same pronominal words that are used in direct pronoun questions (1526): as,

cōgnōscit, quae gerantur, 5, 48, 2, he ascertains what is going on. vidētis ut omnēs dēspiciat, RA. 135, you can see how he looks down on everybody. quid agās et ut tē oblectēs scīre cupiō, QFr. 2, 3, 7, I am eager to know how you do and how you are amusing yourself.

Original Subjunctives.

1786. Questions already in the subjunctive may also become indirect.

Thus, quō mē vertam? V. 5, 2, which way shall I turn? (1563) becomes indirect in quō mē vertam nesciō, Clu. 4, I don’t know which way I am to turn. quid faciam? H. S. 2, 1, 24, what shall I do? (1563) becomes indirect in quid faciam, praescrībe, H. S. 2, 1, 5, lay down the law, what I’m to do. neque satis cōnstābat quid agerent, 3, 14, 3, and it was not at all clear what they had best do. dubitāvī hōsce hominēs emerem an nōn emerem, Pl. Cap. 455, I had my doubts, whether to buy these men or not to buy (1564).

Indicative Questions apparently Indirect.

1787. In old Latin, the indicative occurs often in connections where the subjunctive would be used in classical Latin: as,

dīc, quis est, Pl. B. 558, say, who is it? whereas dīc quis sit would mean say who it is. In such cases the question is not subordinate, but coordinate, usually with an imperative (1697), or with some such expression as tē rogō, volō scīre, scī̆n, or the like. Such coordination occurs exceptionally in the classical period: as, et vidē, quam conversa rēs est, Att. 8, 13, 2, and observe, how everything is changed. adspice, ut ingreditur, V. 6, 856, see, how he marches off.

1788. The indicative is used with nesciō followed by a pronominal interrogative, when this combination is equivalent to an indefinite pronoun or adverb: as,

prōdit nesciō quis, T. Ad. 635, there’s some one coming out. This is a condensed form for prōdit nesciō quis sit, there’s coming out I don’t know who it is, the real question, sit, being suppressed, and nesciō quis acquiring the meaning of aliquis, somebody. Similarly nesciō with unde, ubī̆, quandō, quot, &c., in writers of all ages. Plautus uses sciō quid, sciō ut, &c., somewhat in this way once or twice with the indicative: as, scio quid agō, B. 78, I’m doing I know what.

1789. This combination often expresses admiration, contempt, or regret: as, contendō tum illud nesciō quid praeclārum solēre existere, Arch. 15, I maintain that in such a combination the beau ideal of perfection always bursts into being. paulum nesciō quid, RA. 115 an unconsidered trifle. dīvīsa est sententia, postulante nesciō quō, Mil. 14. the question was divided, on motion of what’s his name. nesciō quō pactō, C. 31, unfortunately.

1790. The indicative is used in like manner with many expressions, originally exclamatory, which have become adverbs: such are immāne quantum, prodigiously, mīrum quantum, wonderfully, sānē quam, immensely, &c., &c. See 712 and the dictionary.

1791. Relative constructions often have the appearance of indirect questions, and care must be taken not to confound the two. Thus, ut is a relative in hanc rem, ut factast, ēloquar, Pl. Am. 1129, I’ll tell this thing as it occurred, i.e. not how it occurred. nōstī quae sequontur, TD. 4, 77, you know the things that follow, i.e. not what follows.

THE RELATIVE SENTENCE.

1792. Relative sentences are introduced by relative words, the most important of which is the pronoun quī, who, which, or that. The relative pronoun may be in any case required by the context, and may represent any of the three persons.

1793. The relative adverbs, ubī̆, quō, unde, often take the place of a relative pronoun with a preposition, chiefly in designations of place, and regularly with town and island names. Less frequently of persons, though unde is not uncommonly thus used.

1794. In a wider sense, sentences introduced by any relative conjunctive particle, such as ubī̆, when, are sometimes called relative sentences. Such sentences, however, are more conveniently treated separately, under the head of the several conjunctive particles.

1795. (1.) The relative pronoun, like the English relative who, which, was developed from the interrogative. Originally, the relative sentence precedes, and the main sentence follows, just as in question and answer.

Thus, quae mūtat, ea corrumpit, Fin. 1, 21, what he changes, that he spoils, is a modification of the older question and answer: quae mūtat? ea corrumpit, what does he change? that he spoils. With adjective relatives, the substantive is expressed in both members, in old or formal Latin: as, quae rēs apud nostrōs nōn erant, eārum rērum nōmina nōn poterant esse ūsitāta, Cornif. 4, 10, what things did not exist among our countrymen, of those things the names could not have been in common use.

1796. (2.) The relative sentence may also come last. As early as Plautus, this had become the prevalent arrangement, and the substantive of the main sentence is called the Antecedent: as,

ultrā eum locum, quō in locō Germānī cōnsēderant, castrīs idōneum locum dēlēgit, 1, 49, 1, beyond the place in which place the Germans had established themselves, he selected a suitable spot for his camp. The three words diēs, locus, and rēs, are very commonly expressed thus both in the antecedent and the relative sentence. This repetition is rare in Livy, and disappears after his time.

1797. In old Latin, rarely in classical poetry, a sentence sometimes begins with an emphasized antecedent put before the relative, and in the case of the relative: as, urbem quam statuō vostra est, V. 1, 573, the city which I found is yours; for quam urbem statuō, ea vostra est. In the main sentence, is, hīc, iste, or ille, is often used; less frequently, as in this example, an appellative.

1798. The main sentence often has the determinative or demonstrative, or the substantive, or both omitted: as,

(a.) ubī̆ intellēxit diem īnstāre, quō diē frūmentum mīlitibus mētīrī oportēret, 1, 16, 5, when he saw the day was drawing nigh, on which day the grain was to be measured out to his men. (b.) quōs āmīsimus cīvīs, eōs Mārtis vīs perculit, Marc. 17, what fellow-citizens we have lost, those the fury of the War-god smote down. (c.) Sabīnus quōs tribūnōs mīlitum circum sē habēbat, sē sequī iubet, 5, 37, 1, Sabinus ordered what tribunes of the soldiers he had about him, to follow him.

1799. The antecedent is often omitted when it is indefinite, or is obvious from the context: as,

sunt quī mīrentur, V. 1, 6, there be who wonder. dēlēgistī quōs Rōmae relinquerēs, C. 1, 9, you picked out people to leave in Rome. quod periīt, periīt, Pl. Cist. 703, gone is gone. Caesar cōgnōvit Cōnsidium, quod nōn vīdisset, prō vīsō sibī̆ renūntiāvisse, 1, 22, 4, Caesar ascertained that Considius had reported to him as seen what he had not seen.

1800. An ablative or nominative abstract in the relative sentence sometimes represents an ablative of manner or quality omitted from the main sentence: as, quā prūdentiā es, nihil tē fugiet, Fam. 11, 13, 1, with what sense you have, nothing will elude you, i.e. eā quā es prūdentiā, nihil tē fugiet. spērō, quae tua prūdentia est, tē valēre, Att. 6, 9, 1, I hope that, with your characteristic caution, you are well. at Āiāx, quō animō trāditur, mīlliēs oppetere mortem quam illa perpetī māluisset, Off. 1, 113, Ajax, on the contrary, with his traditional vehemence, would have chosen rather to die a thousand deaths than to submit to such indignities. This ellipsis begins with Cicero, and is found a few times only in later writers.

Agreement of the Relative.

1801. The agreement of the relative has already been spoken of in a general way (1082-1098). For convenience, however, it may be set forth here more explicitly.

1802. A relative pronoun agrees with its antecedent in gender and number, but its case depends on the construction of the sentence in which it stands: as,

Hippiās glōriātus est ānulum quem habēret, pallium quō amictus, soccōs quibus indūtus esset, sē suā manū cōnfēcisse, DO. 3, 127, Hippias prided himself that he had made with his own hand the ring that he wore, the cloak in which he was wrapped, and the slippers that he had on. This holds of all relatives with inflected form, such as quīcumque, quālis, quantus, &c., &c.

1803. When the relative refers to two or more antecedents of different gender, its gender is determined like that of a predicate adjective (1087): as,

mātrēs et līberī, quōrum aetās misericordiam vestram requīrēbat, V. 5, 129, mothers and babies, whose years would appeal to your sympathy (1088). ōtium atque dīvitiae, quae prīma mortālēs putant, S. C. 36, 4, peace and prosperity, which the sons of men count chiefest of blessings (1089). fortūna, quam nēmō ab incōnstantiā et temeritāte sēiunget, quae digna nōn sunt deō, DN. 3, 61, fortune, which nobody will distinguish from caprice and hazard, qualities which are not befitting god (1089). Sometimes the relative agrees with the nearest substantive: as, eās frūges atque frūctūs, quōs terra gignit, DN. 2, 37, the crops, and the fruits of the trees that earth produces.

1804. The relative is sometimes regulated by the sense, and not by the form of the antecedent: as,

equitātum praemittit quī videant, 1, 15, 1, he sends the cavalry ahead, for them to see (1095). ūnus ex eō numerō, quī ad caedem parātī erant, S. I. 35, 6, one of the number that were ready to do murder (1095). duo prōdigia, quōs improbitās tribūnō cōnstrictōs addīxerat, Sest. 38, a pair of monstrosities, whom their depravity had delivered over in irons to the tribune. scrība pontificis, quōs nunc minōrēs pontificēs appellant, L. 22, 57, 3, a clerk of the pontiff, which clerks they call nowadays lesser pontiffs, i.e. quōs scrībās. Vēiēns bellum exortum, quibus Sabīnī arma coniūnxerant, L. 2, 53, 1, a Vejan war broke out, with whom the Sabines had allied themselves, i.e. bellum cum Vēientibus.

1805. A relative referring to a proper name and explanatory appellative combined, may take the gender of either: as, flūmine Rhēnō, quī agrum Helvētium ā Germānīs dīvidit, 1, 2, 3, by the river Rhine, which is the boundary between Helvetians and Germans. ad flūmen Scaldem quod īnfluit in Mosam, 6, 33, 3, to the river Scheldt, that empties itself into the Maas.

1806. With verbs of indeterminate meaning (1035), the relative pronoun sometimes agrees with the predicate substantive: as, Thēbae ipsae, quod Boeōtiae caput est, L. 42, 44, 3, Thebes itself, which is the capital of Boeotia. Often, however, with the antecedent: as, flūmen quod appellātur Tamesis, 5, 11, 8, the river which is called the Thames.

1807. When the relative is subject, its verb agrees with the person of the antecedent: as,

haec omnia is fēcī, quī sodālis Dolābellae eram, Fam. 12, 14, 7, all this I did, I that was Dolabella’s bosom friend. inīquos es, quī mē tacēre postulēs, T. Hau. 1011, thou art unfair, expecting me to hold my tongue. So also when the antecedent is implied in a possessive: as, cum tū nostrā, quī remānsissēmus, caede tē contentum esse dīcēbās, C. 1, 7, when you said you were satisfied with murdering us, who had staid behind.

1808. For an accusative of the relative with an ablative antecedent the ablative is rarely used: as, notante iūdice quō nōstī populō, H. S. 1, 6, 15, the judge condemning—thou know’st who—the world. This represents the older interrogative conception: notante iūdice—quō?—nōstī, populō (1795).

1809. A new substantive added in explanation of an antecedent is put after the relative, and in the same case: as, ad Amānum contendī, quī mōns erat hostium plēnus, Att. 5, 20, 3, I pushed on to Amanus, a mountain that was packed with the enemy. This use begins with Cicero; but from Livy on, the explanatory word is also put as an appositive, with the relative following: as, Decius Magius, vir cui nihil dēfuit, L. 23, 7, 4, Magius, a man that lacked nothing.

1810. An adjective, especially a comparative, superlative, or numeral, explanatory of a substantive in the main sentence, is often put in the relative sentence: as,

palūs quae perpetua intercēdēbat Rōmānōs ad īnsequendum tardābat, 7, 26, 2, a morass, that lay unbroken between, hindered the Romans from pursuit.

1811. When reference is made to the substance of a sentence, the neuter quod is used, or more commonly id quod, either usually in parenthesis: as,

intellegitur, id quod iam ante dīxī, imprūdente L. Sūllā scelera haec fierī, RA. 25, it is plain, as I have said once before, that these crimes are committed without the cognizance of Sulla. In continuations, quae rēs: as, nāvēs removērī iussit, quae rēs māgnō ūsuī nostrīs fuit, 4, 25, 1, he ordered the vessels to be withdrawn, a course which proved very advantageous for our people.

MOODS IN THE RELATIVE SENTENCE.

1812. The relative is sometimes equivalent to a conditional protasis. When thus used, it may have either the indicative or the subjunctive, as the sense requires: as,

(a.) quod beātum est, nec habet nec exhibet cuiquam negōtium, DN. 1, 85, whatsoever is blessed, has no trouble and makes none to anybody. quisquis hūc vēnerit, pugnōs edet, Pl. Am. 309, whoever comes this way, shall have a taste of fists (1796). omnia mala ingerēbat quemquem adspexerat, Pl. Men. 717, she showered all possible bad names on every man she saw (1795). (b.) haec quī videat, nōnne cōgātur cōnfitērī deōs esse, DN. 2, 12, whoso should see this would be forced, wouldn’t he? to admit the existence of gods. quī vidēret, equom Trōiānum intrōductum dīceret, V. 4, 52, whoever saw it would have sworn it was the Trojan horse brought in (1559).

The Indicative Mood.

1813. The indicative is used in simple declarations or descriptions introduced by a relative: as,

quem dī dīligunt, adulēscēns moritur, Pl. B. 816, whom the gods love, dies young. reliquī, qui domī mānsērunt, sē alunt, 4, 1, 5, the others, that stay at home, support themselves (1736). quōs labōrantēs cōnspexerat, hīs subsidia submittēbat, 4, 26, 4, to such as he saw in stress, he kept sending reinforcements (1736). tū quod volēs faciēs, QFr. 3, 4, 5, do what you like (1735).

1814. The indicative is also used with indefinite relative pronouns and adverbs: as, quidquid volt, valdē volt, Att. 14, 1, 2, whatever he wants, he wants mightily. quisquis est, TD. 4, 37, whoever he may be. quācumque iter fēcit, V. 1, 44, wherever he made his way. In later writers the imperfect or pluperfect is often in the subjunctive: see 1730.

1815. An original indicative often becomes subjunctive, particularly in indirect discourse (1722); or by attraction (1728); or to indicate repeated action (1730). See also 1727 and 1731.

The Subjunctive Mood.

1816. Relative pronoun sentences take the subjunctive to denote (1.) a purpose, (2.) a characteristic or result, (3.) a cause, reason, proof, or a concession.

Sentences of Purpose.

1817. (1.) Relative sentences of purpose are equivalent to subjunctive sentences introduced by ut, in order that, to (1947): as,

ea quī cōnficeret, C. Trebōnium relinquit, 7, 11, 3, he left Trebonius to manage this. quālis esset nātūra montis, quī cōgnōscerent, mīsit, 1, 21, 1, he sent some scouts to ascertain what the character of the mountain was. haec habuī dē amīcitiā quae dīcerem, L. 104, this was what I had to say of friendship. Sentences of purpose are an extension of the subjunctive of desire (1540).

Sentences of Characteristic or Result.

1818. (2.) Relative sentences of characteristic or result are equivalent to subjunctive sentences introduced by ut, so as to, so that (1947).

The main sentence sometimes has a word denoting character, such as is, eius modī, rarely tālis: as, neque is sum, quī mortis perīculō terrear, 5, 30, 2, but I am not the man to be scared by danger of death, no not I. Often, however, character is intimated by the mood alone: as, secūtae sunt tempestātēs quae nostrōs in castrīs continērent, 4, 34, 4, there followed a succession of storms to keep our people in camp. quod miserandum sit labōrātis, DN. 3, 62, you struggle away to a pitiable degree. Sentences of result are an extension of the subjunctive of action conceivable (1554).

1819. The subjunctive with quī is often used with dignus, indignus, or idōneus, usually with a form of sum: as, Līviānae fābulae nōn satis dignae quae iterum legantur, Br. 71, Livy’s plays are not worth reading twice. nōn erit idōneus quī ad bellum mittātur, IP. 66, he will not be a fit person to be sent to the war. Twice thus, aptus, once in Cicero, once in Ovid. In poetry and late prose these adjectives sometimes have the infinitive. dignus and indignus have also ut in Plautus, Livy, and Quintilian.

1820. Relative subjunctive sentences are sometimes coordinated by et or sed, with a substantive, adjective, or participle: as, audāx et coetūs possit quae ferre virōrum, J. 6, 399, a brazen minx, and one quite capable of facing crowds of men.

1821. Relative sentences after assertions or questions of existence or non-existence, usually take the subjunctive: as,

sunt quī putent, TD. 1, 18, there be people to think, there be who think, or some people think. nēmō est quī nesciat, Fam. 1, 4, 2, there is nobody that doesn’t know. sapientia est ūna quae maestitiam pellat ex animīs, Fin. 1, 43, wisdom is the only thing to drive sadness from the soul.

1822. Such expressions are: est (exsistit, exortus est), quī; sunt (reperiuntur, nōn dēsunt), quī; nēmō est, quī; quis est, quī; sōlus or ūnus est, quī; est, nihil est, quod; quid est, quod? habeō, nōn habeō, nihil habeō, quod, &c., &c. Indefinite subjects are sometimes used with these verbs: as, multī, quīdam, nōnnūllī, aliī, paucī; sometimes appellatives: as, hominēs, philosophī.

1823. The indicative, however, is not infrequently found in affirmative sentences, particularly in old Latin and in poetry: as, sunt quōs sciō esse amīcōs, Pl. Tri. 91, some men there are I know to be my friends. interdum volgus rēctum videt, est ubi peccat, H. E. 2, 1, 63, sometimes the world sees right, there be times when it errs. sunt item, quae appellantur alcēs, 6, 27, 1, then again there are what they call elks.

Sentences of Cause or Concession.

1824. (3.) Relative sentences of cause, reason, proof, or of concession, are equivalent to subjunctive sentences introduced by cum, since, though (1877): as,

(a.) hospes, quī nihil suspicārētur, hominem retinēre coepit, V. 1, 64, the friend, suspecting nothing, undertook to hold on to the man. Often justifying the use of a single word: as, ō fortūnāte adulēscēns, quī tuae virtūtis Homērum praecōnem invēnerīs, Arch. 24, oh youth thrice-blest, with Homer trumpeter of thy prowess. ad mē vēnit Hēraclīus, homo nōbilis, quī sacerdōs Iovis fuisset, V. 4, 137, I had a call from Heraclius, a man of high standing, as is proved by his having been a priest of Jupiter. (b.) Cicerō, quī mīlitēs in castrīs continuisset, quīnque cohortēs frūmentātum mittit, 6, 36, 1, though Cicero had kept his men in camp, he sends five cohorts foraging.

1825. With quī tamen, however, the indicative is usual: as, alter, quī tamen sē continuerat, nōn tenuit eum locum, Sest. 114, the other, though he had observed a quiet policy, did not hold the place.

1826. Oftentimes, where a causal relation might be expected, a simple declaratory indicative is used: as,

habeō senectūtī magnam grātiam, quae mihī̆ sermōnis aviditātem auxit, CM. 46, I feel greatly indebted to age, which has increased my eagerness for conversation. Particularly thus in old Latin: as, sed sumne ego stultus, quī rem cūrō pūblicam? Pl. Per. 75, but am I not a fool, who bother with the common weal? Compared with: sed ego sum īnsipientior, quī rēbus cūrem pūplicis, Pl. Tri. 1057, but I’m a very fool, to bother with the common weal. Often of coincident action (1733): as, stultē fēcī, quī hunc āmīsī, Pl. MG. 1376, I’ve acted like a fool, in letting this man off.

1827. The causal relative is often introduced by quippe, less frequently by ut, or ut pote, naturally: as,

‘convīvia cum patre nōn inībat;’ quippe quī nē in oppidum quidem nisi perrārō venīret, RA. 52, ‘he never went to dinner-parties with his father;’ why, of course not, since he never went to a simple country town even, except very rarely. dictātor tamen, ut quī magis animīs quam vīribus frētus ad certāmen dēscenderet, omnia circumspicere coepit, L. 7, 14, 6, but the dictator, naturally, since he went into the struggle trusting to mind rather than muscle, now began to be all on the alert. With quippe quī, the indicative only is used by Sallust, and is preferred by Plautus and Terence. Cicero has, with one exception, the subjunctive, Tacitus and Nepos have it always. Livy has either mood. Not in Caesar. ut quī has the subjunctive. It occurs a few times in Plautus, Cicero, once in Caesar, oftenest in Livy. With the indicative once in Cicero, and once in Tacitus. ut pote quī has the subjunctive. It is used by Plautus, by Cicero, once with the indicative, by Sallust, and Catullus.

1828. The indefinite ablative quī, somehow, surely, sometimes follows quippe or ut in old Latin, in which case it must not be confounded with the relative: as, quippe quī ex tē audīvī, Pl. Am. 745, why, sure I’ve heard from you; it cannot be the relative here, as the speaker is a woman.

1829. The subjunctive is used in parenthetical sentences of restriction: as,

quod sciam, Pl. Men. 500; T. Ad. 641; RA. 17, to the best of my knowledge and belief. quod sine molestiā tuā fīat, Fam. 13, 23, 2, as far as may be without trouble to yourself. quī is often followed by quidem: as, omnium ōrātōrum, quōs quidem ego cōgnōverim, acūtissimum iūdicō Q. Sertōrium, Br. 180, of all orators, at least of all that I have made the acquaintance of myself, I count Sertorius the sharpest.

1830. The indicative, however, is used in quod attinet ad, as to, and usually with quantum, and with forms of sum and possum: as, quod sine molestiā tuā facere poteris, Att. 1, 5, 7, as far as you can without troubling yourself.

CORRELATIVE SENTENCES.

1831. Sentences are said to be correlative, when a relative pronoun or adverb has a corresponding determinative or demonstrative pronoun or adverb in the main sentence.

Thus, the ordinary correlative of quī is is, less frequently hīc, ille, īdem. Similarly tot . . . quot are used as correlatives; also quō . . . eō, quantō . . . tantō; quantum . . . tantum; tam . . . quam; totiēns . . . quotiēns; tālis . . . quālis; ubī̆ . . . ibī̆; ut . . . ita, sīc, or item; cum ... tum.

RELATIVE SENTENCES COMBINED.

(A.) Coordination of a Relative.

1832. (1.) When two coordinate relative sentences would have the second relative in the same case as the first, the second relative is usually omitted: as,

Dumnorīgī quī prīncipātum optinēbat, ac maximē plēbī acceptus erat, persuādet, 1, 3, 5, he prevails with Dumnorix, who held the headship, and was popular with the commons.

1833. (2.) When two coordinate relative sentences require two different cases of the relative, the relative is usually expressed with both, or else the second relative, which is usually nominative or accusative, is omitted, or is, hīc, ille, or īdem, is substituted for it: as,

(a.) cūr loquimur dē eō hoste, quī iam fatētur sē esse hostem, et quem nōn timeō? C. 2, 17, why am I talking about an enemy who admits himself he is an enemy, and whom I do not fear? (b.) Bocchus cum peditibus, quōs Volux addūxerat, neque in priōre pugnā adfuerant, S. I. 101, 5, Bocchus with the infantry whom Volux had brought up, and who had not been engaged in the first skirmish. (c.) Viriāthus, quem C. Laelius frēgit, ferōcitātemque eius repressit, Off. 2, 40, Viriathus, whom Laelius crushed, and curbed his fiery soul. This last use is chiefly limited to old Latin, Cicero, and Lucretius.

(B.) Subordination of a Relative.

1834. A sentence consisting of a main and a relative member, may be further modified by a more specific relative sentence: as,

proximī sunt Germānīs quī trāns Rhēnum incolunt (general), quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt (specific), 1, 1, 3, they are nearest to the Germans that live beyond the Rhine, with whom they carry on uninterrupted hostilities. īdem artifex Cupīdinem fēcit illum quī est Thespiīs (general), propter quem Thespiae vīsuntur (specific), V. 4, 4, the selfsame artist made the world-renowned Cupid at Thespiae, which is the attraction for tourists in Thespiae.

THE RELATIVE INTRODUCING A MAIN SENTENCE.

1835. Besides the ordinary use of the relative, to introduce a subordinate sentence, it is often used like hīc, or is, or like et is, is autem, is enim, or is igitur, to append a fresh main sentence or period to the foregoing: as,

cōnsiliō convocātō sententiās exquīrere coepit, quō in cōnsiliō nōnnūllae huius modī sententiae dīcēbantur, 3, 3, 1, calling a council of war, he proceeded to ask their opinion, and in this council some opinions of the following import were set forth. centuriōnēs hostēs vocāre coepērunt; quōrum prōgredī ausus est nēmō, 5, 43, 6, the officers proceeded to call the enemy; but not a man of them ventured to step forward. perūtilēs Xenophōntis librī sunt; quos legite studiōsē, CM. 59, Xenophon’s works are extremely profitable reading; so do read them attentively. In Plautus this use is rare; but it becomes more and more prevalent, and in the time of Cicero the relative is one of the commonest connectives.

1836. From this use of the relative come many introductory formulas, such as quō factō, quā rē cōgnitā, quae cum ita sint, &c., &c.

1837. A connective quod is often used before sī, nisi, or etsī, less frequently before quia, quoniam, utinam, quī, &c.

This quod may be translated so, but, now, whereas, as to that, &c., or it is often best omitted in translation. See 2132.

THE CONJUNCTIVE PARTICLE SENTENCE.

quod.

1838. The conjunctive particle quod, originally the neuter of the relative pronoun, has both a declarative sense, that, and a causal sense, because. In both senses it regularly introduces the indicative (1721). For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is often used, and particularly in indirect discourse (1722).

1839. In some of its applications, particularly in old Latin, the conjunctive particle quod can hardly be distinguished from the pronoun quod, as follows:

1840. (1) In old Latin, quod, why, for what, is sometimes used with veniō and mittō. Thus, as in id vēnimus, Pl. MG. 1158, that’s why we’ve come, id is used to define the purpose of the motion (1144), so also quod, in quod vēnī, ēloquar, T. Hau. prol. 3, what I’ve come for, I’ll set forth. Instead of quod, more explicitly quam ob rem: as, quam ob rem hūc sum missa, Pl. R. 430, what I am sent here for.

1841. (2.) quod, why, for what, is used in such expansions as quid est quod? quid habēs quod? or nihil est quod: as,

quid est quod mē excīvistī? Pl. E. 570, why is it that you’ve called me out? (1144). Usually with the subjunctive (1563): as, quid est quod plūra dīcāmus? Clu. 59, what reason is there for saying more? For quod, sometimes quā rē, quam ob rem, cūr, &c. The question itself is also sometimes varied: as, quid fuit causae, cūr in Āfricam Caesarem nōn sequerēre? Ph. 2, 71, what earthly reason was there, why you should not have followed Caesar to Africa?

1842. (3.) quod, as to what, or that, is used, especially at the beginning of a sentence, to introduce a fact on which something is to be said, often by way of protest or refutation: as,

vērum quod tū dīcis, nōn tē mī īrāscī decet, Pl. Am. 522, but as to what you say, it is n’t right that you should get provoked with me. quod multitūdinem Germānōrum in Galliam trādūcat, id sē suī mūniendī causā facere, 1, 44, 6, as to his moving a great many Germans over to Gaul, that he did for self-protection (1722). This construction is particularly common in Caesar, and in Cicero’s letters.

1843. When quod, in case, suppose, although, introduces a mere conjecture or a concession, the subjunctive is used (1554): as, quod quispiam ignem quaerat, extinguī volō, Pl. Aul. 91, in case a man may come for fire, I want the fire put out. This use is principally found in old Latin, but once or twice also in Cicero.

1844. quod, that, the fact that, is often used in subordinate sentences which serve to complete the sense of the main sentence.

1845. The sentence with quod may represent a subject, as with accēdit; an object, as with praetereō, &c.; or any case of a substantive; frequently it is in apposition with a demonstrative or an appellative: as,

(a.) accēdēbat, quod suōs ab sē līberōs abstrāctōs dolēbant, 3, 2, 5, there was added this fact, that they lamented that their own children were torn from them; or less clumsily, then too they lamented. praetereō, quod eam sibī̆ domum sēdemque dēlēgit, in quā cōtīdiē virī mortis indicia vidēret, Clu. 188, I pass over the fact that she picked out a house to live in, in which she would see, day in day out, things to remind her of her husband’s death. illud minus cūrō, quod congessistī operāriōs omnēs, Br. 297, I am not particularly interested in the fact that you have lumped together all sorts of cobble and tinkers. (b.) Caesar senātūs in eum beneficia commemorāvit, quod rēx appellātus esset ā senātū, 1, 43, 4, Caesar told off the kindnesses of the senate to the man, the fact that ‘he had been styled king by the senate’ (1722). quō factō duās rēs cōnsecūtus est, quod animōs centuriōnum dēvinxit et mīlitum voluntātēs redēmit, Caes. C. 1, 39, 4, thus he killed two birds with one stone: he won the hearts of the officers, and he bought golden opinions of the rank and file. hōc ūnō praestāmus vel maximē ferīs, quod conloquimur inter nōs, DO. 1, 32, in this one circumstance do we perhaps most of all surpass brutes, that we can talk with each other. labōre et industriā et quod adhibēbat grātiam, in prīncipibus patrōnīs fuit, Br. 233, thanks to his untiring industry, and to his bringing his winning manners to bear, he figured among the leaders of the bar.

1846. accēdit, as the passive of addō, often has the subjunctive with ut: see 1965. addō quod, especially in the imperative form adde quod, occurs in Accius, Terence, Lucretius, Horace, and Ovid. adiciō quod begins with Livy.

1847. The sentence with quod is often introduced by a prepositional expression, such as eō with dē, ex, in, prō, rarely with cum; or id with ad in Livy, super in Tacitus.

1848. nisi quod, or in Plautus and Terence nisi quia, but for the fact that, except, only that, and praeter quam quod, besides the fact that, are used in limitations: as, nihil peccat, nisi quod nihil peccat, Plin. Ep. 9, 26, 1, he erreth naught, save that he naught doth err. Livy has also super quam quod. tantum quod in the sense of nisi quod is rare; more commonly of time, just, hardly.

1849. quid quod? for quid dē eō dīcam quod? what of the fact that, or nay more, marks an important transition: as, quid quod salūs sociōrum in perīculum vocātur? IP. 12, nay more, the very existence of our allies is endangered.

1850. With verbs of doing or happening, accompanied by some word of manner, quod introduces a verb of coincident action (1733): as,

bene facis quod mē adiuvās, Fin. 3, 16, you are very kind in helping me. videor mihī̆ grātum fēcisse Siculīs, quod eōrum iniūriās sum persecūtus, V. 2, 16, I flatter myself that I have won the gratitude of the Sicilians in acting as avenger of their wrongs. In this sense quī (1826) or cum (1874) is often used, or in Plautus and once in Horace quia.

1851. quod, that, because, is used to denote cause with verbs of emotion.

Thus, as with id in id gaudeō, T. Andr. 362, I’m glad of that (1144), so with an object sentence, as gaudeō quod tē interpellāvī, Leg. 3, 1, I’m glad that I interrupted you. Such verbs are: gaudeō, laetor; mīror; doleō, maereō, angor, indignor, suscēnseō, īrāscor, &c. In old Latin, Cicero’s letters, Livy, and rarely in Tacitus such verbs may have quia, sometimes quom (1875). For the accusative with the infinitive, see 2187.

1852. Verbs of praising, blaming, accusing, and condemning, often take quod: as,

quod bene cōgitāstī aliquandō, laudō, Ph. 2, 34, that you have ever had good intentions, I commend. laudat Africānum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinēns, Off. 2, 76, Panaetius eulogizes Africanus, ‘for being so abstinent’ (1725). ut cum Sōcratēs accūsātus est quod corrumperet iuventūtem, Quintil. 4, 4, 5, as when Socrates was charged with ‘demoralizing the rising generation’ (1725). grātulor, congratulate, and grātiās agō, thank, have regularly quod or cum (1875). Verbs of accusing sometimes have cūr.

1853. Causal quod, owing to the fact that, because, introduces an efficient cause, or a reason or motive: as,

(a.) in hīs locīs, quod omnis Gallia ad septentriōnēs vergit, mātūrae sunt hiemēs, 4, 20, 1, in these parts the winter sets in early, owing to the fact that Gaul in general lies to the north. Helvētiī reliquōs Gallōs virtūte praecēdunt, quod ferē cōtīdiānīs proeliīs cum Germānīs contendunt, 1, 1, 4, the Helvetians outshine the rest of the Gauls in bravery, because they do battle with the Germans almost every day. hōrum fortissimī sunt Belgae, proptereā quod a cultū prōvinciae longissimē absunt, 1, 1, 3, of these the stoutest fighting-men are the Belgians, for the reason that they live furthest away from the comforts of the province. (b.) T. Mānlius Torquātus fīlium suum, quod is contrā imperium in hostem pugnāverat, necārī iussit, S. C. 52, 30, Torquatus ordered his own son to be put to death, because the young man had fought with the enemy contrary to orders. exōrāvit tyrannum ut abīre licēret, quod iam beātus nōllet esse, TD. 5, 62, he induced the monarch to let him go, ‘because he didn’t care to be Fortune’s pet any longer’ (1725). Bellovacī suum numerum nōn contulērunt, quod sē suō arbitriō bellum esse gestūrōs dīcerent, 7, 75, 5, the Bellovacans would not put in their proper quota, saying they meant to make war on their own responsibility (1727).

1854. quod often has a correlative in the main sentence, such as eō, ideō, idcircō, proptereā. In Sallust, eā grātiā. In Plautus, causal quod is very rare compared to causal quia.

1855. An untenable reason is introduced in Plautus by nōn eō quia, in Terence by nōn eō quō; in Cicero very rarely by neque or non eō quō, usually by nōn quod or nōn quō; by nōn quia rarely in classical Latin, but commonly from Livy on. The valid reason follows, with sed quod, sed quia, or with sed and a fresh main sentence.

The mood is usually subjunctive (1725): as, pugilēs ingemīscunt, nōn quod doleant, sed quia prōfundendā vōce omne corpus intenditur, TD. 2, 56, boxers grunt and groan, not because they feel pain, but because by explosion of voice the whole system gets braced up. Sometimes, but very rarely in classical prose, the indicative. Correlatives, such as idcircō, ideō, &c., are not uncommon. Reversed constructions occur, with magis followed by quam, as: magis quod, quō, or quia, followed by quam quō, quod, or quia. The negative not that . . . not, is expressed by nōn quod nōn, nōn quō nōn, or nōn quīn.

quia.

1856. quia, a neuter accusative plural of the relative stem (701) is used in both a declarative and a causal sense, like quod (1838). It is, however, more prevalent in Plautus, less so from Terence on.

1857. For the uses of declarative quia, see under 1848, 1850, 1851.

1858. Causal quia, with or without a correlative, such as ideō, eō, proptereā, &c., is common in old Latin (1854) and poetry, unusual in prose (once in Caesar) before Tacitus. For nōn quia, &c., see 1855.

quom or cum.

1859. quom or cum (157, 711), used as a relative conjunctive particle (1794), has a temporal meaning, when, which readily passes over to an explanatory or causal meaning, in that, since or although. In both meanings it introduces the indicative in old Latin. In classical Latin, temporal cum in certain connections, and causal cum regularly, introduces the subjunctive. The subjunctive is also used with cum for special reasons, as in the indefinite second person (1731), by attraction (1728), and commonly by late writers to express repeated past action (1730). cum, when, is often used as a synonym of sī, if, and may then introduce any form of a conditional protasis (2016, 2110).

(A.) Temporal cum.

WITH THE INDICATIVE.

1860. cum, when, whenever, if, of indefinite time, may introduce any tense of the indicative required by the context: as,

facile omnēs, quom valēmus, rēcta cōnsilia aegrōtīs damus, T. Andr. 309, we all, when well, give good advice to sick folk easily. Rōmae videor esse, cum tuās litterās legō, Att. 2, 15, 1, I always fancy myself in Rome, when I am reading a letter from you. cum posuī librum, adsēnsiō omnis ēlābitur, TD. 1, 24, when I drop the book, all assent melts away (1613). incenderis cupiditāte lībertātis, cum potestātem gustandī fēceris, RP. 2, 50, you will inspire them with a passion for freedom, when you give them a chance to taste it (1627). hīs cum fūnēs comprehēnsī adductīque erant, praerumpēbantur, 3, 14, 6, every time the lines were caught by these and hauled taut, they would part (1618). The subjunctive is used, chiefly by late writers, rarely by Cicero and Caesar, to express repeated past action (1730): as, cum in convīvium vēnisset, sī quicquam caelātī adspexerat, manūs abstinēre nōn poterat, V. 4, 48, when he went to a dinner party, if he ever caught sight of a bit of chased work, he never could keep his hands off (2050).

1861. cum, when, of definite time, regularly introduces the indicative in old Latin, even where the subjunctive is required in classical Latin (1872): as,

nam illa, quom tē ad sē vocābat, mēmet esse crēdidit, Pl. Men. 1145, for when that lady asked you in, she thought ’twas I. postīculum hoc recēpit, quom aedīs vēndidit, Pl. Tri. 194, this back part he excepted, when he sold the house.

1862. cum, when, of definite time, regularly introduces the indicative of any action, not of past time: as,

sed dē hīs etiam rēbus, ōtiōsī cum erimus, loquēmur, Fam. 9, 4, but we will talk of this when we have time. cum ego P. Grānium testem prōdūxerō, refellitō, sī poteris, V. 5, 154, when I put Granius on the witness stand, refute him if you can.

1863. With cum, when, the indicative is used of definite past time to date the action of the main clause, as follows:

1864. (1.) The indicative imperfect is regularly used with cum, when, to denote a continued action parallel and coincident in duration with another continued action, also in the imperfect: as,

quom pugnābant maxumē, ego tum fugiēbam maxumē, Pl. Am. 199, while they were fighting hardest, then I was running hardest. tum cum rem habēbās, quaesticulus tē faciēbat attentiōrem, Fam. 9, 16, 7, as long as you were a man of substance, the fun of making money made you a little close.

1865. (2.) The indicative imperfect is often used with cum, when, denoting a continued action, to date an apodosis in the perfect: as,

legiōnēs quom pugnābant maxumē, quid in tabernāclō fēcistī? Pl. Am. 427, what did’st thou in the tent what time the legions fought their mightiest? hīs librīs adnumerandī sunt sex dē rē pūblicā, quōs tum scrīpsimus cum gubernācula rē̆ī pūblicae tenēbāmus, Div. 2, 3, to these books are to be added the six On the State, which I wrote at the time I was holding the helm of state. But when the object of the clause is not distinctly to date the apodosis, its verb is in the subjunctive (1872).

1866. (3.) The indicative perfect or present of vivid narration is used with cum, when, to date an apodosis in the perfect or present of vivid narration: as,

‘per tuās statuās’ vērō cum dīxit, vehementius rīsimus, DO. 2, 242, but when he uttered the words ‘by your statues’ we burst into a louder laugh. cum occīditur Sex. Rōscius, ibīdem fuērunt, RA. 120, when Roscius was murdered, they were on the spot. cum diēs vēnit, causā ipse prō sē dictā, damnātur, L. 4, 44, 10, when the day of the trial came, he spoke in his own defence and was condemned. The present is particularly common in old colloquial Latin: as, vivom, quom abīmus, līquimus, Pl. Cap. 282, we left him alive when we came away. For cum prīmum in narration, see 1925; for cum extemplō, 1926.

1867. (4.) The indicative perfect or present of vivid narration is regularly used with cum, when, to denote a momentary action when the apodosis denotes continued action: as,

cum Caesar in Galliam vēnit, alterīus factiōnis prīncipēs erant Aeduī, alterīus Sēquanī, 6, 12, 1, when Caesar came to Gaul, the leaders of one party were the Aeduans, of the other the Sequanians. eō cum veniō, praetor quiēscēbat, V. 4, 32, when I got there, the praetor was taking a nap.

1868. An emphatic indicative clause with cum, while, often follows the main action.

The clause with cum is usually inconsistent with the main action, and cum is often attended by intereā, interim, all the time, etiam tum, still, nōndum, hauddum, not yet, no longer, quidem, by the way, or tamen, nihilōminus, nevertheless: as,

caedēbātur virgīs in mediō forō Messānae cīvis Rōmānus, cum intereā nūllus gemitus audiēbātur, V. 5, 162, there was flogged with rods in open market place at Messana a citizen of Rome, while all the time not a groan was to be heard. ēvolārat iam ē cōnspectū quadrirēmis, cum etiam tum cēterae nāvēs ūnō in locō mōliēbantur, V. 5, 88, she had already sped out of sight, the four-banker, while the rest of the vessels were still struggling round in one and the same spot. This use is very rare in old Latin. Not in Caesar. With the infinitive of intimation, see 1539.

1869. An indicative clause with cum, usually expressing sudden or unexpected action, sometimes contains the main idea, and is put last.

In this case cum is often attended by subitō or repente, suddenly, and the first clause contains iam, already, by this time, vix, aegrē, hardly, vixdum, hardly yet, or nōndum, not yet. The first verb is commonly in the imperfect or pluperfect, and the second in the perfect or present of vivid narration: as,

dīxerat hoc ille, cum puer nūntiāvit venīre Laelium, RP. 1, 18, scarcely had he said this, when a slave announced that Laelius was coming. vix ea fātus eram, gemitū cum tālia reddit, V. 2, 323, scarce had I spoke the words, when with a groan he answers thus. Hannibal iam subībat mūrōs, cum repente in eum patē̆factā portā ērumpunt Rōmānī, L. 29, 7, 8, Hannibal was already moving up to the walls, when all of a sudden the gate flies open and the Romans come pouring out upon him. iamque hoc facere apparābant, cum mātres familiae repente prōcurrērunt, 7, 26, 3, they were already preparing to do it, when suddenly the married women rushed forward. This use is very rare in old Latin. From Sallust on, it is found occasionally with the infinitive of intimation (1539).

1870. A clause with cum is often used attributively with words denoting time, or with est, fuit, or erit.

The mood is the same as with a relative pronoun, sometimes the indicative, and regularly in old Latin, but usually the subjunctive: as, fuit quoddam tempus cum in agrīs hominēs vagābantur, Inv. 1, 2, there was an age of the world when men roved round in the fields (1813, 1823). fuit tempus cum rūra colerent hominēs, Varro, RR. 3, 1, 1, there was a time when men dwelt in the fields (1818, 1821). est cum exōrnātiō praetermittenda est, Cornif. 2, 30, sometimes ornamentation should be avoided. fuit anteā tempus, cum Germānōs Gallī virtūte superārent, 6, 24, 1, there was a time when the Gauls outdid the Germans in valour. The subjunctive is also used with audiō cum (1722), but with meminī cum the indicative: as, saepe ex socerō meō audīvī, cum is dīceret, DO. 2, 22, I have often heard my father-in-law saying. meminī cum mihī̆ dēsipere vidēbāre, Fam. 7, 28, 1, I remember when I thought you showed bad taste.

1871. The indicative present or perfect with cum is used in expressions equivalent to an emphasized accusative or ablative of time, the main verb being est or sunt: as, annī prope quadringentī sunt, cum hoc probātur, O. 171, it is nearly four hundred years that this has been liked. nōndum centum et decem annī sunt, cum lāta lēx est, Off. 2, 75, it is not a hundred and ten years yet since the law was passed. In old Latin, the clause with cum is made the subject of est, and the substantive of time is put in the accusative: as, hanc domum iam multōs annōs est quom possideō, Pl. Aul. 3, ’tis many years now I have occupied this house.

WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE.

1872. With cum, when, the imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive is used to describe the circumstances under which the action of the main clause took place: as,

cum rēx Pyrrhus populō Rōmānō bellum intulisset cumque dē imperiō certāmen esset cum rēge potentī, perfuga ab eō vēnit in castra Fabriciī, Off. 3, 86, king Pyrrhus having made war on the Roman nation, and there being a struggle for sovereignty with a powerful king, a deserter from him came into Fabricius’s camp. eōdem tempore Attalus rēx moritur alterō et septuāgēsimō annō, cum quattuor et quadrāgintā annōs rēgnāsset, L. 33, 21, 1, the same year Attalus the king dies, in his seventy-second year, having reigned forty-four years. hīc pāgus, cum domō exīsset patrum nostrōrum memoriā, L. Cassium cōnsulem interfēcerat, 1, 12, 5, this canton, sallying out from home in our fathers’ recollection, had put Cassius, the consul, to death. nam cum inambulārem in xystō, M. ad mē Brūtus vēnerat, Br. 10, for as I was pacing up and down my portico, Brutus had come to see me. Antigonus in proeliō, cum adversus Seleucum et Lȳsimachum dīmicāret, occīsus est, N. 21, 3, 2, Antigonus was killed in battle fighting against Seleucus and Lysimachus. haec cum Crassus dīxisset, silentium est cōnsecūtum, DO. 1, 160, a deep silence ensued after Crassus had finished speaking. cum annōs iam complūrīs societās esset, moritur in Galliā Quīnctius, cum adesset Naevius, Quinct. 14, the partnership having lasted several years, Quinctius died in Gaul, Naevius being there at the time.

In this use, as the examples show, cum with the subjunctive is often equivalent to a participle or an ablative absolute. The use is not found in Plautus (1861). Ennius and Terence have possibly each an instance (disputed) of it, but it was certainly rare until the classical period, when it became one of the commonest of constructions. It must not be confounded with the special uses of the subjunctive mentioned in 1859.

1873. The difference in meaning between cum with the indicative and cum with the subjunctive may be illustrated by the following examples:

Gallō nārrāvī, cum proximē Rōmae fuī, quid audīssem, Att. 13, 49, 2, I told Gallus, when I was last in Rome, what I had heard (1866), a. d. III kal. Maiās cum essem in Cūmānō, accēpī tuās litterās, Fam. 4, 2, 1, I received your letter on the twenty-eighth of April, being in my villa at Cumae (1872). cum vāricēs secābantur C. Mariō, dolēbat, TD. 2, 35, while Marius was having his varicose veins lanced, he was in pain (1864). C. Marius, cum secārētur, ut suprā dīxī, vetuit sē adligārī, TD. 2, 53, Marius being under the surgeon’s knife, as above mentioned, refused to be bound (1872). num P. Decius, cum sē dēvovēret et in mediam aciem inruēbat, aliquid dē voluptātibus suīs cōgitābat? Fin. 2, 61, did Decius, offering himself up, and while he was dashing straight into the host, have any thought of pleasures of his own? (1872, 1864).

(B.) Explanatory and Causal cum.

1874. The indicative is often used with explanatory cum when the action of the protasis is coincident with that of the apodosis (1733).

In this use cum passes from the meaning of when to that, in that, or in or by with a verbal in -ing: as, hoc verbum quom illī quoidam dīcō, praemōstrō tibī̆, Pl. Tri. 342, in laying down this lesson for your unknown friend I’m warning you. cum quiēscunt, probant, C. 1, 21, their inaction is approval. Denoting the means: as, tūte tibi prōdes plūrumum, quom servitūtem ita fers ut ferrī decet, Pl. Cap. 371, you do yourself most good by bearing slavery as it should be borne. For similar uses of quod, quia, and quī, see 1850.

1875. Explanatory cum is also used with verbs of emotion; likewise with grātulor and grātiās agō: as, quom tu ’s līber, gaudeō, Pl. Men. 1148, that you are free, I’m glad. grātulor tibī̆, cum tantum valēs apud Dolābellam, Fam. 9, 14, 3, I give you joy that you stand so well with Dolabella. tibī̆ maximās grātiās agō, cum tantum litterae meae potuērunt, Fam. 13, 24, 2, I thank you most heartily in that my letter had such influence. For similar uses of quod and quia, see 1851, 1852.

1876. Explanatory cum is also used in the sense of since, although, or even though. In these meanings it introduces the indicative in old Latin (1878): as,

Denoting cause: istō tū pauper es, quom nimis sānctē piu ’s, Pl. R. 1234, that’s why you are poor yourself, since you are over-scrupulously good. quom hoc nōn possum, illud minus possem, T. Ph. 208, since this I can’t, that even less could I. Adversative cause: īnsānīre mē aiunt, quom ipsī īnsāniunt, Pl. Men. 831, they say I’m mad, whereas they are mad themselves. Concession: sat sīc suspectus sum, quom careō noxiā, Pl. B. 1005, I am enough distrusted as it is, even though I’m void of wrong.

1877. cum, since, although, even though, usually introduces the subjunctive: as,

Denoting cause: cum in commūnibus suggestīs cōnsistere nōn audēret, contiōnārī ex turrī altā solēbat, TD. 5, 59, since he did not dare to stand up on an ordinary platform, he always did his speaking from a lofty tower, of Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. Aeduī cum sē dēfendere nōn possent, lēgātōs ad Caesarem mittunt, 1, 11, 2, since the Aeduans could not defend themselves, they sent ambassadors to Caesar. Adversative cause: fuit perpetuō pauper, cum dīvitissimus esse posset, N. 19, 1, 2, he was always poor, whereas he might have been very rich, of Phocion. Pyladēs cum sīs, dīcēs tē esse Orestēn? Fin. 2, 79, whereas you are Pylades, will you declare yourself Orestes? Concession: ipse Cicerō, cum tenuissimā valētūdine esset, nē nocturnum quidem sibī̆ tempus ad quiētem relinquēbat, 5, 40, 7, Cicero himself, though he was in extremely delicate health, did not allow himself even the night-time for rest. ille Catō, cum esset Tusculī nātus, in populī Rōmānī cīvitātem susceptus est, Leg. 2, 5, the great Cato, though born at Tusculum, was received into the citizenship of the Roman nation.

1878. This use of the subjunctive is not found in Plautus. It is thought to have begun in the time of Terence, who may have a couple of instances (disputed). Thereafter, it grew common and was the regular mood used with explanatory and causal cum in the classical period.

1879. Explanatory cum is sometimes introduced by quippe, rarely by ut pote, naturally: as,

tum vērō gravior cūra patribus incessit, quippe cum prōdī causam ab suīs cernerent, L. 4, 57, 10, then the senators were still more seriously concerned, and naturally enough, since they beheld their cause betrayed by their own people. valētūdō, ē quā iam ēmerseram, ut pote cum sine febrī labōrāssem, Att. 5, 8, 1, an illness from which I had already recovered, naturally, since it was unaccompanied by fever. quippe cum occurs in Cicero, Nepos, and Livy; ut pote cum is used once in Cicero’s letters, once by Pollio to Cicero, and in late writers. For quippe and ut pote with a causal relative, see 1827.

1880. The adversative idea is often emphasized by the use of tamen in the main clause: as, cum prīmī ōrdinēs hostium concidissent, tamen ācerrimē reliquī resistēbant, 7, 62, 4, though the front ranks of the enemy had fallen, yet the rest made a most spirited resistance.

(C.) cum . . . tum.

1881. A protasis with cum is often followed by an emphatic apodosis introduced by tum.

The protasis denotes what is general or common or old; the apodosis what is special or strange or new. In classical Latin tum is often emphasized by maximē, in prīmīs, vērō, &c.

In this use the mood is more commonly the indicative and the time of the two verbs is apt to be identical: as, quom mihi paveō, tum Antiphō mē excruciat animī, T. Ph. 187, whilst for myself I tremble, Antipho puts me in a perfect agony of soul. But cum anteā distinēbar maximīs occupātiōnibus, tum hōc tempore multō distineor vehementius, Fam. 12, 30, 2, I was distracted by most important engagements before, but now I am very much more distracted. Less frequently the subjunctive, to denote cause or concession (1877): as, cum tē ā pueritiā tuā dīlēxerim, tum hōc multō ācrius dīligō, Fam. 15, 9, 1, whereas I have always loved you from your boyhood, for this I love you with a far intenser love. By abridgement of the sentence (1057), cum . . . tum come to be copulative conjunctions (1687): as, mōvit patrēs cōnscrīptōs cum causa tum auctor, L. 9, 10, 1, both the cause and its supporter touched the conscript fathers.

quoniam.

1882. quoniam, compounded of quom and iam, when now, refers primarily to time, but is seldom so used and only by early writers. The temporal meaning passed early into an exclusively causal meaning, since. In both meanings it regularly introduces the indicative (1721). For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as in indirect discourse (1725), or by attraction (1728).

1883. (1.) quoniam, when now, used of time in early Latin, has sometimes as a correlative continuō, subitō, or extemplō; it usually introduces the present indicative (1590): as,

is quoniam moritur, numquam indicāre id fīliō voluit suō, Pl. Aul. 9, when he was on his dying bed, he ne’er would point it out to his own son, of a hidden treasure. quoniam sentiō quae rēs gererētur, nāvem extemplō statuimus, Pl. B. 290, when now I saw what was doing, we stopped the ship at once.

1884. (2.) quoniam, since, seeing that, now that, with the indicative, introduces a reason, usually one known to the person addressed, or one generally known: as,

vēra dīcō, sed nēquīquam, quoniam nōn vīs crēdere, Pl. Am. 835, the truth I speak, but all in vain, since thou wilt not believe. vōs, Quirītēs, quoniam iam nox est, in vestra tecta discēdite, C. 3, 29, do you, citizens, since it is now grown dark, depart and go to your own several homes. quoniam in eam ratiōnem vītae nōs fortūna dēdūxit, ut sempiternus sermō dē nōbīs futūrus sit, caveāmus, QFr. 1, 1, 38, since fortune has set us in such a walk of life that we are to be eternally talked about, let us be on our guard. Often in transition: as, quoniam dē genere bellī dīxī, nunc dē magnitūdine pauca dīcam, IP. 20, since I have finished speaking about the character of the war, I will now speak briefly about its extent. With the subjunctive in indirect discourse (1725): as, crēbrīs Pompēī litterīs castīgābantur, quoniam prīmō venientem Caesarem nōn prohibuissent, Caes. C. 3, 25, 3, they were rebuked in numerous letters of Pompey, ‘because they had not kept Caesar off as soon as he came.’

quotiēns, quotiēnscumque.

1885. The relative particle quotiēns (711), or quotiēnscumque, every time that, whenever, introduces the indicative: as,

quotiēns quaeque cohors prōcurrerat, magnus numerus hostium cadēbat, 5, 34, 2, as the cohorts successively charged, a great number of the enemy fell every time. quoius quotiēns sepulcrum vidēs, sacruficās, Pl. E. 175, every time you see her tomb, you offer sacrifice. nec quotiēnscumque mē vīderit, ingemīscet, Sest. 146, neither shall he fall a-groaning whenever he sees me (1736). quotiēnsque is late and rare.

1886. quotiēns has sometimes as a correlative totiēns, or a combination with tot which is equivalent to totiēns: as, quotiēns dīcimus, totiēns dē nōbīs iūdicātur, DO. 1, 125, every time we make a speech, the world sits in judgement on us. sī tot cōnsulibus meruisset, quotiēns ipse cōnsul fuit, Balb. 47, if he had been in the army as many years as he was consul.

1887. The subjunctive imperfect and pluperfect are common in the later writers to indicate repeated action (1730): as, quotiēns super tālī negōtiō cōnsultāret, ēditā domūs parte ac lībertī ūnīus cōnscientiā ūtēbātur, Ta. 6, 27, whenever he had recourse to astrologers, it was in the upper part of his house and with the cognizance of only a single freedman.

quam.

1888. quam, as or than, introduces an indicative protasis in periods of comparison. For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as by attraction (1728), or of action conceivable (1731); see also 1896, 1897.

But usually periods of comparison are abridged (1057) by the omission of the verb or of other parts in the protasis (1325).

With the Indicative.

1889. (1.) quam, as, is used in the protasis of a comparative period of equality, generally with tam as correlative in the apodosis: as,

tam facile vincēs quam pirum volpēs comēst, Pl. Most. 559, you’ll beat as easily as Reynard eats a pear. tam excoctam reddam atque ātram quam carbōst, T. Ad. 849, I’ll have her stewed all out and black as is a coal. From Cicero on, the apodosis is in general negative or interrogative: as, quōrum neutrum tam facile quam tū arbitrāris concēditur, Div. 1, 10, neither of these points is as readily granted as you suppose. quid est ōrātōrī tam necessārium quam vōx? DO. 1, 251, what is so indispensable to the speaker as voice? Otherwise nōn minus . . . quam, no less than, just as much, or nōn magis . . . quam, just as little or just as much, is often preferred to tam . . . quam: as, accēpī nōn minus interdum ōrātōrium esse tacēre quam dīcere, Plin. Ep. 7, 6, 7, I have observed that silence is sometimes quite as eloquent as speech. nōn magis mihī̆ deerit inimīcus quam Verrī dēfuit, V. 3, 162, I shall lack an enemy as little as Verres did. domus erat nōn dominō magis ōrnāmentō quam cīvitātī, V. 4, 5, the house was as much a pride to the state as to its owner.