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The Stoics, Epicureans and Sceptics

Part 2 — CHAPTER XIV. THE STOIC PHILOSOPHY AS A WHOLE AND ITS HISTORICAL POSITION.

Oswald J. (Oswald Joseph) Reichel translation

(1) Ethical side of Stoicism. If it be then asked what is the right moral attitude, the Stoics reply: action conformable to nature and reason—in other words, virtue. Virtue, however, implies two things. On the one hand it implies the resignation of the individual to the universe, obedience to the universal law; on the other hand it implies the harmony of man with himself, the dominion of the higher over the lower nature, of reason over emotion, and the rising superior to everything which does not belong to his true nature. Both statements may be reconciled, because the law of morality is addressed only to reasonable beings, and is the law of their nature, and can only be carried into execution by their own exertions. Still, in the Stoic ethics, two currents of thought may be clearly distinguished, which from time to time come into actual collision; the one requiring the individual to live for the common good and for society, the other impelling him to live for himself only, to emancipate himself from all that is not himself, and to console himself with the feeling of virtue. The first of these tendencies impels man to seek the society of others; the second enables him to dispense with it. From the former spring the virtues of justice, sociability, love of man; from the latter, the inner freedom and happiness of the virtuous man. The former culminates in citizenship of the world; the latter in the self-sufficingness of the wise man. In as far as virtue includes everything that can be required of man, happiness depends on it alone; nothing is good but virtue, nothing is evil but vice; all that is not connected with the moral nature is indifferent. On the other hand, in as far as virtue is based on human nature, it stands on the same footing with all else that is conformable with nature. If its own peculiar value cannot be surrendered, no more can it be required that we should be indifferent to its conformity to nature, that it should not have for us some positive or negative value, or in some way affect our feelings. Therewith the doctrine of things indifferent and the wise man’s freedom from emotions begins to totter. Lastly, if we look at the way in which virtue exists in man, we arrive at different results, according as we look at its essence or its manifestation. Virtue consists in acting conformably with reason, and reason is one and undivided; hence it appears that virtue forms an undivided unity, and must be possessed whole and entire or not at all. From this proposition the contrast of the wise and foolish man, with all its bluntness and extravagances, is only a legitimate consequence. Or, again, if we look at the conditions upon which, owing to human nature, the acquisition and possession of virtue depends, the conviction is inevitable that the wise man as drawn by the Stoics never occurs in reality. Hence the conclusion is undeniable that the contrast between wise men and fools is more uncertain than it at first appeared to be. Thus all the main features of the Stoic ethics may be simply deduced from their one fundamental notion, that rational action or virtue is the only good.

(3) Connection of the moral and scientific elements. This statement must of course not be taken to mean that the Stoics first developed their ethical principles independently of their theory of the universe, and afterwards brought the two into connection with each other. On the contrary, it was by the peculiar connection of theory and practice that Stoicism itself first came into existence. The leading thought of Zeno consists in the attempt to vindicate the supremacy of virtue by a scientific knowledge of the laws of the world; and he becomes the founder of a new School only by bringing to Cynicism those scientific ideas and aims which he had learned himself in the School of Polemo, Stilpo, and Diodorus, or otherwise gathered from a study of ancient philosophy. These elements are not therefore accidentally brought together in Stoicism, but they are co-extensive, and dependent one upon the other. As in the natural science and theory of knowledge of the Stoics, the experimental basis on which their system was built may be easily seen, so the peculiar development of their ethics supposes all those positions respecting the universe and the powers therein at work, which form the most important part of their natural science. Only by a scientific treatment of this kind was Stoicism at all able to improve upon the imperfection of the Cynic ethics, so far at least as it really did so, and to accommodate itself to the wants of human nature, so far as to be able to exercise an influence at large. Upon this union of ethics and metaphysics that religious attitude of the Stoic system reposes, to which it owes in a great measure its historical importance. Thereby it occupies so influential a position in an age in which intellectual power was indeed declining, but in which the interest for science was keen. But that Stoic physics and metaphysics should have adopted this line, and no other; that Zeno and his followers, who draw on former systems for their own on the most extensive scale, should have borrowed from these systems these and no other positions, and expanded them in this and no other direction; these results are, doubtless, ultimately due to their moral attitude. All that bore on the subject of ethics, and supported it, they appropriated; all that was opposed thereto they rejected. The Stoic system as such owes its rise to a union of ethical and speculative elements, in which both were more definitely determined by one another; still the ethical platform is the one on which its formation commences, and which primarily determined its course and results.

The way for Stoicism was more directly paved by the Aristotelian speculations as to the origin of notions and conceptions. Here the Stoics did little more than omit (in conformity with their principles) what their predecessor had said as to an original possession and immediate knowledge of truth. It has been remarked on an earlier occasion how closely their formal logic followed that of Aristotle; they contented themselves with building on Aristotelian foundations, and even their additions have more reference to grammar than to logic. The actual influence of Peripatetic views on those of the Stoics appears to have been least in the province of ethics. Here the crudity of the Stoic conception of virtue, the entire suppression of emotions, the absolute exclusion of everything external from the circle of moral goods, the distinction between the wise and the foolish man, the attacks on a purely speculative life, present a sharp contrast to the caution and many-sidedness of Aristotle’s moral theory, to his careful weighing of current opinions and their practicability, to his recognition of propriety in every shape and form, and to the praise which he lavishes on a purely speculative life. What the Stoics chiefly owe to Aristotle is the formal treatment of the materials and the psychological analysis of individual moral faculties. On the other hand, the province of ethics must be looked to for traces of the teaching which Zeno received from Polemo, perhaps even from Xenocrates.

C. The Stoic philosophy as a whole. (1) Its historical position. By the aid of these remarks it now becomes possible to give a satisfactory account of the history of Stoicism. Belonging to an age of moral debasement and political oppression, its founder, Zeno, conceived the idea of liberating himself and all who were able to follow him from its degeneracy and slavery by means of a philosophy which, by purity and strength of moral will, would procure independence from all external things, and unruffled inward peace. That his endeavours should have taken this practical turn, that he should have proposed to himself not knowledge as such, but the moral exercise of knowledge as the object to be realised, was in part due to his own personal character, and may be in part referred to the general circumstances of the times. On nobler and more serious minds, these circumstances weighed too heavily not to call forth opposition and resistance in place of listless contemplation. The sway of the Macedonian, and afterwards of the Roman Empire, was far too despotic to allow the least prospect of open resistance. Nor must it be overlooked that philosophy itself had reached a pass at which satisfactory answers to speculative problems were no longer forthcoming; hence attention was naturally directed to questions of morals.

(2) Its onesidedness. It was the fault of the age that it could no longer come up to the many-sidedness of an Aristotle or a Plato. Stoicism, it is true, approximates thereto more nearly than any other of the post-Aristotelian systems. But in its practical view of philosophy, in its materialistic appeal to the senses, in its theoretical self-sufficiency, setting up the wise man as superior to the weaknesses and wants of human nature; in its citizenship of the world, throwing political interests into the background; and in so many other traits it is the fit exponent of an epoch in which the taste for purely scientific research and the delight in ethical speculation were at an end, whilst out of the overthrow of states, and the growth of freedom, the idea of humanity was coming to the fore. Stoicism represented most powerfully the moral and religious convictions of such an age, yet not without onesidedness and exaggeration. By exercise of the will and by rational understanding, man is to become free and happy. This aim is, however, pursued so persistently that the natural conditions of human existence and the claims of individuality are ignored. To man, regarded as the exponent of universal law, as little freedom of will is allowed by the Stoic natural science in face of the inexorable course of nature as freedom of action is allowed by the Stoic ethics in face of the demands of duty. The universal claims of morality are alone acknowledged; the right of the individual to act according to his peculiar character, and to develop that character, is almost ignored. The individual, as such, dwindles into obscurity, whilst a high place in the world is assigned to mankind collectively. The individual is subordinated to the law of the whole; but by regarding nature as a system of means and ends, and introducing the belief in Providence and Prophecy, the universe is again subordinated to the interests of man—a view against which a more careful research has many objections to urge. In both respects Epicureanism is in decided contrast to Stoicism, though agreeing with it in the general tone of its practical philosophy and in its aim to make man independent of the outer world and happy in himself.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · See p. 46. ↑Note 2 · See p. 139. ↑Note 3 · See p. 132. ↑Note 4 · Whether Diogenes, in connecting the Stoics with the Cynics, was following a Stoic authority or not (vii.), is a moot point; nevertheless, thNote 5 · Krische, Forschungen, i. 363, and above, p. 145, 2. ↑Note 6 · On Aristo see p. 59; 260; 281. ↑Note 7 · Aristo cannot, therefore, be considered (as he is by Krische, Forsch. 411) the best representative of the original Stoic theory. On the contNote 8 · See p. 290. ↑Note 9 · Apart from the testimony of Numenius (in Eus. Pr. Ev. xiv. 5, 10), to which no great value can be attached, the acquaintance of Zeno with HeNote 10 · Instances have often occurred. See p. 144, 4; 145, 1, 2; 232, 4. Conf. Sen. Ep. 83, 9. ↑Note 11 · Besides meteorological and other points of natural science, which the Stoics may have borrowed from Heraclitus, Heraclitus’ attitude towardsNote 12 · See p. 101, 2. ↑Note 13 · See p. 100, 4, 5; 101, 2; 140, 1. ↑Note 14 · As an illustration of the difference, take Heraclitus’ statement of the daily extinction of the sun, which every one must admit would not haNote 15 · πνεῦμα as with the Stoics. ↑Note 16 · See particularly Antiochus and also Cicero in many passages. See above, p. 39, 2. ↑Note 17 · See p. 46, 1, 2. ↑Note 18 · The story in Diog. vii. 3 bears out this view, that Zeno was first won for philosophy by Xenophon’s Memorabilia, and that on asking who was Note 19 · (2) Scientific side of the Stoic system. Not only does this view of ethics require a peculiar theory of the world to serve as its scientificNote 20 · B. Relation of Stoicism to previous systems. (1) Its relation to Socrates and the Cynics. In order to obtain a more accurate notion of the rNote 21 · And yet the greatness of the interval which separates the Stoics even from the Cynics becomes at once apparent on considering the relation oNote 22 · In ethics, too, the difference of the two Schools is also fully apparent. Stoic morality recognises, at least conditionally, a positive and Note 23 · Asking in the next place in how far the Stoics were induced by other influences to change and extend the platform of the Socratic philosophyNote 24 · (a) The Megarians. Probably the Megarian influence must not be rated too high. Zeno may have thence received an impulse to that reasoning haNote 25 · (b) Heraclitus. Far greater, and more generally recognised, is the importance of the influence which the views on nature of the philosopher Note 26 · Nor must it be forgotten that there is nothing in Heraclitus analogous to the reasoning forms of the Stoics, nor can their ethical views be Note 27 · (3) Connection with Aristotle. Shall we be wrong if we attribute this modification of the Heraclitean theory of nature by the Stoics partly Note 28 · (4) Connection with Plato. The speculative portions of Plato’s teaching could offer no great attractions to practical men and materialists lNote 29 · Haunted by this longing for virtue, Zeno must have felt attracted by a system of philosophy which had at an earlier period followed a similaNote 30 · Consult, on this subject, the valuable treatise of Steinhart, in Ersch and Gruber’s Encyclopædia, sect. i. vol. 35, pp. 459–477. ↑Note 31 · Diog. x. i. He is frequently mentioned as an Athenian, belonging to the δῆμος Gargettos. Diog. l.c.; Lucret. Nat. Rer. vi. 1; Cic. Ad Fam. xNote 32 · Diog. i.; Strabo, xiv. 1, 18, p. 638. According to these authorities, and Cic. N. D. i. 26, 72, his father had gone thither as a κληροῦχος. Note 33 · Apollodorus (in Diog. x. 14) mentions 7 Gamelion, Ol. 109, 3, as the birthday of Epicurus. It was observed (Epicurus’ will, Diog. 18) τῇ προNote 34 · His father, according to Strabo, was a schoolmaster, and Epicurus had assisted him in teaching (Hermippus and Timon, in Diog. 2; Athen. xiiiNote 35 · According to his own statement (Diog. 2), he was not more than fourteen (Suid. Ἐπικ. has twelve) years of age when he began to philosophise,Note 36 · According to Cic. l.c., he denied the fact. Others, however, asserted it, and, among them, Demetrius of Magnesia. Diog. 13. ↑Note 37 · Whither he came, in his eighteenth year, according to Heraclides Lembus, in Diog. 1. Conf. Strabo, l.c.: τραφῆναί φασιν ἐνθάδε (in Samos) καNote 38 · According to Hermippus (Diog. 2) Democritus first gave him the impulse to pursue philosophy; but this is only a conjecture. Besides DemocritNote 39 · Diog. 1, 15 mentions Colophon, Mytilene, and Lampsacus. Strabo, xiii. 1, 19, p. 589, also affirms that Epicurus resided for some time at LamNote 40 · Diog. 2, on the authority of Heraclides and Sotion. According to him, Epicurus returned to Athens in the archonship of Anaxicrates, 307–6 B.Note 41 · Not immediately, however, since Diog. 2 says, on the authority of Heraclides: μέχρι μέν τινος κατ’ ἐπιμιξίαν τοῖς ἄλλοις φιλοσοφεῖν, ἔπειτ’ Note 42 · On this celebrated garden, after which the Epicureans were called οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν κήπων, see Diog. 10, 17; Plin. H. N. xix. 4, 51; Cic. Fin. i. 2Note 43 · This subject will be discussed at a later period. ↑Note 44 · Such as Themista or Themisto, the wife of Leonteus (Diog. 5; 25; 26; Clem. Strom. iv. 522, D). ↑Note 45 · Diog. 4; 6; 7; Cleomed. Meteor. p. 92, Balfor.; Plut. N. P. Suav. Vivi, 4, 8; 16, 1 and 6; Lat. Viv. 4, 2. The best-known among these ἑταῖραNote 46 · Ol. 127, 2, in the archonship of Pytharatus, and in his seventy-second year. Diog. 15; Cic. De Fat. 9, 19. ↑Note 47 · Diog. 15; 22; Cic. Ad Fam. vii. 26; Fin. ii. 30, 96; Sen. Ep. 66, 47; 92, 25. That he put an end to his own life (Baumhauer, Vet. Philo. DocNote 48 · According to Diog. Pro. 16, x. 26, he was, next to Chrysippus, the most voluminous writer of the ancient philosophers, his writings filling Note 49 · Three epistles in Diog. 35; 84; 122; and the κύριαι δόξαι, an epitome of his ethics, mentioned by Cic. N. D. i. 30, 85, and 139. Of his 37 bNote 50 · Fragments in Diog. 5; 7. Besides the testament and the letter to Idomeneus (Diog. 16–22), many individual expressions of Epicurus have been Note 51 · Aristophanes (in Diog. 13) calls his style ἰδιωτικωτάτη. Cleomed. Meteor. p. 91, complains of his awkward and barbarous expressions, instancNote 52 · See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iii. 598, Harl. They were, no doubt, very numerous. Diog. x. 9, probably exaggerates their number in saying the friendNote 53 · A native of Lampsacus (Strabo, xiii. 1, 19, p. 589), and, next to Epicurus, the most celebrated teacher of the School. Cicero, Fin. ii. 28, Note 54 · Son of Athenodorus, likewise a native of Lampsacus (Diog. 24), a capital mathematician, according to Cic. Acad. ii. 33, 106; Fin. i. 6, 20. Note 55 · This individual’s name, formerly written Hermachus, appears as Hermarchus in the modern editions of Diogenes, Cicero, and Seneca. The latterNote 56 · According to what is stated in the testament of Epicurus. Diog. 16. ↑Note 57 · Colotes, a native of Lampsacus. Diog. 25. Further particulars about him may be obtained from Plut. Adv. Col. 17, 5; 1, 1; N. P. Suav. Vivi, Note 58 · In particular, Neocles, Chairedemus, and Aristobulus, the brothers of Epicurus (Diog. 3, 28; Plut. N. P. Suav. Vivi, 5, 3; where ἈγαθόβουλοςNote 59 · Diog. 16. In Cicero’s time, the plot of ground, together with the tenement standing thereupon, and at that time in ruins (parietinæ), was inNote 60 · Diog. 25. does not say that Polystratus was a personal disciple of Epicurus, but it seems probable. Fragments of a treatise of his περὶ ἀλόγNote 61 · According to Valer. Max. i. 8, ext. 17, both these individuals were born on the same day, and passed their whole lives together with a commoNote 62 · Diog. 25. The Dionysius referred to can hardly be Dionysius ὁ μεταθέμενος (see p. 44, 1), or Diogenes would have said so. Besides the chronoNote 63 · Strabo, xiv. 2, 20, p. 658. He is probably the Protarchus whose sayings are quoted by Simpl. Phys. 78, a; Themist. Phys. 27, a. ↑Note 64 · According to Strabo, l.c., Diog. 26, Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. iii. 137, Math. viii. 348, x. 219, Erotian, Lex. Hippocr. Κλαγγώδη, Demetrius was oNote 65 · Both the Ptolemies of Alexandria (Diog. 25); Diogenes of Tarsus (Diog. vi. 81; x. 26; 97; 118; 136; 138); Orion (Diog. 26); Timagoras (Cic. Note 66 · According to Athen. xii. 547, a, Ælian, V. H. ix. 12, two Epicureans, Alcius and Philiscus, were banished from Rome, in the consulate of L. Note 67 · According to Cic. Tusc. iv. 3, 6, Amafinius seems to have come forward not long after the philosophic embassy of 156 B.C.; nor is this at vaNote 68 · Cic. Tusc. iv. 3, 7: Post Amafinium autem multi ejusdem æmuli rationis multa cum scripsissent, Italiam totam occupaverunt, quodque maxumum aNote 69 · Surnamed ὁ κηποτύραννος, the writer of more than 400 books. Diog. 25; 2; 13; vii. 181. ↑Note 70 · Diog. vii. 35, x. 25, and Procl. in Euclid. 55, says that Zeno was a native of Sidon, and a pupil of Apollodorus; nor can these statements bNote 71 · Cicero (N. D. i. 33, 93; Fin. i. 5, 16; v. 1, 3; Legg. i. 20, 53) had also studied under him in Athens, and previously in Rome, where PhædruNote 72 · Philodemus (see Vol. Herc. i. 1; Gros, Philod. Rhet. cxii.; Preller, Allg. Encycl. Sect. III. Bd. xxiii. 345) was a native of Gadara. in CœlNote 73 · Cic. Acad. ii. 33, 106; Fin. ii. 35, 110; Ad Fam. vi. 11. According to Virgil, Catal. 7, 9; 10, 1, Donat. Vita Virg. 79, Serv. Ad Ecl. vi. 1Note 74 · Cic. Ad Fam. xiii. 1; Ad Att. v. 11; vii. 2; Ad Quint. Fratr. i. 2, 4, where besides him an Epicurean Plato of Sardes is mentioned, and abovNote 75 · Besides Lucretius, the most important among them are T. Albutius, called by Cic. Brut. 35, 131, perfectus Epicureus (Cic. Brut. 26, 102; TusNote 76 · Born, according to Hieron, (in Eus. Chron.), 95 B.C., he died in his 44th year, or 51 B.C. In Vita Virgilii, 659 ought therefore to be substNote 77 · According to Sext. Math. vii. 201, a cotemporary of Antiochus of Ascalon, whose language towards him is there quoted, and reckoned by Galen.Note 78 · Known for three things—his theory of atoms, his theory of the acquisition of knowledge, and his resolution of the soul into matter. All bodiNote 79 · Quint Inst. vi. 3, 78, names L. Varus as an Epicurean, a friend of Augustus, perhaps the individual who according to Donat. V. Virg. 79, SerNote 80 · Diog. x. 9, in the first half of the third century, writes: ἥ τε διδαχὴ πασῶν σχεδὸν ἐκλιπουσῶν τῶν ἄλλων ἐσαεὶ διαμένουσα καὶ νηρίθμους ἀρχNote 81 · A. Epicurus. Epicurus, the son of the Athenian Neocles,2 was born in Samos3 in the year 342 or 341 B.C.4 His early education appears to haveNote 82 · After having been engaged as a teacher in several Schools10 in Asia Minor, he repaired to Athens about the year 306 B.C.,11 and there foundeNote 83 · B. Scholars of Epicurus. Among the numerous scholars of Epicurus23 the best known are Metrodorus24 and Polyænus,25 both of whom died before Note 84 · C. Epicureans of the Roman period. Before the middle of the second century B.C. Epicureanism is said to have obtained a footing in Rome.37 INote 85 · Towards the close of the second century Apollodorus, one of the most voluminous writers on philosophy, taught at Athens.40 His pupil, Zeno oNote 86 · In the following century several supporters of the practical philosophy of the Epicureans are known to us,50 but no one apparently approachiNote 87 · Cic. Fin. ii. 7, 20: Quis enim vestrum non edidicit Epicuri κυρίας δόξας? Diog. 12 (according to Diocles). Epicurus often exhorted his scholNote 88 · He speaks of himself and Metrodorus in Cic. Fin. ii. 3, 7, as wise men. Plut. N. P. Suav. Vivi, 18, 5, quotes, as coming from him: ὡς ΚολώτηNote 89 · Cic. Tusc. ii. 3, 8. ↑Note 90 · Sen. Ep. 33, 4, compares the scientific independence of the Stoics with the Epicurean’s dependence on the founder: Non sumus sub rege: sibi Note 91 · It has been already observed, p. 405, 1; 406, 1, that Epicurus ignored his obligations to his teachers Pamphilus and Nausicydes, and only coNote 92 · Cic. N. D. ii. 29, 73: Nam vobis, Vellei, minus notum est, quem ad modum quidque dicatur; vestra enim solum legitis, vestra amatis, ceteros Note 93 · Sext. Math. xi. 169: Ἐπίκουρος ἔλεγε τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐνέργειαν εἶναι λόγοις καὶ διαλογισμοῖς τὸν εὐδαίμονα βίον περιποιοῦσαν. Conf. Epic. in Note 94 · It was mentioned, p. 408, 3, that Epicurus’ own education was defective. Not content therewith, he upholds this defectiveness on principle. Note 95 · Cic. Fin. ii. 4, 12: Vestri quidem vel optime disputant, nihil opus esse eum, philosophus qui futurus sit, scire literas. They fetch their pNote 96 · Sext. Math. i. 1; Cic. Fin. i. 6, 20. ↑Note 97 · Cic. Fin. i. 21 (see p. 421, 1), which probably only means, that mathematical ideas cannot be applied to phenomena. Hence Acad. ii. 33, 106 Note 98 · See p. 421, 1; Sext. Math. i. 1: Epicurus rejects mathematics ὡς τῶν μαθημάτων μηδὲν συνεργούντων πρὸς σοφίας τελείωσιν. According to Diog. Note 99 · Plut. l.c. 13, 1. Philodemus, in his treatise περὶ μουσικῆς, had discussed at length the value of music, as we gather from the fragments of Note 100 · Philodemus, De Rhet. Vol. Herc. iv. col. 3; 12. The same polemic is continued in the further fragments of this treatise. Ibid. V. Col. 6. ↑Note 101 · Cic. Fin. i. 7, 22: In logic iste vester plane, ut mihi quidem videtur, inermis ac nudus est. Tollit definitiones: nihil de dividendo ac parNote 102 · See p. 424. ↑Note 103 · Cic. Fin. i. 19, 63: In physicis plurimum posuit [Epic.]. Ibid. 6, 17: In physicis, quibus maxime gloriatur, primum totus est alienus. ↑Note 104 · Epic. in Diog. x. 82 and 85: μὴ ἄλλο τι τέλος ἐκ τῆς περὶ μετεώρων γνώσεως … νομίζειν δεῖ εἶναι ἤπερ ἀταραξίαν καὶ πίστιν βέβαιον καθάπερ καNote 105 · In Cic. Fin. i. 19, 63, the Epicurean speaks of a fivefold, or, excluding Canonic, of a fourfold use of natural science: fortitudo contra moNote 106 · Diog. 29: διαιρεῖται τοίνυν [ἡ φιλοσοφία] εἰς τρία, τό τε κανονικὸν καὶ φυσικὸν καὶ ἠθικόν. Canonic was also called περὶ κριτηρίου καὶ ἀρχῆςNote 107 · Diog. 30: τὸ μὲν οὖν κανονικὸν ἐφόδους ἐπὶ τὴν πραγματείαν ἔχει. ↑Note 108 · Diog. l.c.: εἰώθασι μέντοι τὸ κανονικὸν ὁμοῦ τῷ φυσικῷ συντάττειν. Cic. Fin. i. 19. See p. 423, 4. Hence Sext. Math. vii. 14: Some reckon EpNote 109 · Ritter, iii. 463; Schleiermacher, Gesch. d. Phil. p. 123. ↑Note 110 · Steinhart in the treatise often referred to. ↑Note 111 · Diog. 29; Sext. Math. vii. 22. ↑Note 112 · Cic. Fin. i. 7, 22. See p. 422, 4. ↑Note 113 · Cic. Fin. i. 7, 22; Sext. Math. vii. 203. If, according to Diog. 31, and Cic. Acad. ii. 46, 142, Epicurus named three criteria—πρόληψις, αἴσNote 114 · Epicurus, in Diog. x. 146; Lucr. iv. 467–519; Cic. Fin. i. 19, 54. Colotes (in Plut. Adv. Col. 24, 3) replies to the Cyrenaic scepticism by Note 115 · Epic. in Diog. x. 50, and 147; Sext. Math. vii. 203–210; viii. 9; 63; 185; Plut. Adv. Col. 4, 3; 5, 2; 25, 2; Plac. iv. 9, 2: Lucr. iv. 377–Note 116 · Diog. x. 31; Lucr. iv. 480. ↑Note 117 · Sext. Math. vii. 203 and 216. In Diog. x. 52, instead of ἐνεργείας, we should read with Cobet ἐναργείας. Besides this peculiar expression, ENote 118 · Diog. 32. ↑Note 119 · Diog. 33: τὴν δὲ πρόληψιν λέγουσιν οἱονεὶ κατάληψιν ἢ δόξαν ὀρθὴν ἢ ἔννοιαν ἢ καθολικὴν νόησιν ἐναποκειμένην, τουτέστι μνήμην τοῦ πολλάκις ἔNote 120 · Diog. l.c.: ἅμα γὰρ τῷ ῥηθῆναι ἄνθρωπος εὐθὺς κατὰ πρόληψιν καὶ ὁ τύπος αὐτοῦ νοεῖται προηγουμένων τῶν αἰσθήσεων. παντὶ οὖν ὀνόματι τὸ πρώτωNote 121 · Diog. 33. Sext. Math. i. 57 (xi. 21): οὔτε ζητεῖν οὔτε ἀπορεῖν ἔστι κατὰ τὸν σόφον Ἐπίκουρον ἄνευ προλήψεως. Ibid. viii. 337, p. 521; Plut. Note 122 · See p. 426, 1. Diog. l.c.: ἐναργεῖς οὖν εἰσιν αἱ προλήψεις καὶ τὸ δοξαστὸν ἀπὸ προτέρου τινὸς ἐναργοῦς ἤρτηται, ἐφ’ ὃ ἀναφέροντες λέγομεν. ↑Note 123 · See previous note and Epic. in Diog. 38: ἀνάγκη γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ἐννόημα καθ’ ἕκαστον φθόγγον βλέπεσθαι καὶ μηθὲν ἀποδείξεως προσδεῖσθαι, εἴπερNote 124 · Diog. 33 (conf. 38, 104): περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων ἀπὸ τῶν φαινομένων χρὴ σημειοῦσθαι. ↑Note 125 · See p. 422, 4. Steinhart, p. 466, goes too far in saying that Epicurus defied all law and rule in thought. ↑Note 126 · Diog. 32: καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐπίνοιαι πᾶσαι ἀπὸ τῶν αἰσθήσεων γεγόνασι, κατά τε περίπτωσιν (probably: the coincidence of several sensations which mNote 127 · Diog. 33: καὶ τὸ δοξαστὸν ἀπὸ προτέρου τινὸς ἐναργοῦς ἤρτηται … τὴν δὲ δόξαν καὶ ὑπόληψιν λέγουσιν. ἀληθῆ τέ φασι καὶ ψευδῆ· ἂν μὲν γὰρ ἐπιμNote 128 · Epicur. in Diog. 50; Ibid. 33; Sext. vii. 212. The object of a future sensation is called by Diog. 38, τὸ προσμένον. Diog. x. 34, himself giNote 129 · Sext. l.c. 213. ↑Note 130 · The two tests of truth, proof and absence of refutation, do not, therefore, as Sextus expressly says, refer to the same cases. Our assumptioNote 131 · Compare the passages in Sext. vii. 206, quoted p. 427, 1. ↑Note 132 · Cic. Acad. ii. 14, 45: Nam qui voluit subvenire erroribus Epicurus iis, qui videntur conturbare veri cognitionem, dixitque sapientis esse opNote 133 · Plut. Adv. Col. 7, 2 (Stob. Ecl. i. 366; Lucr. ii. 795): ὁ Ἐπίκουρος οὐκ εἶναι λέγων τὰ χρώματα συμφυῆ τοῖς σώμασιν, ἀλλὰ γεννᾶσθαι κατὰ ποιNote 134 · Simpl. Categ. 109, β (Schol. in Arist. 92, a, 10): Since Democritus and Epicurus attribute all qualities, to atoms except those of form and Note 135 · Compare the passages already quoted, on the truth of the impressions of the senses, and the words of Epicurus, in Diog. 68: ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὰ Note 136 · A. Character of Epicurean system. (1) Its power of self-preservation. The scientific value and capacity for development of Epicureanism are Note 137 · (2) Aim of philosophy according to the Epicureans. The want of intellectual taste here displayed appears also in the view taken by Epicurus Note 138 · Far greater, comparatively, was the importance he attached to the study of nature,17 but even natural science was deemed valuable not so mucNote 139 · (3) Divisions of philosophy. Nor is it otherwise than in harmony herewith that logic did not receive a fuller or more perfect treatment in tNote 140 · B. Canonic or the test-science of truth. (1) Sensation and perception. Canonic or the test-science of truth, as has been observed, is occupiNote 141 · (2) Notions. This going beyond sensation becomes, however, a necessity. By a repetition of the same perception a notion (πρόληψις) arises. ANote 142 · (3) Opinion. For this very reason notion are not sufficient. From appearances we must advance to their secret causes; from the known to the Note 143 · (4) Standard of truth subjective. Little pains seem to have been taken by Epicurus to overcome the difficulties by which this view was besetNote 144 · This line of argument, however, only removes the difficulty one step further. Sensation is said always to reproduce faithfully the picture wNote 145 · A. General views on nature. (1) Object, value, and method of the study of nature. If Epicurus and his followers underrated logic, to naturalNote 146 · (2) Mechanical explanation of nature. Great stress is, however, laid by him on the general explanation. In contrast with the religious view
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