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The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Volume 1 of 2

The Twelfth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious accession.

Alexander Rogers translation

In consequence of the disturbance that tobacco brings about in most temperaments and constitutions, I had ordered that no one should smoke it (lit. draw). My brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās had also become aware of the mischief arising from it, and had ordered that in Iran no one should venture to smoke. As K͟hān ʿĀlam (ambassador to Persia) was without control in continual smoking of tobacco, he frequently practised it. Yādgār ʿAlī Sult̤ān, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, represented to S͟hāh ʿAbbās that K͟hān ʿĀlam could never be a moment without tobacco, and he (S͟hāh ʿAbbās) wrote this couplet in answer—

“The friend’s envoy wishes to exhibit tobacco;

With fidelity’s lamp I light up the tobacco-market.”

K͟hān ʿĀlam in answer wrote and sent this verse—

“I, poor wretch, was miserable at the tobacco notice;

By the just Shah’s favour the tobacco-market became brisk.”

On the 22nd the scouts brought in news of a tiger. Mounting immediately, I went against the tiger and with three shots I delivered the people from his wickedness, and himself from the wickedness of his vile nature. Masīḥu-z-zamān produced before me a cat, and represented that it was a hermaphrodite, and that in his house it had young ones, and that when it had connection with another cat, young were born to the latter.

“The day of absence and night of parting from the friend are o’er.

When the secret tongue (lisānu-l-g͟haib) of Ḥāfiz̤ showed such an ending it gave me a strong hope, and accordingly, after twenty-five days, the news of victory arrived. In many of my desires I have resorted to the K͟hwāja’s diwan, and (generally) the result has coincided with what I found there. It is seldom that the opposite has happened.

Three watches of day had passed on Thursday, the 19th, when I mounted with the ladies in order to go round and see the courts and buildings on the Shakkar tank, founded by former rulers of Malwa. As an elephant had not been conferred on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah on account of his government of the Panjab, I gave him on the road one of my private elephants of the name of Jagjot. I remained in this enchanting place until the evening, and was much delighted with the pleasantness and greenness of the surrounding open spaces. After performing my evening prayer and counting my rosary, we returned to our fixed residence. On Friday an elephant named Ran-bādal (cloud of war?), which Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān had sent as an offering, was brought before me. Having adopted for myself certain special cloths and cloth-stuffs, I gave an order that no one should wear the same but he on whom I might bestow them. One was a nādirī coat that they wear over the qabā (a kind of outer vest). Its length is from the waist down to below the thighs, and it has no sleeves. It is fastened in front with buttons, and the people of Persia call it kurdī (from the country of the Kurds). I gave it the name of nadiri. Another garment is a T̤ūs shawl, which my revered father had adopted as a dress. The next was a coat (qaba) with a folded collar (batū girībān). The ends of the sleeves were embroidered. He had also appropriated this to himself. Another was a qaba with a border, from which the fringes of cloth were cut off and sewn round the skirt and collar and the ends of the sleeve. Another was a qaba of Gujarati satin, and another a chīra and waistbelt woven with silk, in which were interwoven gold and silver threads.

“A feast was arranged that lighted up the heart,

It was of such beauty as the heart desired.

They flung over this verdant mead

A carpet broad as the field of genius.

From abundance of perfume the feast spread far,

The heavens were a musk-bag by reason of incense,

The delicate ones of the garden (the flowers) became glorious,

After three of four gharis of night had passed, I dismissed the men and summoned the ladies, and till a watch of night (remained?) passed the time in this delightful place, and enjoyed myself. On this day of Thursday several special things had happened. One was that it was the day of my ascension of the throne; secondly, it was the S͟hab-i-barāt, thirdly, it was the day of the rākhī, which has already been described, and with the Hindus is a special day. On account of these three pieces of good fortune I called the day Mubārak-s͟hamba.

On the 27th, Sayyid Kāsū was dignified with the title of Parwaris͟h K͟hān. Wednesday in the same way that Mubārak-s͟hamba had been a fortunate one for me had fallen out exactly the opposite. On this account I gave this evil day the name of Kam-s͟hamba, in order that this day might always fail from the world (lessen). On the next day a jewelled dagger was conferred on Yādgār Qūrchī, and I ordered that after this he should be styled Yādgār Beg. I had sent for Jay Singh, son of Rāja Mahā Singh. On this day he waited on me and presented an elephant as an offering. A watch and three gharis of Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 2nd of S͟hahriyār, had passed, when I rode to look round the Nīl-kund and its neighbourhood; thence I passed on to the plain of the ʿĪd-gāh on the top of a mound that was very green and pleasant. Champa flowers and other sweet wild herbs of that plain had bloomed to such a degree that on all sides on which the eye fell the world looked like a world of greenery and flowers. I entered the palace when a watch of night had passed.

On the 3rd a letter came from Bābā K͟hurram, announcing the coming of Afẓal K͟hān and Rāy Rāyān and the arrival of the ambassadors of ʿĀdil K͟hān, and their bringing suitable offerings of jewels, jewelled things, elephants, and horses, offerings such as had never come in any reign or time, and expressing much gratitude for the services and loyalty of the aforesaid K͟hān, and his faithfulness to his word and duty. He asked for a gracious royal firman bestowing on him the title of farzand (son) and for other favours, which had never yet been vouchsafed in his honour. Since it was very gratifying to me to please my son, and his request was reasonable, I ordered that the Munshis of the mercurial pen should write a farman in the name of ʿĀdil K͟hān, conveying every kind of affection and favour, and exceeding in his praise ten or twelve times what had been previously written. They were ordered in these farmans to address him as farzand. In the body of the farman I wrote this couplet with my own hand—

“Thou’st become, at S͟hāh K͟hurram’s request,

Renowned in the world as my son” (farzandī).

It was frequently reported to me that K͟hān Daurān had become old and weak, so as to be unfit for active duty, and the Subahs of Kabul and Bangash is a land of disturbance, and to subdue the Afghans required riding and active movement. Inasmuch as caution is the condition of rule, I appointed Mahābat K͟hān, Subahdar of Kabul and Bangash, giving him a dress of honour, and promoted K͟hān Daurān to the governorship of the province of Thatta. Ibrāhīm K͟hān Fatḥ-jang had sent as an offering from Behar forty-nine elephants; these were submitted to me. On this day they brought some sōna-kela (golden plantains, bananas) for me. I had never eaten such plantains before. In size they are one finger, and are very sweet and of good flavour; they have no resemblance to plantains of other descriptions, but are somewhat indigestible, so that from the two that I ate I experienced heaviness, whilst others say they can eat as many as seven or eight. Though plantains are really unfit to eat, yet of all the kinds this is the one fit to eat. This year, up to the 23rd of the month of Mihr, Muqarrab K͟hān sent Gujarat mangoes by post (ḍāk-chaukī).

“The lord of the age the star of the sphere of glory,

Centre of the people of the earth, sun of the zenith of perfection,

In whose excellent qualities G͟hor glories,

Helper and protector of the Faith of the Prophet, Dilāwar K͟hān,

Who has been chosen by the most mighty Lord (God),

Founded the Jāmiʿ mosque in the city of Dhār,

At a fortunate, auspicious time, on a day of happy omen.

When the Court of hopes was completed by Fortune.”

On Monday, the 13th, I went to hunt and shot a blue bull. From the day on which the elephant Nūr-bak͟ht was put into the special elephant stables, there was an order that he should be tied up in the public palace (court). Among animals elephants have the greatest liking for water; they delight to go into the water, notwithstanding the winter and the coldness of the air, and if there should be no water into which they can go, they will take it from a water-bag (mas͟hk) with their trunks and pour it over their bodies. It occurred to me that however much an elephant delights in water, and it is suited to their temperament, yet in the winter the cold water must affect them. I accordingly ordered the water to be made lukewarm (as warm as milk) before they (the elephants) poured it into their trunks. On other days when they poured cold water over themselves they evidently shivered, but with warm water, on the contrary they were delighted. This usage is entirely my own.

“When after the conquest of the Deccan he came to Gujarat from Māndū.”

As an hour on Monday had been chosen for my entry into the city, on Sunday, the 24th, I halted. At this place some melons came from Kāriz, which is a town dependent on Herat, and it is certain that in Khurasan there are no melons better than those of Kāriz. Although this is at a distance of 1,400 kos, and kafilahs (caravans) take five months to come, they arrived very ripe and fresh. They brought so many that they sufficed for all the servants. Together with these there came oranges (kauṇlā) from Bengal, and though that place is 1,000 kos distant most of them arrived quite fresh. As this is a very delicate and pleasant fruit, runners bring by post as much as is necessary for private consumption, and pass it from hand to hand. My tongue fails me in giving thanks to Allah for this.

“Thankfulness for Thy favours is one of Thy favours.”

After performing this visitation I went to Fatḥ-bāg͟h (garden of victory). This garden is situated on the ground on which the Commander-in-Chief, K͟hānk͟hānān Ātālīq fought with and defeated Nabū (Nannū? Nanhū?), who gave himself the title of Muz̤affar K͟hān. On this account he called it Bāg͟h-i-fatḥ; the people of Gujarat call it Fatḥ-bāṛī. The details of this are that when, by means of the good fortune of the late king Akbar, the country of Gujarat was conquered, and Nabū fell into his hands, Iʿtimād K͟hān represented that he was the son of a carter. As no son was left by Sult̤ān Maḥmūd, and moreover there was no one of the descendants of the Sultans of Gujarat whom he could raise to the throne, he (Iʿtimād) had accepted the most available course, and had made out that this was the son of Maḥmūd. He gave him the name of Sult̤ān Muz̤affar, and raised him to the sovereignty. Men from necessity consented to this. As His Majesty considered the word of Iʿtimād K͟hān of weight, he ignored Nabū, and for some time he did duty among the servants, and the king paid no attention to his case. In consequence of this he ran away from Fatḥpūr, and coming to Gujarat lived for some years under the protection of the zamindars. When S͟hihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad K͟hān was turned out from the government of Gujarat and Iʿtimād K͟hān installed in his place, a body of the servants of S͟hihābu-d-dīn K͟hān, who were attached to Gujarat, separated from him, and remained at Ahmadabad in the hope of service with Iʿtimād. After Iʿtimād entered the city they had recourse to him, but had no good luck with him. They had not the face to go to S͟hihābu-d-dīn, and had no prospects in Ahmadabad. As they were without hope they thought their remedy lay in betaking themselves to Nabū, and in making him an excuse for disturbance. With this intent 600 or 700 horsemen from among them went to Nabū and carried him off along with Lonā Kāthī, under whose protection he was living, and proceeded to Ahmadabad. When he arrived near the city many wretched men on the look out for an occasion joined him, and nearly 1,000 horsemen, Mughals and Gujaratis, collected together. When Iʿtimād K͟hān became aware of this he left his son S͟hīr K͟hān in the city, and hastened off in search of S͟hihāb K͟hān, who was proceeding towards the Court, in order that with his help he might quiet the disturbance. Many of the men had separated themselves from him, and he read on the faces of those who were left the signs of unfaithfulness, but S͟hihābu-d-dīn, in company with Iʿtimād K͟hān, turned his rein. It happened that before their arrival Nabū had entered the fort of Ahmadabad. Those who were loyal drew up their troops near the city, and the rebels came out of the fort and hastened to the battlefield. When the army of the rebels showed itself, those of the servants of S͟hihāb K͟hān who were left took the wrong road and joined the enemy. S͟hihāb K͟hān was defeated and hastened towards Paṭan (Pātan?), which was in the possession of the royal servants. His retinue and camp were plundered, and Nabū, bestowing mansabs and titles on the rebels, went against Qut̤bu-d-dīn Muḥammad K͟hān, who was in Baroda. The servants of the latter, like the servants of S͟hihāb K͟hān, took the road of faithlessness and chose separation, as is related in detail in the Akbar-nāma. In the end, after giving his word to Qut̤bu-d-dīn Muḥammad, he sent him to martyrdom, and his goods and property, which were equal to the treasure of his courtesy and grandeur, were plundered. Nearly 45,000 horsemen collected round Nabū.

When this state of affairs was represented to H.M. Akbar he sent against him Mīrzā K͟hān, son of Bairām K͟hān, with a force of brave warriors. On the day when Mīrzā K͟hān arrived near the city, he drew up the ranks of good fortune. He had about 8,000 or 9,000 horse, and Nabū met him with 30,000, and drew up his host tainted with ruin. After prolonged fighting and slaughter the breeze of victory blew on the flag of the loyal, and Nabū, being defeated, fled in wretched plight. My father, in reward for this victory, gave Mīrzā K͟hān a mansab of 5,000 with the title of K͟hānk͟hānān and the government of the country of Gujarat. The garden that K͟hānk͟hānān made on the field of battle is situated on the bank of the River Sābarmatī. He founded lofty buildings along that eminence on the river, and made a strong wall of stone and cement round the garden. The garden contains 120 jarīb of land, and is a charming resort. It may have cost 200,000 rupees. It pleased me greatly. One may say that in the whole of Gujarat there is no garden like this. Arranging a Thursday feast, I bestowed cups on my private servants, and remained there for the night. At the end of the day, on Friday, I entered the city, scattering about 1,000 rupees on the road. At this time the gardener represented that a servant of Muqarrab K͟hān had cut down some champā trees above the bench alongside the river. On hearing this I became angry, and went myself to enquire into the matter and to exact satisfaction. When it was established that this improper act had been committed by him, I ordered both his thumbs to be cut off as a warning to others. It was evident that Muqarrab K͟hān knew nothing of this affair, or otherwise he would have punished him there and then. On Tuesday, the 11th, the Kotwal of the city caught a thief and brought him. He had committed several thefts before, and each time they had cut off one of his members; once his right hand, the second time the thumb of his left hand, the third time his left ear, and fourth time they hamstringed him, and the last time his nose; with all this he did not give up his business, and yesterday entered the house of a grass-seller in order to steal. By chance the owner of the house was on the look out and seized him. The thief wounded the grass-seller several times with a knife and killed him. In the uproar and confusion his relatives attacked the thief and caught him. I ordered them to hand over the thief to the relatives of the deceased, that they might retaliate on him.

“The lines of the face show the thought of your head (?).”

On Monday, the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ, I left Ahmadabad and marched towards Malwa. I scattered money on the road till we reached the bank of the Kānkriyā tank, where I halted for three days. On Thursday, the 4th, the presents of Muqarrab K͟hān were laid before me. There was nothing rare among them, nor anything that I took a fancy to, and so I felt ashamed. I gave them to my children to take into the harem. I accepted jewellery and decorated vessels and cloths to the value of a lakh, and gave him back the rest. Also about one hundred Kachhi horses were taken, but there was none of great excellence.

On Friday, the 5th, I marched 6 kos, and encamped on the bank of the Ahmadabad River. As my son S͟hāh Jahān was leaving Rustam K͟hān, one of his chief servants, in charge of the government of Gujarat, I, at my son’s request, gave him a standard, drums, a dress of honour, and a decorated dagger. Up till now it had not been the custom in this dynasty to give to the prince’s servants standards or drums. For instance, H.M. Akbar with all his affection and graciousness to me, did not decide upon giving to my officers a title or a standard. But my consideration for this son is so unbounded that I would do anything to please him, and, in fact, he is an excellent son, and one adorned with every grace, and in his early youth has accomplished to my satisfaction, everything that he has set his hand to.

On this day Muqarrab K͟hān took leave to go to his home.

“That there may remain a memorial of him upon earth.”

On Sunday I halted and fished, and caught 400 fish. One of them had no scales, and is called the sang-māhī, ‘the stone-fish.’ Its belly was very large and swollen, so I ordered them to cut it open in my presence. Inside was a fish with scales which it had recently swallowed and which had as yet undergone no change. I told them to weigh both fish. The stone-fish came to 6½ seers and the other to nearly 2.

The sect of the Sewras exists in most of the cities of India, but is especially numerous in Gujarat. As the Banyans are the chief traders there, consequently the Sewras also are plentiful. Besides making idol-temples for them, they have built houses for them to dwell in and to worship in. In fact, these houses are the headquarters of sedition. The Banyans send their wives and daughters to the Sewras, who have no shame or modesty. All kinds of strife and audacity are perpetrated by them. I therefore ordered that the Sewras should be expelled, and I circulated farmans to the effect that wherever there were Sewras in my empire they should be turned out.

On Wednesday, the 10th, I went out to hunt, and shot two nilgaw, one male and one female. On this day the son of Dilāwar K͟hān came from Pattan, which was his father’s fief, and paid his respects. He presented a Kachhī horse. It was a very handsome animal, and pleasant to ride. Till I came to Gujarat no one had presented me with so fine a horse. Its value was 1,000 rupees.

On Thursday, the 11th, I had a wine party on the bank of the tank, and bestowed many favours on those servants who had been appointed to the province, and then dismissed them. Among the promotions was that of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, the Arab, to the rank of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. I also gave him drums, a horse, and a robe of honour. Himmat K͟hān was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse, and had a robe of honour and an elephant. Kifāyat K͟hān, who was made Diwan of the province, received the rank of 1,200 with 300 horse. Ṣafī K͟hān bakhshi received a horse and a robe of honour. K͟hwāja ʿĀqil had the rank of 1,500 with 650 horse, and was made bakhshi of the Ahadis, and had the title of ʿĀqil K͟hān. Thirty thousand darbs were given to the wakil of Qut̤bu-l-Mulk, who had brought the tribute.

At the time that Ahmadabad was adorned by the setting up of the royal standards my employment by day and by night was the seeing of necessitous persons and the bestowing on them of money and land. I directed S͟haik͟h Aḥmad the Ṣadr and some other tactful servants to bring before me dervishes and other needy persons. I also directed the sons of S͟haik͟h Muhammad G͟haus̤, the grandson of S͟haik͟h Wajīhu-d-dīn, and other leading Shaikhs to produce whatever persons they believed to be in want. Similarly I appointed some women to do the same thing in the harem. My sole endeavour was that as I a king had come to this country after many years, no single person should be excluded. God is my witness that I did not fall short in this task, and that I never took any rest from this duty. Although I have not been delighted with my visit to Ahmadabad, yet I have this satisfaction—that my coming has been the cause of benefit to a large number of poor people.

“What I see, is it, O God, waking or in a trance?

Do I behold myself in such comfort after such torture?”

On the same day Lachmī Narāyan, Raja of Kūch (Bihār), which adjoins Bengal, did homage and presented 500 muhrs. He received a dress of honour and an ornamented dagger.

Nawāzish K͟hān, son of Saʿīd K͟hān, who had been appointed to Jūnagaṛh, had the good fortune to pay his respects. On Friday, the 19th, I halted, and on Saturday, the 20th, I marched 3¾ kos and halted at the tank of Jhanūd. On Sunday I marched 4½ kos and halted at the tank of Badarwālā. On this day there came the news of the death of ʿAz̤amat K͟hān Gujarātī. On account of illness he had remained in Ahmadabad. He was a servant who knew one’s disposition, and did good work. As he had thorough knowledge of the Deccan and Gujarat, I was grieved at his death. In the tank above mentioned I noticed a plant which at the approach of the finger or the end of a stick contracts its leaves. After a while it opens them out again. Its leaves resemble those of the tamarind, and it is called in Arabic S͟hajaru-l-ḥayā, ‘the plant of modesty.’ In Hindī it is called Lajvantī. Lāj means modesty. It is certainly not void of strangeness. They also call it nag͟hzak, and say that it also grows on dry land.

On Monday, the 22nd, I halted. My scouts reported that there was a tiger in the neighbourhood which vexed wayfarers, and in the forest where it was they had seen a skull and some bones lying. After midday I went out to shoot it, and killed it with one discharge. Though it was a large tiger, I had killed several that were larger. Among them was a tiger which I killed in the fort of Māndū, and which was 8½ maunds. This one weighed 7½ maunds, or 1 maund less.

Pahluwān Bahāʾu-d-dīn, the musketeer, brought a young monkey (langūr) with a goat, and represented that on the road one of his marksmen had seen the female langur with a young one in its arms on a tree. The cruel man had shot the mother, which on being struck had left the young one on a branch, and had herself dropped on the ground and died. Pahluwān Bahāʾu-d-dīn had then come up and taken down the young one, and had put it beside the goat to be suckled. God had inspired the goat with affection for it, and it began to lick the monkey and to fondle it. In spite of difference of species she showed such love as if it had come out of her own womb. I told them to separate them, but the goat immediately began to lament, and the young langur also became much distressed. The affection of the monkey is not so remarkable, as it wanted to get milk, but the affection of the goat for it is remarkable. The langur is an animal belonging to the monkey tribe. But the hair of the monkey (maimūn) is yellowish and its face is red, while the hair of the langur is white and its face is black. Its tail, too, is twice as long as the maimun’s. I have written these things on account of their strangeness. On Monday, the 29th, I halted and went to hunt nilgaw. I shot two, one male and one female. On Tuesday also, the 30th, I halted.

End of the twelfth year of the Emperor’s reign, in the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · The MSS. have Saturday instead of Tuesday, and this seems reasonable, for there were no offerings on Tuesday (see infra). ↑Note 2 · Text, Sakar. Now locally called the Sāgan, ‘sea,’ tank. ↑Note 3 · The MSS. only speak of twelve. ↑Note 4 · The MSS. seem to have merely ba tīr-i-banduq, ‘with bullets.’ ↑Note 5 · Biyāna in text. ↑Note 6 · That is, apparently, the journey back by sea from the Deccan. The MSS. have Ḥasan instead of Ḥusain, and say the route by Ormuz was closed. Note 7 · Tuqūz means nine in Turkī. ↑Note 8 · The I.O. MSS. seem to have Sakakdar or Sakakandar. ↑Note 9 · It appears from S͟hāh ʿAbbās’s letter to Jahāngīr (Tūzuk, p. 165) that Muḥammad Ḥusain Chelebī had been employed by Jahāngīr to collect curiNote 10 · Note by Sayyid Aḥmad. They say that a poet recited this impromptu couplet—Note 11 · The two I.O. MSS. have “a pair of pearls and a diamond.” ↑Note 12 · There is a fuller account of this flute-player in Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 114. The melody which he composed in Jahāngīr’s name is there called Note 13 · Hauza-dāri, ‘with a basin-shaped litter on it.’ ↑Note 14 · The word pās͟hīda, ‘scattered,’ does not occur in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the word has two opposite meanings. ↑Note 15 · Father and son both died apparently at the same age. ↑Note 16 · It was in Sarkar Qanauj (Jarrett, ii, 185). It is Chibrāmau of I.G., iii, 97, and is in Farrukhabad district. ↑Note 17 · Urvasi is the name of an Apsara or celestial nymph. Probably it is here the name of a dress. (In Forbes’s Hindustani Dictionary ūrbasī is saNote 18 · The MSS. have mag͟hra, which may be connected with the Arabic mag͟hr, ‘travelling quickly.’ It may be the name of a courier, or merely mean Note 19 · Apparently it should be Bhīm; see infra. Gadeha is probably Gadhī in Khandesh; see Lethbridge’s “Golden Book of India,” p. 138. It is the GaNote 20 · There was a Bodah in Sarkār Marosor in Malwa, but its revenue was only 2½ lakhs of dams (Jarrett, ii, 208). The two I.O. MSS. and Debi PrasaNote 21 · Ode 192 of Brockhaus’ edition, p. 112, first couplet. ↑Note 22 · This is the building described by William Finch. See the Journal of John Jourdain, ed. by Foster for the Hakluyt Society, App. D. Finch speaNote 23 · Two hundred rupees per storey(?). ↑Note 24 · Blochmann, p. 371, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 537. Now locally called the Nīl-kanṭh, ‘blue neck.’ ↑Note 25 · The text misses out a conjunction before ṣadā. ↑Note 26 · Apparently the meaning is that the standard of two and three horses had not been kept up. ↑Note 27 · Some lines of this agree with the verses in the Akbar-nāma, ii, 190. The last two lines are quoted again in the account of the 15th year (p.Note 28 · The account is obscure. Elliot’s translation is “In the root of the tree is found a lump of sweet substance which is exactly like that of FaNote 29 · It is curious that the word amūk͟hta, ‘taught,’ in the text, and which appears to be almost necessary for the sense, does not occur either iNote 30 · The text has par, ‘feathers,’ instead of the sign of the comparative tar, but the MSS. have kalāntar. ↑Note 31 · The word is ḥawālī, which is sometimes translated ‘neighbourhood,’ and has been so translated here by Mr. Rogers. But either Jahāngīr has maNote 32 · Probably this was the author who collaborated with Jerome Xavier. See Rieu’s Catalogue, iii, 1077. ↑Note 33 · I. O. MS. 305 has dānā-ī-nāzikī, ‘soft (or small) seeds.’ ↑Note 34 · Note 181 has wāṣil gas͟htan. ‘becoming united’ (to the Deity). ↑Note 35 · Jā dādan, ‘to give way,’ the meaning apparently being that they had protected Rūḥu-llah’s murderers. But I. O. MS. 305 seems to have jāwidānNote 36 · The I. O. MSS. have Pīr Bahār and Chandra Kona, which latter may be the place in Midnapur. ↑Note 37 · Text 8th, but should be 20th. See p. 196, where the next Thursday is mentioned as the 27th. See Elliot, vi, 351. ↑Note 38 · Text 15 months and 11 days, but it should be 11 months. S͟hāh Jahān left his father at Ajmir on the last day of S͟hawwāl, 1025, and he rejoiNote 39 · So in text, but I.O. MSS. have kursī, ‘a chair or stool’ (l. 37). ↑Note 40 · Text būdand, but Ūdā Rām is the only Dakhani officer mentioned. ↑Note 41 · The MSS. have zar-baft, ‘gold brocade.’ ↑Note 42 · In reference to his own name of Nūru-d-dīn. ↑Note 43 · Ghāragī, ‘unripeness.’ ↑Note 44 · The Ūdājī Rām of Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 142. ↑Note 45 · Jamkūra is given in Forbes as the Dakhani word for a covering made of reeds or palm-leaves and used in rainy weather. ↑Note 46 · The MS. has eight. ↑Note 47 · In the MSS. the name seems to be Hansomat (swan-like?). ↑Note 48 · Text has wālida-i-k͟hūd, ‘his own mother.’ ↑Note 49 · A repetition. ↑Note 50 · The MSS. have 3¾ kos. ↑Note 51 · Text k͟hat̤aʾ, ‘fault,’ but the MSS. show that the word is k͟hatar, ‘danger.’ ↑Note 52 · The passage is obscure, and the MSS. do not throw much light on it. Fortunately for the Mīrzā, there was no bullet in his gun. The word whicNote 53 · He has just spoken of Tuesday as the 15th! And as Jahāngīr did not shoot on Sundays, Sunday must be a mistake for Wednesday. It is WednesdayNote 54 · Perhaps būkra here means a male nilgaw; būkra means also a he-goat. ↑Note 55 · This is the same kind of bird that Nūr-Jahān is mentioned as having shot. Perhaps a green pigeon is meant. ↑Note 56 · Text nīla, without the addition of gaw. The MSS. have gor or chor, a pheasant (?). ↑Note 57 · Elliot, vi, 352. ↑Note 58 · The ‘two’ is omitted in text. ↑Note 59 · In Sarkār Māndū (Jarrett, ii, 207) Debi Prasad’s Hindi version has Daknā. ↑Note 60 · The MSS. have “more than 1,000.” Rāja Bhoj’s date, according to Tod, is 567 A.D. (Jarrett, ii, 211). ↑Note 61 · This iron pillar is not now in existence at the mausoleum of Akbar (Note of Sayyid Aḥmad). The pieces of the pillar are still lying at Dhār,Note 62 · The MSS. have 807, and this is correct, for Dilāwar conquered Malwa in 803 = 1400. ↑Note 63 · Probably this means that ʿAmīd was the son of Dāʾūd. ↑Note 64 · Text 70, but should be 7. 807 = 1405. ↑Note 65 · A son of Hūs͟hang. Muḥammad S͟hāh, intervened. ↑Note 66 · The MSS. have Jalot (as in the Hindi version). ↑Note 67 · Text, “the parganah aforesaid.” But the MSS. have Badnor. See infra, p. 204 of text. (In this passage the Hindi version has Madlor.) ↑Note 68 · Blochmann, p. 502. ↑Note 69 · MSS. Bākor. ↑Note 70 · Daḥūt in MSS. But Doḥad seems right, as it means two boundaries. ↑Note 71 · The dam was also used as a weight, and was equal to 5 tānk or 1 tola, 8 masha, 7 surk͟h (Blochmann, p. 31). ↑Note 72 · Apparently Sahrā is the name of a town, and does not mean an open space here. ↑Note 73 · Perhaps the line refers to the bee, and means that the bee wishes to suck the moisture of the flower. ↑Note 74 · The MSS. have gul-i-kūl, ‘the flower of the tank.’ It seems to be a water-lily. ↑Note 75 · Query “the tank of Yasodā,” the foster-mother of Krishna? ↑Note 76 · Blochmann, p. 252. ↑Note 77 · Jahāngīr crossed the Ghātī Chand or Chānd, between Ajmere and Malwa, in the 11th year (see p. 172), but he does not speak of having had any Note 78 · Elliot, vi, 353. ↑Note 79 · Mondah of Jarrett, ii, 253. ↑Note 80 · Text Nīlāo. No such parganah is mentioned in the Āyīn; the two I.O. MSS. have Naryād. ↑Note 81 · Pitlād is mentioned in Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 9, as having a very large revenue. It is the Patlād of Jarrett, ii, 253. Text wrongly has Nīlāb.Note 82 · Elliot, vi, 353. ↑Note 83 · The I.O. MSS. have Abhay or Abhī Kār. ↑Note 84 · Tiefenthaler, i, p. 380, etc., has an interesting notice of Cambay. He also gives a sketch of its bay (plate xxxii). ↑Note 85 · Now so silted up that no tolerably large vessel can approach it. ↑Note 86 · Abū-l-faẓl calls them tāwarī (Jarrett, ii, 241). ↑Note 87 · I.O. MSS. have ‘ten.’ ↑Note 88 · Tāl tārang. Possibly tārang should read tarang (waves), and the meaning be that Jahāngīr went to see the famous bore in the Gulf of Cambay. Note 89 · See Elliot, vi, 355, and note. ↑Note 90 · In the text aḥdī occurs by mistake instead of ʿahdī, and man instead of mas. ↑Note 91 · Wrongly so in text, but Jay Singh should be corrected to Rāj Singh. The son of Jay Singh, Raja of Ajmir, was Rām Singh, who was born in SambNote 92 · Or ʿArabī (Arabian?). ↑Note 93 · Mātar or Nātar in I. O. MSS. ↑Note 94 · I. O. MS. 181 has “in all the cities of Upper India.” ↑Note 95 · The historian. ↑Note 96 · A saint of Multan who died in 1384. See Beale, s.v. S͟haik͟h Jalāl, and Jarrett, iii, 369. ↑Note 97 · So in text, but surely it should be “8th or 7th”? It appears from the K͟hazīnatu-l-aṣfiyā, ii, 71, that the attendant who lost the child wasNote 98 · According to Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 238, and Index, p. 515, the name is either Tāj K͟hān Tūrpāli or Narpāli. ↑Note 99 · Suwārī-i-k͟hūd u k͟hwus͟h-jalū-i-ū, “my own riding and his pleasant paces (?).” It does not seem likely that Jahāngīr would himself drive thNote 100 · Or doors. The Iqbāl-nāma, 108, has “in front of each gate there is a bazar.” ↑Note 101 · 123 in Iqbāl-nāma. ↑Note 102 · 350 in I.O. MSS. ↑Note 103 · Panjara-i-sang, presumably lattice-work in stone. ↑Note 104 · See for dimensions of the mosque Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 92 and note, and the authorities there quoted. ↑Note 105 · Text wrongly has Sunday. ↑Note 106 · Muḥammad G͟haus̤ was accused of heresy by some of the Gujarātī mullas. He was much respected by Humāyūn, and is buried at Gwalior. ↑Note 107 · Jahāngīr means that Wajīhu-d-dīn was a very learned man, and that his devotion to Muḥammad G͟haus̤, who was an ignorant man (ummī), shows whNote 108 · He wrote a history of Gujarat—the Mirāt-i-Sikandarī. Rieu, Cat., i, 287. ↑Note 109 · Blochmann, 507, note. ↑Note 110 · “S͟haik͟h Aḥmad K͟haṭṭū, who had the title of Jamālu-d-dīn, was born at Delhi of a noble family in 737 A.H. (1336–7). He was the disciple anNote 111 · Text k͟hawānīn, ‘khans,’ but evidently this is a mistake for k͟hawātīn, the plural of k͟hātūn, ‘a lady.’ ↑Note 112 · I.O. MSS. have Sundar Sen. ↑Note 113 · See Elliot, vi, 355. ↑Note 114 · This name is doubtful, for the MSS. have a different reading, apparently Namūd. There is a Halōd in Gujarat (Jarrett, ii, 242). See also BayNote 115 · The existence of this son of Bāqī Tark͟hān does not seem to have been known to Abū-l-faẓl or to Blochmann. Nor is he mentioned in the Maʾās̤Note 116 · The word s̤ānī in Ṣāḥīb-qirān-i-s̤ānī in text is a mistake. ↑Note 117 · S͟haqāʾiq, which perhaps means tulips. In Price’s Jahangir, p. 115, there is much more said about the “Garden of Victory,” and Jahāngīr’s enNote 118 · Bagīna in text. Debi Prasad has Bakīnā. ↑Note 119 · Banoh in text. See Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 237; also Tiefenthaler, i, 377, who speaks of it as being 3 leagues south of Ahmadabad. See also JarNote 120 · For Sayyid Mubārak and his son see Bayley’s Gujarat. Sayyid Mubārak was the patron of the author of the Mirāt-i-Sikandarī. See loc. cit., p.Note 121 · It is the Chandsuma of Bayley’s map. ↑Note 122 · Jarrett, iii, 210; and Akbar-nāma, translation, i, 147, n. 2. ↑Note 123 · This should be Tapā. See Addenda. ↑Note 124 · I.O. MS., instead of k͟hātimat-i-aḥwāl-ū, has chunānchih aḥwāl, “as has been stated in its place.” This is probably correct, as Jahāngīr hasNote 125 · Perhaps an explanation of Zamak͟hs͟hari’s Commentary. ↑Note 126 · A Persian commentary on the Koran (Rieu, p. 96). ↑Note 127 · A life of Muhammad (Rieu, i, 147). ↑Note 128 · Dābhol (I.G., new ed., xi, 100). ↑Note 129 · Biyāẓ. The meaning is not clear. Perhaps what is meant is that there was no writing, only the circles. ↑Note 130 · Elliot, vi, 356. ↑Note 131 · MSS. seem to have Mānīb. ↑Note 132 · MSS. seem to have Nīmda. ↑Note 133 · The MSS. have Muḥammad Ḥusain Saudāgar (trader). ↑Note 134 · The Jhallod of Bayley’s map. ↑Note 135 · MSS. have Ranūd. ↑Note 136 · On the 3rd of the same month, Ḥusain Beg, the diwan of Bengal, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and made an offering of twelve elNote 137 · As for a long time no good had been heard of the affairs of Bengal and of the conduct of Qāsim K͟hān, it entered my mind to send to the SubaNote 138 · On the 21st I gave leave to Muḥammad Riẓā, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and bestowed on him 60,000 darbs, equal to 30,000 rupees, with aNote 139 · On the 25th the contingent of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah passed before me in review on the plain under the jharoka. There were 2,000 cavalry well horNote 140 · On the 28th I sent for my son Bābā K͟hurram a special gold-embroidered nādirī of a fineness such as had never been produced before in my estNote 141 · On the 29th, which was the auspicious day of Thursday, Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah Bārha, the envoy of my son of good fortune, Bābā K͟hurram, waited oNote 142 · I took this augury; the star passed and fulfilment came.”21Note 143 · On the same day I added 1,000 horse to the mansab of Āṣaf K͟hān, and raised it to that of 5,000 personal and horse. At the end of the day I Note 144 · On the 31st I honoured Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah with the title of Saif K͟hān, and having exalted him with a dress of honour, a horse, an elephant, Note 145 · As several indiscretions on the part of Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān diwan and bakhshi of the Subah of Bengal, had come to my ears, I reduced his mansab bNote 146 · As the monthly pay of some of Mahābat K͟hān’s horsemen, according to the regulation of three and two horsed men, for the performance of dutyNote 147 · The face of each was lighted up like a lamp.”27Note 148 · As it had been several times mentioned to me that a kind of sweetmeat was obtained from the wild plantain such that dervishes and other poorNote 149 · With regard to carrier pigeons (kabūtar-i-nāma-bar), it had been stated to me in the course of conversation that in the time of the AbbasideNote 150 · On the 4th day this farman was sent off with its copy, so that my son S͟hāh K͟hurram might see the copy and send off the original. On MubāraNote 151 · The mansab of Muruwwat K͟hān was fixed, original and increase, at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, on condition that he should destroy HarbhāNote 152 · On this date I heard that Muḥammad Riẓā, ambassador of my brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās, gave up the deposit of his life at Agra through the disease Note 153 · As I had never in my life had any elephant-hunting, and had a great desire to see the province of Gujarat and to look on the salt sea, and mNote 154 · On Sunday (?), the 16th,53 four nilgaw were killed, three females and one būkra54 nilgaw. On Mubārak-s͟hamba (Thursday) I went to look roundNote 155 · Dhār is one of the old cities, and Rāja Bhoj, who was one of the great Rajas of Hindustan, lived in it. From his time 1,00060 years have pasNote 156 · Asylum and support of religious law, ʿAmīd S͟hāh Dāʾūd,63Note 157 · The date of eight hundred and seven64 had passedNote 158 · When Dilāwar K͟hān gave up the deposit of his life there was no king with full dominion over Hindustan, and it was a time of confusion. Hūs͟Note 159 · On Monday, the 6th, I went to hunt and shot a female nilgaw. Presenting an elephant to Mīrzā S͟harafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī, I dismissed Note 160 · On Tuesday, the 14th, marching 6 kos, I halted at Sīlgaṛh (Sabalgaṛh ?). On Wednesday, the 15th, crossing the Mahī River, a halt was made neNote 161 · “From redness and moistness it will melt away.”73Note 162 · The flower of the kaṇwal74 is larger than the kumudini. Its flower is red. I have seen in Kashmir many kanwal with a hundred leaves (petals)Note 163 · At this place figs arrived from Ahmadabad. Although the figs of Burhanpur are sweet and well-grown, these figs are sweeter and with fewer seNote 164 · Cambay82 is one of the old ports. According to the brahmins, several thousand years have passed since its foundation. In the beginning its nNote 165 · In no reign except mine have tankas been coined except of copper90; the gold and silver tankas are my invention. I ordered it to be called tNote 166 · As at this stage the tomb of S͟hāh ʿĀlam was by the roadside, I recited the fātiḥa in passing by it. About 100,000 rupees had been spent in Note 167 · On this day Amānat K͟hān presented two elephants’ tusks; they were very large, one of them being 3 cubits 8 t̤assū (finger-breadths) in lengNote 168 · On Tuesday, the 26th, I went to see the Jāmiʿ mosque, and gave with my own hand in alms to the fakirs who were present there about 500 rupeeNote 169 · On Wednesday,105 the 27th, I went to the monastery of S͟haik͟h Wajīhu-d-dīn, which was near the palace, and the fātiḥa was read at the head Note 170 · On Wednesday, the 12th, 3,000 rupees were handed over to ʿAz̤amat K͟hān and Muʿtaqad K͟hān, that they might go the next day to the tomb of SNote 171 · On this day Ikrām K͟hān, son of Islām K͟hān, was appointed faujdār of Fatḥpūr and its neighbourhood, and presented with a dress of honour anNote 172 · On Thursday, the 20th, I went to the “Garden of Victory,” and contemplated the red roses. One plot had bloomed well. There are not many red Note 173 · On Thursday, the 27th, I held a wine-feast in the Nagīna118 garden, which is inside the palace grounds, and which one of the Gujarat SultansNote 174 · As the shrine of Qut̤b ʿĀlam, the father of S͟hāh ʿĀlam Buk͟hārī, was in the village of Batoh,119 and on my way, I went there and gave 500 rNote 175 · On Monday, the 8th, I marched 4¼ kos, and encamped in the village of Moda (Mahāondat). The inhabitants praised the rainy season of Gujarat. Note 176 · At this stage news came that Mān Singh Sewṛā had surrendered his soul to the lords of hell. The account of this in brief is that the Sewras1Note 177 · On this day my son S͟hāh Jahān presented pomegranates and quinces that had been sent to him from Farāh. I had never seen such large ones, anNote 178 · On Tuesday, the 16th, they caught Kaukab, the son of Qamar K͟hān. He had in Burhanpur put on a faqir’s dress and gone off into the wilds. ThNote 179 · On Wednesday, the 17th, I marched 6 kos and halted at the village of Bārasīnor (Bālasīnor). It has already been mentioned that the plague haNote 180 · On Thursday, the 18th, I marched 2½ kos and halted on the bank of the Mahī. On this day the Jām zamindar130 had the good fortune to kiss theNote 181 · On Tuesday, the 23rd, I marched over 3½ kos and alighted on the bank of the River Bāyab.131 On Wednesday I marched nearly 6 kos and halted aNote 182 · On Friday, the 26th, I marched 5¼ kos and halted at the village of Jālod.134 Rāja Lachmī Narāyan, the paternal uncle of the Raja of Kūch, toNote 183 · “Though Nūr-Jahān be in form a woman, In the ranks of men she’s a tiger-slayer.”Note 184 · The point of this couplet is that before Nūr-Jahān entered Jahāngīr’s harem she was the wife of S͟hīr-afgan, the tiger-slayer. The line may
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