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The Life of Jesus Critically Examined

Chapter V · THE FIRST VISIT TO THE TEMPLE, AND THE EDUCATION OF JESUS.

George Eliot translation

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§ 40.

JESUS, WHEN TWELVE YEARS OLD, IN THE TEMPLE.

The narrative proceeds to tell us how the mother of Jesus reproached her son when she had found him thus, asking him why he had not spared his parents the anguish of their sorrowful search? To this Jesus returns an answer which forms the point of the entire narrative; he asks whether they might not have known that he was to be sought nowhere else than in the house of his Father, in the temple? (v. 48 f.) One might be inclined to understand this designation of God as τοῦ πατρὸς generally, as implying that God was the Father of all men, and only in this sense the Father of Jesus. But this interpretation is forbidden, not only by the addition of the pronoun μοῦ, the above sense requiring ἡμῶν (as in Matt. vi. 9), but still more absolutely by the circumstance that the parents of Jesus did not understand these words (v. 50), a decided indication that they must have a special meaning, which can here be no other than the mystery of the Messiahship of Jesus, who as Messiah, was υἱὸς θεοῦ in a peculiar sense. But that Jesus in his twelfth year had already the consciousness of his Messiahship, is a position which, although it may be consistently adopted from the orthodox point of view, and although it is not opposed to the regular human form of the development of Jesus, which even orthodoxy maintains, we are not here bound to examine. So also the natural explanation, which retains the above narrative as a history, though void of the miraculous, and which accordingly supposes the parents of Jesus, owing to a particular combination of circumstances, to have come even before his birth to a conviction of his Messiahship, and to have instilled this conviction into their son from his earliest childhood,—this too may make it plain how Jesus could be so clear as to his messianic relation to God; but it can only do so by the hypothesis of an unprecedented coincidence of extraordinary accidents. We, on the contrary, who have renounced the previous incidents as historical, either in the supernatural or the natural sense, are unable to comprehend how the consciousness of his messianic destination could be so early developed in Jesus. For though the consciousness of a more subjective vocation, as that of a poet or an artist, which is dependent solely on the internal gifts of the individual (gifts which cannot long remain latent), may possibly be awakened very early; an objective vocation, in which the conditions of external reality are a chief co-operator, as the vocation of the statesman, the general, the reformer of a religion, can hardly be so early evident to the most highly endowed individual, because for this a knowledge of cotemporary circumstances would be requisite, which only long observation and mature experience can confer. Of the latter kind is the vocation of the Messiah, and if this is implied in the words by which Jesus in his twelfth year justified his lingering in the temple, he cannot have uttered the words at that period.

In another point of view also, it is worthy of notice that the parents of Jesus are said (v. 50) not to have understood the words which he addressed to them. What did these words signify? That God was his Father, in whose house it behoved him to be. But that her son would in a specific sense be called a υἱὸς θεοῦ had been already made known to Mary by the annunciating angel (Luke i. 32, 35), and that he would have a peculiar relation to the temple she might infer, both from the above title, and from the striking reception which he had met with at his first presentation in the temple, when yet an infant. The parents of Jesus, or at least Mary, of whom it is repeatedly noticed that she carefully kept in her heart the extraordinary communications concerning her son, ought not to have been in the dark a single moment as to the meaning of his language on this occasion. But even at the presentation in the temple, we are told that the parents of Jesus marvelled at the discourse of Simeon (v. 33), which is merely saying in other words that they did not understand him. And their wonder is not referred to the declaration of Simeon that their boy would be a cause, not only of the rising again, but of the fall of many in Israel, and that a sword would pierce through the heart of his mother (an aspect of his vocation and destiny on which nothing had previously been communicated to the parents of Jesus, and at which therefore they might naturally wonder); for these disclosures are not made by Simeon until after the wonder of the parents, which is caused only by Simeon’s expressions of joy at the sight of the Saviour, who would be the glory of Israel, and a light even to the Gentiles. And here again there is no intimation that the wonder was excited by the idea that Jesus would bear this relation to the heathens, which indeed it could not well be, since this more extended destination of the Messiah had been predicted in the Old Testament. There remains therefore as a reason for the wonder in question, merely the fact of the child’s Messiahship, declared by Simeon; a fact which had been long ago announced to them by angels, and which was acknowledged by Mary in her song of praise. We have just a parallel difficulty in the present case, it being as inconceivable that the parents of Jesus should not understand his allusion to his messianic character, as that they should wonder at the declaration of it by Simeon. We must therefore draw this conclusion: if the parents of Jesus did not understand these expressions of their son when twelve years old, those earlier communications cannot have happened; or, if the earlier communications really occurred, the subsequent expressions of Jesus cannot have remained incomprehensible to them. Having done away with those earlier incidents as historical, we might content ourselves with this later want of comprehension, were it not fair to mistrust the whole of a narrative whose later portions agree so ill with the preceding. For it is the character, not of an historical record, but of a marvellous legend, to represent its personages as so permanently in a state of wonder, that they not only at the first appearance of the extraordinary, but even at the second, third, tenth repetition, when one would expect them to be familiarized with it, continually are astonished and do not understand—obviously with the view of exalting the more highly the divine impartation by this lasting incomprehensibleness. So, to draw an example from the later history of Jesus, the divine decree of his suffering and death is set forth in all its loftiness in the evangelical narratives by the circumstance, that even the repeated, explicit disclosures of Jesus on this subject, remain throughout incomprehensible to the disciples; as here the mystery of the Messiahship of Jesus is exalted by the circumstance, that his parents, often as it had been announced to them, at every fresh word on the subject are anew astonished and do not understand.

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§ 41

THIS NARRATIVE ALSO MYTHICAL.

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§ 42.

ON THE EXTERNAL LIFE OF JESUS UP TO THE TIME OF HIS PUBLIC APPEARANCE.

What were the external conditions under which Jesus lived, from the scene just considered up to the time of his public appearance? On this subject our canonical gospels give scarcely an indication.

First, as to his place of residence, all that we learn explicitly is this: that both at the beginning and at the end of this obscure period he dwelt at Nazareth. According to Luke ii. 51, Jesus when twelve years old returned thither with his parents, and according to Matthew iii. 13, Mark i. 9, he, when thirty years old (comp. Luke iii. 23), came from thence to be baptized by John. Thus our evangelists appear to suppose, that Jesus had in the interim resided in Galilee, and, more particularly, in Nazareth. This supposition, however, does not exclude journeys, such as those to the feasts in Jerusalem.

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§ 43.

THE INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF JESUS.

The purely natural explanation of the intellectual development of Jesus could only become prevalent amid the enlightened culture of modern times. In working out this explanation, the chief points of difference are the following: either the character of Jesus is regarded in too circumscribed a view, as the result of only one among the means of culture which his times afforded, or more comprehensively, as the result of all these combined; again, in tracing this external influence, either the internal gifts and self-determination of Jesus are adequately considered, or they are not.

In any case, the basis of the intellectual development of Jesus was furnished by the sacred writings of his people, of which the discourses preserved to us in the Gospels attest his zealous and profound study. His Messianic ideas seem to have been formed chiefly on Isaiah and Daniel: spiritual religiousness and elevation above the prejudices of Jewish nationality were impressively shadowed forth in the prophetic writings generally, together with the Psalms.

Next among the influences affecting mental cultivation in the native country of Jesus, must be reckoned the three sects under which the spiritual life of his fellow-countrymen may be classified. Among these, the Pharisees, whom Jesus at a later period so strenuously combated, can apparently have had only a negative influence over him; yet along with their fondness for tradition and legal pedantry, their sanctimoniousness and hypocrisy, by which Jesus was repelled from them, we must remember their belief in angels and in immortality, and their constant admission of a progressive development of the Jewish religion after Moses, which were so many points of union between them and Jesus. Still as these tenets were only peculiar to the Pharisees in contradistinction to the Sadducees, and, for the rest, were common to all orthodox Jews, we abide by the opinion that the influence of the Pharisaic sect on the development of Jesus was essentially negative.

But we have not yet spoken of an appearance to which our Gospels assign a most important influence in developing the activity of Jesus—that of John the Baptist. As his ministry is first noticed in the Gospels in connexion with the baptism and public appearance of Jesus, our inquiry concerning him, and his relation to Jesus, must open the second part.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 110. ↑Note 2 · Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 145 f. ↑Note 3 · Olshausen, ut sup. 1. 150. ↑Note 4 · Hase, Leben Jesu, § 37. ↑Note 5 · Heydenreich, über die Unzulässigkeit u. s. f. 1, s. 103. ↑Note 6 · Megillah, f. 21, apud Lightfoot, in loc. ↑Note 7 · Vid. Kuinöl, in Luc. p. 353. ↑Note 8 · Evang. Thomæ, c. vi. ff. Ap. Thilo. p. 288 ff. and Evang. infant, arab. c. xlviii. p. 123, Thilo. ↑Note 9 · 1 Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 110. ↑ 2 Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 145 f. ↑ 3 Olshausen, ut sup. 1. 150. ↑ 4 Hase, Leben Jesu, § 37. ↑ 5 HNote 10 · Evang. infant, arab. c. l. ↑Note 11 · Ibid. c. l. and li.; comp. ev. Thomæ, c. xix. ↑Note 12 · Olshausen confesses this, s. 151. ↑Note 13 · For proofs (e.g. Hieros. Taanith, lxvii. 4) see Wetstein and Lightfoot, in loc. ↑Note 14 · Lightfoot, Horæ, p. 742. ↑Note 15 · Paulus, s. 279. ↑Note 16 · Kuinöl, s. 353 f. ↑Note 17 · Horæ, ii. p. 886. ↑Note 18 · Bibl. Comm. p. 151. ↑Note 19 · Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 112. ↑Note 20 · In the similar account also which Josephus gives us of himself when fourteen, it is easy to discern the exaggeration of a self-complacent maNote 21 · 1 Sam. ii. 26 (LXX): καὶ τὸ παιδάριον Σαμουὴλ ἐπορεύετο μαγαλυνόμενον, καὶ ἀγαθὸν καὶ μετὰ Κυρίου καὶ μετὰ ἀνθρώπων. Luc. ii. 52: καὶ ἸησοῦNote 22 · Gabler neuest. theol. Journal 3, 1, s. 39. ↑Note 23 · Joseph. Antiq. ii. ix. 6. ↑Note 24 · Philo, de vita Mosis, Opp. ed. Mangey, Vol. 2. p. 83 f. οὐχ οἷα κομιδῆ νήπιος ἥδετο τωθασμοῖς καὶ γέλωσι καὶ παιδιαῖς—ἀλλ’ αἰδω καὶ σεμνότητNote 25 · Chagiga, ap. Wetstein, in loc. A XII anno filius censetur maturus. So Joma f. lxxxii. 1. Berachoth f. xxiv. 1; whereas Bereschith Rabba lxiiNote 26 · Schemoth R. ap. Wetstein: Dixit R, Chama: Moses duodenarius avulsus est a domo patris sui etc. ↑Note 27 · Joseph. Antiq. v. x. 4: Σαμούηλος δὲ πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος ἤδη δωδέκατον, προεφήτευς. ↑Note 28 · Ignat. ep. (interpol.) ad Magnes. c. iii.: Σολομῶν δὲ—δωδεκαετὴς βασιλεύσας, τὴν φοβερὰν ἑκείνην καὶ δυσερμήνευτον ἐπὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ κρίσιν ἕNote 29 · This Kaiser has seen, bibl. Theol. 1, 234. ↑Note 30 · Neither do we learn what Hase (Leben Jesu § 37) supposes to be conveyed in this narrative, namely, that as it exhibits the same union with GNote 31 · Ueber die Unzulässigkeit u. s. f. 1, s. 92. ↑Note 32 · Ueber den Lukas, s. 39 f. ↑Note 33 · Cap. v. In the Greek text also the more probable reading is καὶ μάλιστα οὐ σοφῶς, vid. Thilo, p. 287. ↑Note 34 · Hence the title of an Arabian apocryphal work (according to the Latin translation in Thilo, 1, p. 3): historia Josephi, fabri lignarii. ↑Note 35 · Vid. Thilo, Cod. Apocr. N. T. p. 368 f. not. ↑Note 36 · Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. 88. According to him Jesus makes these implements, doubtless under the direction of Joseph. In the Evang. Thomæ c. xNote 37 · Cap. xxxviii. ap. Thilo, p. 112 ff. ↑Note 38 · C. ix. and xiii. ↑Note 39 · C. Cels. vi. 36. ↑Note 40 · Fritzsche, in Marc. p. 200. ↑Note 41 · Vid. Wetstein and Paulus, in loc.; Winer, Realwörterbuch, 1, s. 665. Note; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 46 f. Note. ↑Note 42 · Ut sup.: ταῦτα γὰρ τὰ τεκτονικὰ ἔργα εἰργάζετο ἐν ἀνθρώποις ὢν, ἄροτρα καὶ ζυγά. διὰ τούτων καὶ τὰ τῆς δικαιοσύνης σύμβολα διδάσκων, καὶ ενεNote 43 · Cap. xxxviii. ↑Note 44 · Theodoret. H. E. iii. 23. ↑Note 45 · Hase, Leben Jesu, § 70; Winer, bibl. Realw. 1, s. 665. ↑Note 46 · Winer, ut sup. ↑Note 47 · This is done by both the above-named theologians. ↑Note 48 · Paulus, exeget. Handb. 1, a, s. 273 ff. ↑Note 49 · Such, however, are the arguments of Paulus, ut sup. 275 ff. ↑Note 50 · Comp. Hase, Leben Jesu, § 38; Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 45 f. ↑Note 51 · Paulus, ut sup. ↑Note 52 · To this Schöttgen appeals, Christus rabbinorum summus, in his horæ, ii. p. 890 f. ↑Note 53 · As e.g. Reinhard does, in his Plan Jesu. ↑Note 54 · Evang. infant. arab. c. i. p. 60 f. ap. Thilo, and the passages quoted § 40 out of the same Gospel and the Evang. Thomæ. ↑Note 55 · Cap. ii. p. 278, Thilo. ↑Note 56 · Cap. x. ff. ↑Note 57 · E.g. Evang. Thomæ, c. iii.–v. Evang. infant. arab. c. xlvi. f. Evang. Thomæ, c. ii. Evang. inf. arab. c. xxxvi. ↑Note 58 · Yet some isolated instances occur, vid. Semler, Baumgarten’s Glaubenslehre, 1, s. 42, Anm. 8. ↑Note 59 · Orig. c. Cels. 1. 28: καὶ (λέγει) ὅτι οὗτος (ὁ Ἰησοῦς) διὰ πενίαν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μισθαρνήσας, κᾀκεῖ δυνάμεων τίνων πειραθεὶς, ἐφ’ αἷς ΑἰγύπτιοNote 60 · Sanhedr. f. cvii. 2: R. Josua f. Perachja et ‏ישו‎ Alexandrian Aegypti profecti sunt — — ‏ישו‎ ex illo tempore magiam exercuit, et IsraëlitaNote 61 · E.g. Des Côtes, Schutzschrift für Jesus von Nazaret, s. 128 ff. ↑Note 62 · Neander, L. J. Chr. s. 39 ff. ↑Note 63 · Vid. Joseph. B. j. ii. viii. 2–13. Antiq. xviii. i. 5. Comp. Philo, quod omnis probus liber and de vita contemplativa. ↑Note 64 · This opinion is judiciously developed by Stäudlin, Geschichte der Sittenlehre Jesu, 1, s. 570 ff.; and in a romantic manner in the GeschichtNote 65 · H. E. ii. 16 f. ↑Note 66 · Comp. Bengel, Bemerkungen über den Versuch. das Christenthum aus dem Essäismus abzuleiten, in Flatt’s Magazin, 7, s. 126 ff.; Neander, L. J.Note 67 · This is stated with exaggeration by Bahrdt, Briefe über die Bibel, zweites Bändchen, 18ter, 20ster Brief ff. 4tes Bändchen, 49ster Brief. ↑Note 68 · Comp. Paulus ut sup. 1, a, 273 ff. Planck, Geschichte des Christenthums in der Periode seiner ersten Einführung 1, s. 84. De Wette, bibl. DoNote 69 · The Gospel of Matthew passes in silence over the entire period from the return of the parents of Jesus out of Egypt, to the baptism of JesusNote 70 · In his twelfth year, the period at which, according to Jewish usage, the boy became capable of an independent participation in the sacred riNote 71 · Returned to Jerusalem, they find their son on the third day in the temple, doubtless in one of the outer halls, in the midst of an assembly Note 72 · The twofold form of conclusion, that the mother of Jesus kept all these sayings in her heart (v. 51), and that the boy grew in wisdom and stNote 73 · Thus here again we must acknowledge the influence of the legend; but as the main part of the incident is thoroughly natural, we might in thiNote 74 · That in the case of great men who in their riper age have been distinguished by mental superiority, the very first presaging movements of thNote 75 · According to Jewish custom and opinion, the twelfth year formed an epoch in development to which especial proofs of awakening genius were thNote 76 · But how this anecdote can be numbered among mythi is found by some altogether inconceivable. It bears, thinks Heydenreich,31 a thoroughly hiNote 77 · In combating the assertion, that an inventor would scarcely have attributed to Jesus so much apparent harshness towards his mother, we need Note 78 · The employment of Jesus during the years of his boyhood and youth seems, from an intimation in our gospels, to have been determined by the tNote 79 · Apart from these apocryphal descriptions, there are many reasons for believing that the above intimation as to the youthful employment of JeNote 80 · What were the circumstances of Jesus and his parents as to fortune? The answer to this question has been the object of many dissertations. INote 81 · Our information concerning the external life of Jesus during his youth is very scanty: but we are almost destitute of any concerning his intNote 82 · Whether or in what degree Jesus received the learned education of a rabbin, is also left untold in our canonical Gospels. From such passagesNote 83 · Various hypotheses, more or less independent of the intimations given in the New Testament, have been advanced both in ancient and modern tiNote 84 · The natural view of the person of Jesus had an opposite interest, which was also very early manifested both among Jewish and heathen opponenNote 85 · In the discourses of Jesus Sadduceeism is less controverted, nay, he agrees with it in rejecting the Pharisaic traditions and hypocrisy; henNote 86 · Concerning one only of the then existing Jewish sects can the question seriously arise, whether we ought not to ascribe to it a positive infNote 87 · Did other elements than such as were merely Jewish, or at least confined to Palestine, operate upon Jesus? Of the heathens settled in GalileNote 88 · But why do we, in the absence of certain information, laboriously seek after uncertain traces of an influence which cotemporary means of dev
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