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The Life of Jesus Critically Examined

Chapter IV · BIRTH AND EARLIEST EVENTS OF THE LIFE OF JESUS.

George Eliot translation

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§ 32.

THE CENSUS.

With respect to the birth of Jesus, Matthew and Luke agree in representing it as taking place at Bethlehem; but whilst the latter enters into a minute detail of all the attendant circumstances, the former merely mentions the event as it were incidentally, referring to it once in an appended sentence as the sequel to what had gone before (i. 25), and again as a presupposed occurrence (ii. 1). The one Evangelist seems to assume that Bethlehem was the habitual residence of the parents; but according to the other they are led thither by very particular circumstances. This point of difference between the Evangelists however can only be discussed after we shall have collected more data; we will therefore leave it for the present, and turn our attention to an error into which Luke, when compared with himself and with dates otherwise ascertained, seems to have fallen. This is the statement, that the census, decreed by Augustus at the time when Cyrenius (Quirinus) was governor of Syria, was the occasion of the journey of the parents of Jesus, who usually resided at Nazareth, to Bethlehem where Jesus was born (Luke ii. 1 ff.).

Thus at the time at which Jesus, according to Matt. ii. 1, and Luke i. 5, 26, was born, the census of which Luke ii. 1 f. speaks could not have taken place; so that if the former statements are correct, the latter must be false. But may not the reverse be the fact, and Jesus have been born after the banishment of Archelaus, and at the time of the census of Quirinus? Apart from the difficulties in which this hypothesis would involve us in relation to the chronology of the future life of Jesus, a Roman census, subsequent to the banishment of Archelaus, would not have taken the parents of Jesus from Nazareth in Galilee to Bethlehem in Judea. For Judea only, and what otherwise belonged to the portion of Archelaus, became a Roman province and subjected to the census. In Galilee Herod Antipas continued to reign as an allied prince, and none of his subjects dwelling at Nazareth could have been called to Bethlehem by the census. The Evangelist therefore, in order to get a census, must have conceived the condition of things such as they were after the deposition of Archelaus; but in order to get a census extending to Galilee, he must have imagined the kingdom to have continued undivided, as in the time of Herod the Great. Thus he deals in manifest contradictions; or rather he has an exceedingly sorry acquaintance with the political relations of that period; for he extends the census not only to the whole of Palestine, but also (which we must not forget) to the whole Roman world.

Thus we have here neither a fixed point for the date of the birth of Jesus, nor an explanation of the occasion which led to his being born precisely at Bethlehem. If then—it may justly be said—no other reason why Jesus should have been born at Bethlehem can be adduced than that given by Luke, we have absolutely no guarantee that Bethlehem was his birth-place.

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§ 33.

PARTICULAR CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE BIRTH OF JESUS. THE CIRCUMCISION.

The basis of the narrative, the arrival of Joseph and Mary as strangers in Bethlehem on account of the census, being once chosen by Luke, the farther details are consistently built upon it. In consequence of the influx of strangers brought to Bethlehem by the census, there is no room for the travellers in the inn, and they are compelled to put up with the accommodation of a stable where Mary is forthwith delivered of her first-born. But the child, who upon earth comes into being in so humble an abode, is highly regarded in heaven. A celestial messenger announces the birth of the Messiah to shepherds who are guarding their flocks in the fields by night, and directs them to the child in the manger. A choir of the heavenly host singing hymns of praise next appears to them, after which they seek and find the child. (Luke ii. 6–20.)

If we take the circumstances attending the birth of Jesus, narrated by Luke, in a supranaturalistic sense, many difficulties occur. First, it may reasonably be asked, to what end the angelic apparition? The most obvious answer is, to make known the birth of Jesus; but so little did it make it known that, in the neighbouring city of Jerusalem, it is the Magi who give the first information of the new-born king of the Jews; and in the future history of Jesus, no trace of any such occurrence at his birth is to be found. Consequently, the object of that extraordinary phenomenon was not to give a wide-spreading intimation of the fact; for if so, God failed in his object. Must we then agree with Schleiermacher, that the aim was limited to an immediate operation upon the shepherds? Then we must also suppose with him, that the shepherds, equally with Simeon, were filled with Messianic expectations, and that God designed by this apparition to reward and confirm their pious belief. The narrative however says nothing of this heavenly frame of mind, neither does it mention any abiding effects produced upon these men. According to the whole tenor of the representation, the apparition seems to have had reference, not to the shepherds, but exclusively to the glorification and the proclaiming of the birth of Jesus, as the Messiah. But as before observed, the latter aim was not accomplished, and the former, by itself, like every mere empty display, is an object unworthy of God. So that this circumstance in itself presents no inconsiderable obstacle to the supranaturalistic conception of the history. If, to the above considerations, we add those already stated which oppose the belief in apparitions and the existence of angels in general, it is easy to understand that with respect to this narrative also refuge has been sought in a natural explanation.

This explanation rests altogether on the assumption, that the shepherds were previously acquainted with Mary’s expectation that she should give birth to the Messiah. How otherwise should they have been led to consider the sign as referring particularly to the birth of the Messiah in their manger? Yet this very assumption is the most direct contradiction of the gospel account. For, in the first place, the Evangelist evidently does not suppose the manger to belong to the shepherds: since after he has narrated the delivery of Mary in the manger, he then goes on to speak of the shepherds as a new and distinct subject, not at all connected with the manger. His words are: and there were in the same country shepherds, καὶ ποιμένες ἦσαν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ. If this explanation were correct he would, at all events, have said, the shepherds etc. οἱ δὲ ποιμένες κ.τ.λ.; besides he would not have been wholly silent respecting the comings and goings of these shepherds during the day, and their departure to guard the flock at the approach of night. But, grant these presupposed circumstances, is it consistent in Paulus to represent Mary, at first so reserved concerning her pregnancy as to conceal it even from Joseph, and then so communicative that, just arrived among strangers, she parades the whole history of her expectations? Again the sequel of the narrative contradicts the assumption that the shepherds were informed of the matter by Mary herself, before her delivery. For, according to the gospel history, the shepherds receive the first intelligence of the birth of the Saviour σωτὴρ from the angel who appears to them, and who tells them, as a sign of the truth of his communication, that they shall find the babe lying in a manger. Had they already heard from Mary of the approaching birth of the Messiah, the meteoric appearance would have been a confirmation to them of Mary’s words, and not the finding of the child a proof of the truth of the apparition. Finally, may we so far confide in the investigations already made as to inquire, whence, if neither a miraculous announcement nor a supernatural conception actually occurred, could Mary have derived the confident anticipation that she should give birth to the Messiah?

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§ 34.

THE MAGI AND THEIR STAR. THE FLIGHT INTO EGYPT AND THE MURDER OF THE CHILDREN IN BETHLEHEM. CRITICISM OF THE SUPRANATURALISTIC VIEW.

Thus we have here a double proclamation of the Messianic child: we might, however, suppose that the one by the angel, in Luke, would announce the birth of the Messiah to the immediate neighbourhood; the other, by means of the star, to distant lands. But as, according to Matthew, the birth of Jesus became known at Jerusalem, which was in the immediate vicinity, by means of the star; if this representation be historical, that of Luke, according to which the shepherds were the first to spread abroad with praises to God (v. 17, 20), that which had been communicated to them as glad tidings for all people (v. 10), cannot possibly be correct. So, on the other hand, if it be true that the birth of Jesus was made known in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem as Luke states, by an angelic communication to the shepherds, Matthew must be in error when he represents the first intelligence of the event as subsequently brought to Jerusalem (which is only from two to three hours distant from Bethlehem) by the magi. But as we have recognized many indications of the unhistorical character of the announcement by the shepherds given in Luke, the ground is left clear for that of Matthew, which must be judged of according to its inherent credibility.

While Jesus and his parents are in Egypt, Herod the Great dies, and Joseph is instructed by an angel, who appears to him in a dream, to return to his native country; but as Archelaus, Herod’s successor in Judæa, was to be feared, he has more precise directions in a second oracular dream, in obedience to which he fixes his abode at Nazareth in Galilee, under the milder government of Herod Antipas (19–23). Thus in the compass of this single chapter, we have five extraordinary interpositions of God; an anomalous star, and four visions. For the star and the first vision, we have already remarked, one miracle might have been substituted, not only without detriment, but with advantage; either the star or the vision might from the beginning have deterred the magi from going to Jerusalem, and by this means perhaps have averted the massacre ordained by Herod. But that the two last visions are not united in one is a mere superfluity; for the direction to Joseph to proceed to Nazareth instead of Bethlehem, which is made the object of a special vision, might just as well have been included in the first. Such a disregard, even to prodigality, of the lex parsimoniæ in relation to the miraculous, one is tempted to refer to human imagination rather than to divine providence.

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§ 35.

ATTEMPTS AT A NATURAL EXPLANATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE MAGI. TRANSITION TO THE MYTHICAL EXPLANATION.

To avoid the many difficulties which beset us at every step in interpreting this chapter after the manner of the supranaturalists, it is quite worth our while to seek for another exposition which may suffice to explain the whole according to physical and psychological laws, without any admixture of supernaturalism. Such an exposition has been the most successfully attempted by Paulus.

How could heathen magi, in a remote country of the east, know anything of a Jewish king about to be born? This is the first difficulty, and it is removed on the above system of interpretation by supposing that the magi were expatriated Jews. But this, apparently, is not the idea of the evangelist.

For the question which he puts into the mouth of the magi, “Where is he that is born King of the Jews?” distinguishes them from that people, and as regards the tendency of the entire narrative, the church seems to have apprehended it more correctly than Paulus thinks, in representing the visit of the magi as the first manifestation of Christ to the Gentiles. Nevertheless, as we have above remarked, this difficulty may be cleared away without having recourse to the supposition of Paulus.

Further, according to the natural explanation, the real object of the journey of these men was not to see the new-born king, nor was its cause the star which they had observed in the east; but they happened to be travelling to Jerusalem perhaps with mercantile views, and hearing far and wide in the land of a new-born king, a celestial phenomenon which they had recently observed occurred to their remembrance, and they earnestly desired to see the child in question. By this means, it is true, the difficulty arising from the sanction given to astrology by the usual conception of the story is diminished, but only at the expense of unprejudiced interpretation. For even if it were admissible unceremoniously to transform magi μάγους into merchants, their purpose in this journey cannot have been a commercial one, for their first inquiry on arriving at Jerusalem is after the new-born king, and they forthwith mention a star, seen by them in the east, as the cause not only of their question, but also of their present journey, the object of which they aver to be the presentation of their homage to the new-born child (v. 2).

The most remarkable supposition adopted by those who regard ἀστὴρ as a conjunction of planets, is that they hereby obtain a fixed point in accredited history, to which the narrative of Matthew may be attached. According to Kepler’s calculation, corrected by Ideler, there occurred, three years before the death of Herod, in the year of Rome 747, a conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in the sign Pisces. The conjunction of these planets is repeated in the above sign, to which astrologers attribute a special relation to Palestine, about every 800 years, and according to the computation of the Jew Abarbanel (1463) it took place three years before the birth of Moses; hence it is probable enough that the hope of the second great deliverer of the nation would be associated with the recurrence of this conjunction in the time of Herod, and that when the phenomenon was actually observed, it would occasion inquiry on the part of Babylonian Jews. But that the star mentioned by Matthew was this particular planetary conjunction, is, from our uncertainty as to the year of Christ’s birth, and also as to the period of the above astrological calculation, an extremely precarious conjecture; and as, besides, there are certain particulars in the evangelical text, for instance, the words προῆγεν and ἔστη, which do not accord with such an explanation,—so soon as another, more congruous with Matthew’s narrative, presents itself, we are justified in giving it the preference.

The various directions conveyed to the persons of our narrative by means of visions are, from the same point of view, all explained psychologically, as effects of waking inquiries and reflections. This appears, indeed, to be indicated by the text itself, v. 22, according to which Joseph, hearing that Archelaus was master of Judea, feared to go thither, and not until then did he receive an intimation from a higher source in a dream. Nevertheless, on a closer examination we find that the communication given in the dream was something new, not a mere repetition of intelligence received in waking moments. Only the negative conclusion, that on account of Archelaus it was not advisable to settle at Bethlehem, was attained by Joseph when awake; the positive injunction to proceed to Nazareth was superadded in his dream. To explain the other visions in the above way is a direct interpolation of the text, for this represents both the hostility and death of Herod as being first made known to Joseph by dreams; in like manner, the magi have no distrust of Herod until a dream warns them against his treachery.

In this, as in the purely naturalistic interpretation, there remain as so many garb, the arrival of some oriental travellers, the flight into Egypt, and the massacre in Bethlehem; divested, however, of the marvellous garb with which they are enveloped in the evangelical narrative. In this unadorned form, these occurrences are held to be intelligible and such as might very probably happen, but in point of fact they are more incomprehensible even than when viewed through the medium of orthodoxy, for with their supernatural embellishments vanishes the entire basis on which they rest. Matthew’s narrative adequately accounts for the relations between the men of the east and the parents of Jesus; this attempt at mythical exposition reduces them to a wonderful chance. The massacre at Bethlehem has, in the evangelical narrative, a definite cause; here, we are at a loss to understand how Herod came to ordain such an enormity; so, the journey into Egypt, which had so urgent a motive according to Matthew, is on this scheme of interpretation totally inexplicable. It may indeed be said: these events had their adequate causes in accordance with the regular course of things, but Matthew has withheld this natural sequence and given a miraculous one in its stead. But if the writer or legend be capable of environing occurrences with fictitious motives and accessory circumstances, either the one or the other is also capable of fabricating the occurrences themselves, and this fabrication is the more probable, the more clearly we can show that the legend had an interest in depicting such occurrences, though they had never actually taken place.

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§ 36.

THE PURELY MYTHICAL EXPLANATION OF THE NARRATIVE CONCERNING THE MAGI, AND OF THE EVENTS WITH WHICH IT IS CONNECTED.

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§ 37.

CHRONOLOGICAL RELATION BETWEEN THE VISIT OF THE MAGI, TOGETHER WITH THE FLIGHT INTO EGYPT, AND THE PRESENTATION IN THE TEMPLE RECORDED BY LUKE.

It has been already remarked, that the narratives of Matthew and Luke above considered at first run tolerably parallel, but afterwards widely diverge; for instead of the tragical catastrophe of the massacre and flight, Luke has preserved to us the peaceful scene of the presentation of the child Jesus in the temple. Let us for the present shut our eyes to the result of the preceding inquiry—the purely mythical character of Matthew’s narrative—and ask: In what chronological relation could the presentation in the temple stand to the visit of the magi and the flight into Egypt?

Thus in any case, they who place the presentation in the temple after the visit of the magi, must also determine to postpone it until after the return from Egypt. But even this arrangement clashes with the evangelical statement; for it requires us to insert, between the birth of Jesus and his presentation in the temple, the following events: the arrival of the magi, the flight into Egypt, the Bethlehem massacre, the death of Herod, and the return of the parents of Jesus out of Egypt—obviously too much to be included in the space of forty days. It must therefore be supposed that the presentation of the child, and the first appearance of the mother in the temple, were procrastinated beyond the time appointed by the law. This expedient, however, runs counter to the narrative of Luke, who expressly says, that the visit to the temple took place at the legal time. But in either case the difficulty is the same; the parents of Jesus could, according to Matthew’s account, as little think of a journey to Jerusalem after their return from Egypt, as immediately previous to their departure thither. For if Joseph, on his return from Egypt, was warned not to enter Judea, because Archelaus was Herod’s successor in that province, he would least of all venture to Jerusalem, the very seat of the redoubted government.

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§ 38.

THE PRESENTATION OF JESUS IN THE TEMPLE.

At this point also, where Luke’s narrative leaves Jesus for a series of years, there is a concluding sentence on the prosperous growth of the child (v. 40); a similar sentence occurs at the corresponding period in the life of the Baptist, and both recall the analogous form of expression found in the history of Samson (Judg. xiii. 24 f.).

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§ 39.

RETROSPECT. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MATTHEW AND LUKE AS TO THE ORIGINAL RESIDENCE OF THE PARENTS OF JESUS.

In the foregoing examinations we have called in question the historical credibility of the Gospel narratives concerning the genealogy, birth, and childhood of Jesus, on two grounds: first, because the narratives taken separately contain much that will not bear an historical interpretation; and secondly, because the parallel narratives of Matthew and Luke exclude each other, so that it is impossible for both to be true, and one must necessarily be false; this imputation however may attach to either, and consequently to both. One of the contradictions between the two narratives extends from the commencement of the history of the childhood to the point we have now reached; it has therefore often come in our way, but we have been unable hitherto to give it our consideration, because only now that we have completely reviewed the scenes in which it figures, have we materials enough on which to found a just estimate of its consequences. We refer to the divergency that exists between Matthew and Luke, in relation to the original dwelling-place of the parents of Jesus.

Luke, from the very beginning of his history, gives Nazareth as the abode of Joseph and Mary; here the angel seeks Mary (i. 26); here we must suppose Mary’s house οἶκος?, to be situated (i. 56); from hence the parents of Jesus journey to Bethlehem on account of the census (ii. 4): and hither, when circumstances permit, they return as to their own city πόλις αὐτῶν (v. 39). Thus in Luke, Nazareth is evidently the proper residence of the parents of Jesus, and they only visit Bethlehem for a short time, owing to a casual circumstance.

In Matthew, it is not stated in the first instance where Joseph and Mary resided. According to ii. 1, Jesus was born in Bethlehem, and since no extraordinary circumstances are said to have led his parents thither, it appears as if Matthew supposed them to have been originally resident in Bethlehem. Here he makes the parents with the child receive the visit of the magi; then follows the flight into Egypt, on returning from which Joseph is only deterred from again seeking Judea by a special divine admonition, which directs him to Nazareth in Galilee (ii. 22). This last particular renders certain what had before seemed probable, namely, that Matthew did not with Luke suppose Nazareth, but Bethlehem, to have been the original dwelling-place of the parents of Jesus, and that he conceived their final settlement at Nazareth to have been the result of unforeseen circumstances.

But we must distinguish more exactly the respective aspects and elements of the two accounts. As, according to the above observations, the change of residence on the part of the parents of Jesus, is in Matthew so linked with the unhistorical data of the infanticide and the flight into Egypt, that without these every cause for the migration disappears, we turn to Luke’s account, which makes the parents of Jesus resident in the same place, both after and before the birth of Jesus. But in Luke, the circumstance of Jesus being born in another place than where his parents dwelt, is made to depend on an event as unhistorical as the marvels of Matthew, namely the census. If this be surrendered, no motive remains that could induce the parents of Jesus to take a formidable journey at so critical a period for Mary, and in this view of the case Matthew’s representation seems the more probable one, that Jesus was born in the home of his parents and not in a strange place. Hitherto, however, we have only obtained the negative result, that the evangelical statements, according to which the parents of Jesus lived at first in another place than that in which they subsequently settled, and Jesus was born elsewhere than in the home of his parents, are destitute of any guarantee; we have yet to seek for a positive conclusion by inquiring what was really the place of his birth.

Thus the evangelical statement that Jesus was born at Bethlehem is destitute of all valid historical evidence; nay, it is contravened by positive historical facts. We have seen reason to conclude that the parents of Jesus lived at Nazareth, not only after the birth of Jesus, but also, as we have no counter evidence, prior to that event, and that, no credible testimony to the contrary existing, Jesus was probably not born at any other place than the home of his parents. With this twofold conclusion, the supposition that Jesus was born at Bethlehem is irreconcileable: it can therefore cost us no further effort to decide that Jesus was born, not in Bethlehem, but, as we have no trustworthy indications that point elsewhere, in all probability at Nazareth.

The relative position of the two evangelists on this point may be thus stated. Each of their accounts is partly correct, and partly incorrect: Luke is right in maintaining the identity of the earlier with the later residence of the parents of Jesus, and herein Matthew is wrong; again, Matthew is right in maintaining the identity of the birth-place of Jesus with the dwelling-place of his parents, and here the error is on the side of Luke. Further, Luke is entirely correct in making the parents of Jesus reside in Nazareth before, as well as after, the birth of Jesus, while Matthew has only half the truth, namely, that they were established there after his birth; but in the statement that Jesus was born at Bethlehem both are decidedly wrong. The source of all the error of their narratives, is the Jewish opinion with which they fell in, that the Messiah must be born at Bethlehem; the source of all their truth, is the fact which lay before them, that he always passed for a Nazarene; finally, the cause of the various admixture of the true and the false in both, and the preponderance of the latter in Matthew, is the different position held by the two writers in relation to the above data. Two particulars were to be reconciled—the historical fact that Jesus was universally reputed to be a Nazarene, and the prophetic requisition that, as Messiah, he should be born at Bethlehem. Matthew, or the legend which he followed, influenced by the ruling tendency to apply the prophecies, observable in his Gospel, effected the desired reconciliation in such a manner, that the greatest prominence was given to Bethlehem, the locality pointed out by the prophet; this was represented as the original home of the parents of Jesus, and Nazareth merely as a place of refuge, recommended by a subsequent turn of events. Luke, on the contrary, more bent on historic detail, either adopted or created that form of the legend, which attaches the greatest important to Nazareth, making it the original dwelling-place of the parents of Jesus, and regarding the sojourn in Bethlehem as a temporary one, the consequence of a casual occurrence.

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Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Olshausen, Paulus, Kuinöl. ↑Note 2 · Tholuck, s. 194 ff. Neander, s. 19. ↑Note 3 · Cassiodor. Variarum, 3, 52. Isidor. Orig. 5, 36. ↑Note 4 · To refer here to the Monumentum Ancyranum, which is said to record a census of the whole empire in the year of Rome 746 (Osiander, p. 95), iNote 5 · In the authoritative citations in Suidas are the words taken from Luke, αὔτη ἡ ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο. ↑Note 6 · Hoffmann, s. 231. ↑Note 7 · Joseph. Antiq. 17, 13, 2. B. j. 2, 7, 3. ↑Note 8 · Antiq. 17, 13, 5. 18, 1, 1. B. j. 2, 8, 1. ↑Note 9 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, a, s. 171. Winer, bibl. Realwörterbuch. ↑Note 10 · Tacit. Annal. 1, 11. Sueton. Octav. 191. But if in this document opes publicæ continebantur: quantum civium sociorumque in armis; quot classNote 11 · Ὅτι, πάλαι χρώμενος αὐτῷ φιλω, νῦν ὑπηκόῳ χρήσεται. Joseph. Antiq. 16, 9, 3. But the difference was adjusted long before the death of Herod.Note 12 · Joseph. Ant. 17, 2, 4. παντὸς τοῦ Ἰουδαϊκοῦ βεβαιώσαντος δι’ ὅρκων ἣ μὴν εὐνοῆσαι Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασι. That this oath, far frNote 13 · Tholuck, s. 192 f. But the insurrection which the ἀπογραφὴ after the depositions of Archelaus actually occasioned—a fact which outweighs allNote 14 · Antiq. 17, 9, 10, 1 ff. B. j. 2. 2. 2. His oppressions however had reference only to the fortresses and the treasures of Herod. ↑Note 15 · Antiq. 18, 1, 1. ↑Note 16 · Bell. jud. 2, 8, 1. 9. 1. Antiq. 17, 13, 5. ↑Note 17 · Kuinöl, Comm. in Luc. p. 320. ↑Note 18 · Winer. ↑Note 19 · Adv. Marcion. 4, 19. ↑Note 20 · Storr, opusc. acad. 3, s. 126 f. Süskind, vermischte Aufsätze, s. 63. Tholuck, s. 182 f. ↑Note 21 · Michaelis, Anm. z. d. St. und Einl. in d. N.T. 1, 71. ↑Note 22 · Münter, Stern der Weisen, s. 88. ↑Note 23 · Paulus. Wetstein. ↑Note 24 · Credner. ↑Note 25 · In Schmidt’s Bibliothek für Kritik und Exegese, 3, 1. s. 124. See Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 230; Ammon, Fortbildung, 1, s. 196; Credner, EiNote 26 · Chap. 17. Compare Historia de nativ. Mariae et de infantiâ Servatoris, c. 13. ↑Note 27 · Fabricius, im Codex Apocryph. N.T. 1, s. 105, not. y. ↑Note 28 · Ambrosius and Jerome. See Gieseler, K. G. 1, s. 516. ↑Note 29 · Dial. c. Tryph. 78. ↑Note 30 · C. Cels. 1, 51. ↑Note 31 · Hess, Olshausen, Paulus. ↑Note 32 · Paulus. ↑Note 33 · Chap. 14. ↑Note 34 · Chap. 4 in Thilo, s. 69. ↑Note 35 · In seinem Versuch über die Wundergeschichten des N. T. See Gabler’s Neuestes theol. Journal, 7, 4, s. 411. ↑Note 36 · Exeg. Handb. s. 180 ff. As Paulus supposes an external natural phenomenon so Matthæi imagines a mental vision of angels. Synopse der vier EvNote 37 · Hebräische Mythologie, 2. Thl. s. 223 ff. ↑Note 38 · Recension von Bauer’s hebr. Mythologie in Gabler’s Journal für auserlesene theol. Literatur, 2, 1, s. 58 f. ↑Note 39 · Neuestes theol. Journal, 7, 4, s. 412 f. ↑Note 40 · In Luc. 2. in Suicer, 2, p. 789. ↑Note 41 · Servius ad Verg. Ecl. 10, 26. ↑Note 42 · Liban. progymn. p. 138, in Wetstein, s. 662. ↑Note 43 · Thus Cyrus, see Herod. 1, 110 ff. Romulus, see Livy, 1, 4. ↑Note 44 · Thilo, Codex Apocr. N. T. 1, s. 383 not. ↑Note 45 · Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 531. ↑Note 46 · Sota, 1, 48: Sapientes nostri perhibent, circa horam nativitatis Mosis totam domum repletam fuisse luce (Wetstein). ↑Note 47 · Ueber den Lukas, s. 29. f. With whom Neander and others now agree.—L. J. Ch. s. 21 f. ↑Note 48 · Comp. De Wette, Kritik der mosaischen Geschichte, s. 116; George, Mythus u. Sage, s. 33 f. ↑Note 49 · Gen. xxxvii. 11 (LXX.): Ἐζήλωσαν δὲ οὐτὸν οἱ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ, ὁ δὲ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διετήρησε τὸ ῥῆμα.—Schöttgen, horae, 1, 262. Luc. 2, 18 f.: καNote 50 · See Introduction. ↑Note 51 · Perhaps as a precautionary measure to obviate objections on the part of the Jews. (Ammon, Fortbildung, 1, s. 217.) ↑Note 52 · Pirke R. Elieser, 33: Sex hominum nomina dicta sunt, antequam nascerentur: Isaaci nempe, Ismaëlis, Mosis, Salomonis, Josiæ et nomen regis MeNote 53 · Comp. Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 69 ff. ↑Note 54 · Joseph. B. J. vi. vi. 4: Tacit. Histor. v. 13; Sueton. Vespas. 4. All the extant allusions to the existence of such a hope at the era of ChrNote 55 · In saying that it is inadmissible to suppose a divine intervention directly tending to countenance superstition, I refer to what is called iNote 56 · Paulus and De Wette, exeg. Handb. in loc. ↑Note 57 · According to Hoffmann (p. 256), that he might control the assertion of the magi by inquiring of his own astrologers, whether they had seen tNote 58 · Fritzsche, in loc. aptly says—comperto, quasi magos non ad se redituros statim scivisset, orti sideris tempore, etc. ↑Note 59 · K. Ch. L. Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, s. 150 f. Comp. Fritzsche and De Wette in loc. ↑Note 60 · Hoffman thinks that Herod shunned this measure as a breach of hospitality; yet this very Herod he represents as a monster of cruelty, and thNote 61 · Schmidt, ut sup. p. 155 f. ↑Note 62 · Stark, Synops. bibl. exeg. in N. T., p. 62. ↑Note 63 · This was the opinion of some of the Fathers, e.g. Euseb. Demonstr. evang. 9, ap. Suicer, 1, s. 559; Joann. Damasc. de fide orthod. ii. 7. ↑Note 64 · Chrysostomus and others ap. Suicer, ut sup. and the Evang. infant. arab. c. vii. ↑Note 65 · See Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., p. 23. ↑Note 66 · Vermischte Aufsätze, s. 8. ↑Note 67 · Bibl. Comm. in loc, Hoffmann, s. 261. ↑Note 68 · Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, 152 ff. ↑Note 69 · This is shown in opposition to Olshausen by Steudel in Bengel’s Archiv. vii. ii. 425 f. viii. iii. 487. ↑Note 70 · Schmidt, ut sup. p. 156. ↑Note 71 · Babylon. Sanhedr. f. cvii. 2, ap. Lightfoot, p. 207. Comp. Schöttgen, ii. p. 533. According to Josephus Antiq. xiii. xiii. 5, xiv. 2, they wNote 72 · Joseph. B. J. i. xxx. 3. Comp. Antiq. xvii. iv. 1. ↑Note 73 · Macrob. Saturnal. ii. 4: Quum audisset (Augustus) inter pueros, quos in Syriâ Herodes rex Judæorum intra bimatum jussit interfici, filium quNote 74 · Vid. Wetstein, Kuinöl, Olshausen in loc. Winer d. A. Herodes. ↑Note 75 · Fritzsche, Comm. in Matt., p. 93 f. ↑Note 76 · Chrysostom and others. ↑Note 77 · Vid. Gratz, Comm. zum Ev. Matth. 1, s. 115. ↑Note 78 · Kuinöl, ad Matth. p. 44 f. ↑Note 79 · Wetstein, in loc. ↑Note 80 · Schneckenburger, Beiträge zur Einleitung in das N. T., s. 42. ↑Note 81 · Gieseler, Studien und Kritiken, 1831, 3. Heft, s. 588 f. Fritzsche, s. 104. Comp. Hieron. ad Jesai. xi. 1. ↑Note 82 · For both these explanations, see Kuinöl, in loc. ↑Note 83 · Kepler, in various treatises; Münter, der Stern der Weisen; Ideler, Handbuch der mathemat. und technischen Chronologie, 2. Bd. s. 399 ff. ↑Note 84 · Olshausen, s. 67. ↑Note 85 · Paulus, ut sup. s. 202, 221. ↑Note 86 · Bengel’s Archiv. vii. ii. p. 424. ↑Note 87 · At a later period, it is true, this journey of Jesus was the occasion of calumnies from the Jews, but those were of an entirely different naNote 88 · Ueber formelle oder genetische Erklärungsart der Wunder. In Henke’s Museum, 1, 3, 399 ff. Similar essays see in the Abhandlungen über die beNote 89 · L. J. Ch., s. 29 ff. ↑Note 90 · Orig. c. Cels. i. 60. Auctor, op. imperf. in Matth. ap. Fabricius Pseudepigr. V. T., p. 807 ff. ↑Note 91 · Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 3, 1, s. 130. ↑Note 92 · In loc. Num. (Schöttgen, horæ, ii. p. 152): Multi Interpretati sunt hæc de Messiâ. ↑Note 93 · Justin, Hist. 37. ↑Note 94 · Sueton. Jul. Cæs. 88. ↑Note 95 · Jalkut Rubeni, f. xxxii. 3 (ap. Wetstein): quâ horâ natus est Abrahamus, pater noster, super quem sit pax, stetit quoddam sidus in oriente eNote 96 · Testamentum XII. Patriarcharum, test. Levi, 18 (Fabric. Cod. pseud. V. T. p. 584 f.): καὶ ἀνατελεῖ ἄστρον αὐτοῦ (of the Messianic ἱερεὺς καιNote 97 · Compare with the passages cited Note 7. Protevang. Jac. cap. xxi.: εἴδομεν ἀστέρα παμμεγέθη, λάμψαντα ἐν τοῖς ἄστροις τοὺτοις καὶ ἀμβλύνονταNote 98 · Exeg. Beiträge, i. s. 159 ff. ↑Note 99 · Fritzsche in the paraphrase of chap. ii. Etiam stella, quam judaica disciplina sub Messiæ natale visum iri dicit, quo Jesus nascebatur tempoNote 100 · As in Matt. ii. 11 it is said of the magi τροσήνενκαν αὐτῷ—χρυσὸν καὶ λίβανον: so in Isa. lx. 6 (LXX.): ἥξουσί, φέροντες χρυσίον, καὶ λίβανοNote 101 · V. 1. und 3: ‏כִּי בָא אוֹרֵךְ וּכְבוֹד יהוָֹה עָלַיִךְ‎ (LXX: Ἰερουσαλὴμ) ‏קוּמִי אוֹרִי זָרָח:—וְהָלְכוּ גּוֹיִם לְאוֹרֵךְ וּמְלָכִים לְנֹNote 102 · Æneid, ii. 693 ff. ↑Note 103 · Wetstein, in loc. ↑Note 104 · Herod, i. 108 ff. Liv. i. 4. ↑Note 105 · Octav. 94:—ante paucos quam nasceretur menses prodigium Romæ factum publice, quo denuntiabatur, regem populi Romani naturam parturire. SenatNote 106 · Bauer (über das Mythische in der früheren Lebensper. des Moses, in the n. Theol. Journ. 13, 3) had already compared the marvellous deliveranNote 107 · Joseph. Antiq. ii. ix. 2. ↑Note 108 · Jalkut Rubeni (cont. of the passage cited in Note 6): dixerunt sapientes Nimrodi: natus est Tharæ filius hâc ipsâ horâ, ex quo egressurus esNote 109 · Protev. Jacobi, c. xxii. f. ↑Note 110 · Ex. iv. 19, LXX: βάδιζε, ἄπελθε εἰς Αἴγυπτον, τεθνήκασι γὰρ πάντες οἱ ζητοῦντές σου τὴν ψυχὴν. Matt. ii. 20: ἐγερθεὶς—πορεύου εἰς γῆν ἸσραήNote 111 · Vide e.g. Schöttgen, Horæ, ii. p. 209. ↑Note 112 · Theile, zur Biographie Jesu, § 15, Anm. 9. Hoffmann, s. 269. ↑Note 113 · Comp. my Streitschriften, i. 1, s. 42 f.; George, s. 39. ↑Note 114 · Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 27. ↑Note 115 · Schleiermacher (Ueber den Lukas, s. 47), explains the narrative concerning the magi as a symbolical one; but he scorns to take into considerNote 116 · Lightfoot, Horæ, p. 202. ↑Note 117 · Schneckenburger, Ueber den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evangeliums, s. 69 ff. ↑Note 118 · Thus, e.g. Augustin de consensu evangelistarum, ii. 5. Storr, opusc. acad. iii. s. 96 ff. Süskind, in Bengel’s Archiv. i. 1, s. 216 ff. ↑Note 119 · E.g. Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 51 ff. Paulus, Olshausen, in loc. ↑Note 120 · Süskind, ut sup. s. 222. ↑Note 121 · The same difference as to the chronological relation of the two incidents exists between the two different texts of the apocryphal book: HisNote 122 · This incompatibility of the two narratives was perceived at an early period by some opponents of Christianity. Epiphanius names one PhilosabNote 123 · Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 33, Anm. ↑Note 124 · Schleiermacher, Ueber den Lukas, s. 47. Schneckenburger, ut sup. ↑Note 125 · Antiq. xiv. ix. 4, xv. i. 1 and x. 4. ↑Note 126 · The Evang. Nicodemi indeed calls him, c. xvi. ὁ μέγας διδάσκαλος, and the Protev. Jacobi, c. xxiv. makes him a priest or even high priest, vNote 127 · 1 Th. s. 205 ff. ↑Note 128 · Cap. vi. Viditque illum Simeon senex instar columnæ lucis refulgentem, cum Domina Maria virgo, mater ejus, ulnis suis eum gestaret,—et circuNote 129 · Thus E. F. in the treatise, on the two first chapters of Matth. and Luke. In Henke’s Mag. 5 bd. s. 169 f. A similar half measure is in MatthNote 130 · With the words of Simeon addressed to Mary: καὶ σοῦ δὲ αὐτῆς τὴν ψυχὲν διελεύσεται ῥομφαία (v. 35) comp. the words in the messianic psalm ofNote 131 · Schleiermacher, Ueber den Lukas, s. 37. Compare on the other hand the observations in § 18, with those of the authors there quoted, Note 19.Note 132 · Neander here (s. 24 f.) mistakes the apocryphal for the mythical, as he had before done the poetical. ↑Note 133 · Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1. s. 142 f. ↑Note 134 · Dial. c. Trypho, 78: Joseph came from Nazareth, where he lived, to Bethlehem, whence he was, to be enrolled, ἀνεληλύθει (Ἰωσὴφ) ἀπὸ Ναζαρὲτ,Note 135 · Beiträge zur Einleit. in das N. T. 1. s. 217. Comp. Hoffmann, s. 238 f. 277 ff. ↑Note 136 · C. I. 8. 10. ↑Note 137 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1, a, s. 178. ↑Note 138 · Ueber die Unzulässigkeit der mythischen Auffassung u. s. f. 1, s. 101. ↑Note 139 · L. J. Ch. s. 33. ↑Note 140 · Tertull. adv. Marcion iv. 8. Epiphan. hær. xxix. 1. ↑Note 141 · Comp K. Ch. L. Schmidt, in Schmidt’s Bibliothek, 3, 1, s. 123 f.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 230. ↑Note 142 · On this Heydenreich rests his defence, Ueber die Unzulässigkeit. 1. s. 99. ↑Note 143 · Ueber den Lukas, s. 49. There is a similar hesitation in Thelte, Biographie Jesu, § 15. ↑Note 144 · Ueber den Ursprung u. s. w., s. 68 f. u. s. 158. ↑Note 145 · Comp. Ammon. Fortbildung, 1, s. 194 ff.; De Wette, exeget. Handb. 1, 2, s. 24 f.; George, s. 84 ff. That different narrators may give differNote 146 · The first difficulty is that the ἀπογραφὴ (namely, the inscription of the name and amount of property in order to facilitate the taxation) cNote 147 · Matthew places the birth of Jesus shortly before the death of Herod the Great, whom he represents (ii. 19) as dying during the abode of JesuNote 148 · The Evangelist relieves us from a farther inquiry into this more or less historical or arbitrary combination by adding, that this taxing wasNote 149 · Yet commentators have supposed it possible to reconcile this apparently undeniable contradiction between Luke and history. The most dauntlesNote 150 · Still these chronological incongruities do not exhaust the difficulties which beset this statement of Luke. His representation of the mannerNote 151 · The Evangelist, however, knew perfectly well what she had to do there; namely, to fulfil the prophecy of Micah (v. 1), by giving birth, in tNote 152 · The apocryphal gospels and the traditions of the Fathers still further embellished the birth of Jesus. According to the Protevangelium JacobNote 153 · The results of the first attempts at a natural explanation were certainly sufficiently rude. Thus Eck regarded the angel as a messenger fromNote 154 · In opposition to this natural explanation, so full of difficulties on every side, Bauer announced his adoption of the mythical view37; in faNote 155 · This explanation of Gabler shows, in a remarkable manner, how difficult it is entirely to extricate oneself from the natural explanation, anNote 156 · The mythical interpretation of this section of the gospel history has found an opponent in Schleiermacher.47 He thinks it improbable that thNote 157 · The notice of the circumcision of Jesus (Luke ii. 21), evidently proceeds from a narrator who had no real advice of the fact, but who assumeNote 158 · In the Gospel of Matthew also we have a narrative of the Messiah’s entrance into the world; it differs considerably in detail from that of LNote 159 · Our narrative commences as if it were an admitted fact, that astrologers possessed the power of recognizing a star announcing the birth of tNote 160 · But the orthodox view of this account not only sanctions the false science of astrology, but also confirms the false interpretation of a pasNote 161 · After receiving the above answer from the Sanhedrim, Herod summons the magi before him, and his first question concerns the time at which thNote 162 · Herod, in the second place, commissions the magi to acquaint themselves accurately with all that concerns the royal infant, and to impart thNote 163 · The magi leave Jerusalem by night, the favourite time for travelling in the east. The star, which they seem to have lost sight of since theiNote 164 · Many, even of the orthodox expositors, have found these difficulties in relation to the star so pressing, that they have striven to escape aNote 165 · The magi then enter the house, offer their adoration to the infant, and present to him gifts, the productions of their native country. One mNote 166 · While Herod awaits the return of the magi, Joseph is admonished by an angelic apparition in a dream to flee with the Messianic child and itsNote 167 · When the return of the magi has been delayed long enough for Herod to become aware that they have no intention to keep faith with him, he deNote 168 · The false interpretations of Old Testament passages in this chapter are crowned by the last verse, where it is said that by the settlement oNote 169 · The ἀστὴρ (star) becomes, on this method of interpretation, a natural meteor, or a comet,82 or finally, a constellation, that is, a conjunctNote 170 · The difficulties connected with the erroneous interpretations of passages from the Old Testament are, from the natural point of view, eludedNote 171 · Thus, on the one hand, the sense of the narrative in Matt. ii. is opposed to the conception of its occurrence as natural; on the other hand,Note 172 · This argument is equally valid against the attempt, lately made from the supranaturalistic point of view, to separate the true from the falsNote 173 · Several Fathers of the Church indicated the true key to the narrative concerning the magi when, in order to explain from what source those hNote 174 · It is true that the passage in question, taken in its original sense, does not speak of a real star, but merely compares to a star the futurNote 175 · This particular, however, as well as the journey of the magi into Judea, and their costly presents to the child, bear a relation to other paNote 176 · To represent a murderous decree as having been directed by Herod against Jesus, was the interest of the primitive christian legend. In all tNote 177 · Jesus escapes from the hostile attempts of Herod by other means than those by which Moses, according to the mosaic history, and Abraham, accNote 178 · Against this mythical derivation of the narrative, two objections have been recently urged. First, if the history of the star originated in Note 179 · We must therefore abide by the mythical interpretation of our narrative, and content ourselves with gathering from it no particular fact in Note 180 · Let us now revert to the narrative of Luke, chap. ii., so far as it runs parallel with that of Matthew. We have seen that the narrative of MNote 181 · According to this opinion, the angel clothed in heavenly brightness, in Luke, became a star in the tradition recorded by Matthew, the ideas Note 182 · Of these occurrences the only one that has a precise date is the presentation in the temple, of which it is said that it took place at the eNote 183 · On neither of the above plans, therefore, will the presentation in the temple bear to be placed after the visit of the magi, and the only reNote 184 · If, then, the presentation of Jesus in the temple can have taken place neither earlier nor later than the visit of the magi and the flight iNote 185 · To escape from this dangerous dilemma, supranaturalism has lately been induced to take a freer position, that by the surrender of what is noNote 186 · Thus the dilemma above stated remains, and were we compelled to choose under it, we should, in the present stage of our inquiry, on no accouNote 187 · The narrative of the presentation of Jesus in the temple (Luke ii. 22) seems, at the first glance, to bear a thoroughly historical stamp. A Note 188 · Simple as this explanation appears, it is not less arbitrary than we have already found other specimens of natural interpretation. The evangNote 189 · Thus here again we find reason to doubt the historical character of the narrative, especially as we have found by a previous investigation tNote 190 · As to the second spring in the formation of our narrative, namely, the interest of the Christian legend, it is easy to conceive how this wouNote 191 · This view of the narrative is thus countenanced positively by the nature of the fact,—and negatively by the difficulties attending any otherNote 192 · This contradiction is generally glided over without suspicion. The reason of this lies in the peculiar character of Matthew’s Gospel, a charNote 193 · Thus the difficulty of reconciling Matthew with Luke, in the present instance, turns upon the impossibility of conceiving how the parents ofNote 194 · A more thorough attempt at reconciliation is made in the Evangelium de nativitate Mariæ, and has met with much approval from modern theologiNote 195 · Here, however, theologians would do well to take for their model the honesty of Neander, and to confess with him that of this intention on tNote 196 · On this point we are drawn in two opposite directions. In both Gospels we find Bethlehem stated to be the birth-place of Jesus, and there isNote 197 · Neither does the other proposition, however, that Jesus was born in Bethlehem, rest solely on the statement of our Gospels; it is sanctionedNote 198 · Such being the state of the case, no one, we imagine, will be inclined either with Schleiermacher,143 to leave the question concerning the r
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