← Table of contents
The Life of Jesus Critically Examined

Chapter II · BAPTISM AND TEMPTATION OF JESUS.

George Eliot translation

[

Contents

]

§ 49.

WHY DID JESUS RECEIVE BAPTISM FROM JOHN?

The sum of what modern theologians have contributed towards the removal of this difficulty, consists in the application to Jesus of the distinction between what a man is as an individual, and what he is as a member of the community. He needed, say they, no repentance on his own behalf, but, aware of its necessity for all other men, the children of Abraham not excepted, he wished to demonstrate his approval of an institute which confirmed this truth, and hence he submitted to it. But let the reader only take a nearer view of the facts. According to Matt. iii. 6, John appears to have required a confession of sins previous to baptism; such a confession Jesus, presupposing his impeccability, could not deliver without falsehood; if he refused, John would hardly baptize him, for he did not yet believe him to be the Messiah, and from every other Israelite he must have considered a confession of sins indispensable. The non-compliance of Jesus might very probably originate the dispute to which Matthew gives a wholly different character; but certainly, if the refusal of John had such a cause, the matter could scarcely have been adjusted by a mere suffer it to be so now, for no confession being given, the Baptist would not have perceived that all righteousness was fulfilled. Even supposing that a confession was not required of every baptized person, John would not conclude the ceremony of baptism without addressing the neophyte on the subject of repentance. Could Jesus tacitly sanction such an address to himself, when conscious that he needed no regeneration? and would he not, in so doing, perplex the minds which were afterwards to believe in him as the sinless one? We will even abandon the position that John so addressed the neophytes, and only urge that the gestures of those who plunged into the purifying water must have been those of contrition; yet if Jesus conformed himself to these even in silence, without referring them to his own condition, he cannot be absolved from the charge of dissimulation.

There is then no alternative but to suppose, that as Jesus had not, up to the time of his baptism, thought of himself as the Messiah, so with regard to the μετάνοια (repentance), he may have justly ranked himself amongst the most excellent in Israel, without excluding himself from what is predicated in Job iv. 18, xv. 15. There is little historical ground for controverting this; for the words, which of you convinceth me of sin? (John viii. 46) could only refer to open delinquencies, and to a later period in the life of Jesus. The scene in his twelfth year, even if historical, could not by itself prove a sinless development of his powers.

[

Contents

]

§ 50.

THE SCENE AT THE BAPTISM OF JESUS CONSIDERED AS SUPERNATURAL AND AS NATURAL.

[

Contents

]

§ 51.

AN ATTEMPT AT A CRITICISM AND MYTHICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE NARRATIVES.

One cannot but wonder at Schleiermacher’s assertion, that the manner in which the Baptist perceived the descending Spirit is not given in the fourth gospel, when here also the expression ὡσεὶ περιστερὰν, like a dove, tells it plainly enough; and this particular marks the descent as a visible one, and not a mere inference from the discourse of Jesus. Usteri, indeed, thinks that the Baptist mentioned the dove, merely as a figure, to denote the gentle, mild spirit which he had observed in Jesus. But had this been all, he would rather have compared Jesus himself to a dove, as on another occasion he did to a lamb, than have suggested the idea of a sensible appearance by the picturesque description, I saw the Spirit descending from heaven like a dove. It is therefore not true in relation to the dove, that first in the more remote tradition given by the synoptical writers, what was originally figurative, was received in a literal sense; for in this sense it is understood by John, and if he have the correct account, the Baptist himself must have spoken of a visible dove-like appearance, as Bleek, Neander, and others, acknowledge.

While the alleged distinction in relation to the dove, between the first three evangelists and the fourth, is not to be found; with respect to the voice, the difference is so wide, that it is inconceivable how the one account could be drawn from the other. For it is said that the testimony which John gave concerning Jesus, after the appearance: This is the Son of God (John i. 34), taken in connexion with the preceding words: He that sent me to baptize, the same said unto me, etc., became, in the process of tradition, an immediate heavenly declaration, such as we see in Matthew: This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased. Supposing such a transformation admissible, some instigation to it must be shown. Now in Isaiah xlii. 1, Jehovah says of his servant: ‏הֵן עַבְדִּי אֶתְמָךְ־בּוֹ בְּחִירִי רָצֲתָה נַפְשִׁי‎; words which, excepting those between the parentheses, are almost literally translated by the declaration of the heavenly voice in Matthew. We learn from Matt. xii. 17 ff. that this passage was applied to Jesus as the Messiah; and in it God himself is the speaker, as in the synoptical account of the baptism. Here then was what would much more readily prompt the fiction of a heavenly voice, than the expressions of John. Since, therefore, we do not need a misapprehension of the Baptist’s language to explain the story of the divine voice, and since we cannot use it for the derivation of the allusion to the dove; we must seek for the source of our narrative, not in one of the evangelical documents, but beyond the New Testament,—in the domain of cotemporary ideas, founded on the Old Testament, the total neglect of which has greatly diminished the value of Schleiermacher’s critique on the New Testament.

The result of the preceding inquiries, viz., that the alleged miraculous circumstances of the baptism of Jesus have merely a mythical value, might have been much more readily obtained, in the way of inference from the preceding chapter; for if, according to that, John had not acknowledged Jesus to be the Messiah, there could have been no appearances at the baptism of Jesus, demonstrative to John of his Messiahship. We have, however, established the mythical character of the baptismal phenomena, without presupposing the result of the previous chapter; and thus the two independently obtained conclusions may serve to strengthen each other.

Supposing all the immediate circumstances of the baptism of Jesus unhistorical, the question occurs, whether the baptism itself be also a mere mythus. Fritzsche seems not disinclined to the affirmative, for he leaves it undecided whether the first Christians knew historically, or only supposed, in conformity with their messianic expectations, that Jesus was consecrated to his messianic office by John, as his forerunner. This view may be supported by the observation, that in the Jewish expectation, which originated in the history of David, combined with the prophecy of Malachi, there was adequate inducement to assume such a consecration of Jesus by the Baptist, even without historical warrant; and the mention of John’s baptism in relation to Jesus (Acts i. 22), in a narrative, itself traditional, proves nothing to the contrary. Yet, on the other hand, it is to be considered that the baptism of Jesus by John furnishes the most natural basis for an explanation of the messianic project of Jesus. When we have two cotemporaries, of whom one announces the proximity of the Messiah’s kingdom, and the other subsequently assumes the character of Messiah; the conjecture arises, even, without positive information, that they stood in a relation to each other—that the latter owed his idea to the former. If Jesus had the messianic idea excited in him by John, yet, as is natural, only so far that he also looked forward to the advent of the messianic individual, whom he did not, in the first instance, identify with himself; he would most likely submit himself to the baptism of John. This would probably take place without any striking occurrences; and Jesus, in no way announced by it as the Baptist’s superior, might, as above remarked, continue for some time to demean himself as his disciple.

If we take a comparative retrospect of our evangelical documents, the pre-eminence which has of late been sought for the fourth gospel appears totally unmerited. The single historical fact, the baptism of Jesus by John, is not mentioned by the fourth Evangelist, who is solicitous about the mythical adjuncts alone, and these he in reality gives no more simply than the synoptical writers, his omission of the opening heaven excepted; for the divine speech is not wanting in his narrative, if we read it impartially. In the words, i. 33: He that sent me to baptize with water, the same said unto me, Upon whom thou shalt see the Spirit descending, and remaining on him, the same is he which baptizeth with the Holy Ghost, we have not only substantially the same purport as that conveyed by the heavenly voice in the synoptical gospels, but also a divine declaration; the only difference being, that here John is addressed exclusively, and prior to the baptism of Jesus. This difference originated partly in the importance which the fourth Evangelist attached to the relation between the Baptist and Jesus, and which required that the criteria of the messianic individual, as well as the proximity of his kingdom, should have been revealed to John at his call to baptize; and it might be partly suggested by the narrative in 1 Sam. xvi., according to which Samuel, being sent by Jehovah to anoint a king selected from the sons of Jesse, is thus admonished by Jehovah on the entrance of David: Arise and anoint him, for this is he (v. 12). The descent of the Spirit, which in David’s case follows his consecration, is, by the fourth Evangelist, made an antecedent sign of the Messiahship of Jesus.

[

Contents

]

§ 52.

RELATION OF THE SUPERNATURAL AT THE BAPTISM OF JESUS TO THE SUPERNATURAL IN HIS CONCEPTION.

At the commencement of this chapter, we enquired into the subjective views of Jesus in his reception of John’s baptism, or the idea which he entertained of its relation to his own character. We close this discussion with an inquiry into the objective purpose of the miracles at the baptism of Jesus, or the mode in which they were to subserve the manifestation of his messiahship.

The development of these ideas seems to have been the following. When the messianic dignity of Jesus began to be acknowledged among the Jews, it was thought appropriate to connect his coming into possession of the requisite gifts, with the epoch from which he was in some degree known, and which, from the ceremony that marked it, was also best adapted to represent that anointing with the Holy Spirit, expected by the Jews for their Messiah: and from this point of view was formed the legend of the occurrences at the baptism. But as reverence for Jesus was heightened, and men appeared in the Christian church who were acquainted with more exalted messianic ideas, this tardy manifestation of messiahship was no longer sufficient; his relation with the Holy Spirit was referred to his conception: and from this point of view was formed the tradition of the supernatural conception of Jesus. Here too, perhaps, the words of the heavenly voice, which might originally be those of Ps. ii. 7, were altered after Isaiah xlii. 1. For the words, σήμερον γεγέννηκα σε, This day have I begotten thee, were consistent with the notion that Jesus was constituted the Son of God at his baptism; but they were no longer suitable to that occasion, when the opinion had arisen that the origin of his life was an immediate divine act. By this later representation, however, the earlier one was by no means supplanted, but, on the contrary, tradition and her recorders being large-hearted, both narratives—that of the miracles at the baptism, and that of the supernatural conception, or the indwelling of the λόγος in Jesus from the commencement of his life, although, strictly, they exclude each other, went forth peaceably side by side, and so were depicted by our Evangelists, not excepting even the fourth. Just as in the case of the genealogies: the narrative of the imparting of the Spirit at the baptism could not arise after the formation of the idea that Jesus was engendered by the Spirit; but it might be retained as a supplement, because tradition is ever unwilling to renounce any of its acquired treasures.

[

Contents

]

§ 53.

PLACE AND TIME OF THE TEMPTATION OF JESUS. DIVERGENCIES OF THE EVANGELISTS ON THIS SUBJECT.

The transition from the baptism to the temptation of Jesus, as it is made by the synoptical writers, is attended with difficulty in relation both to place and time.

[

Contents

]

§ 54.

THE HISTORY OF THE TEMPTATION CONCEIVED IN THE SENSE OF THE EVANGELISTS.

The first interpretation that suggests itself on an unprejudiced consideration of the text is this; that Jesus was led by the Divine Spirit received at his baptism into the wilderness, there to undergo a temptation by the devil, who accordingly appeared to him visibly and personally, and in various ways, and at various places to which he was the conductor, prosecuted his purpose of temptation; but meeting with a victorious resistance, he withdrew from Jesus, and angels appeared to minister to him. Such is the simple exegesis of the narrative, but viewed as a history it is encumbered with difficulties.

To take the portions of the narrative in their proper order: if the Divine Spirit led Jesus into the wilderness with the design of exposing him to temptation, as Matthew expressly says, ἀνήχθη εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ὑπὸ τοῦ Πνεύματος, πειρασθῆναι (iv. 1), of what use was this temptation? That it had a vicarious and redeeming value will hardly be maintained, or that it was necessary for God to put Jesus to a trial; neither can it be consistently shown that by this temptation Jesus was to be made like us, and, according to Heb. iv. 15, tempted in all things like as we are; for the fullest measure of trial fell to his share in after life, and a temptation, effected by the devil in person, would rather make him unlike us, who are spared such appearances.

Lastly, the incident with which our narrative closes, namely, that angels came and ministered to Jesus, is not without difficulty, apart from the above-mentioned doubts as to the existence of such beings. For the expression διηκόνουν can signify no other kind of ministering than that of presenting food; and this is proved not only by the context, according to which Jesus had need of such tendance, but by a comparison of the circumstances with 1 Kings xix. 5, where an angel brings food to Elijah. But of the only two possible suppositions, both are equally incongruous: that ethereal beings like angels should convey earthly material food, or that the human body of Jesus should be nourished with heavenly substances, if any such exist.

[

Contents

]

§ 55.

THE TEMPTATION CONSIDERED AS A NATURAL OCCURRENCE EITHER INTERNAL OR EXTERNAL; AND ALSO AS A PARABLE.

If the foregoing discussions have proved that the temptation, as narrated by the synoptical Evangelists, cannot be conceived as an external or internal, a supernatural or natural occurrence, the conclusion is inevitable, that it cannot have taken place in the manner represented.

[

Contents

]

§ 56.

THE HISTORY OF THE TEMPTATION AS A MYTHUS.

The second temptation (in Matthew) was not determined by its relation to the preceding; hence its presentation seems abrupt, and the choice fortuitous or capricious. This may be true with respect to its form, but its substantial meaning is in close connexion with the foregoing temptation, since it also has reference to the conduct of the Jewish people in the wilderness. To them the warning was given in Deut vi. 16 to tempt God no more as they had tempted him at Massah; a warning which was reiterated 1 Cor. x. 9 to the members of the new covenant, though more in allusion to Num. xxi. 4. To this crying sin, therefore, under which the ancient people of God had fallen, must the Messiah be incited, that by resisting the incitement he might compensate, as it were, for the transgression of the people. Now the conduct which was condemned in them as a tempting of the Lord, ἐκπειράζειν Κύριον, was occasioned by a dearth of water, and consisted in their murmurs at this deprivation. This, to later tradition, did not seem fully to correspond to the terms; something more suitable was sought for, and from this point of view there could hardly be a more eligible choice than the one we actually find in our history of the temptation, for nothing can be more properly called a tempting of God than so audacious an appeal to his extraordinary succour, as that suggested by Satan in his second temptation. The reason why a leap from the pinnacle of the temple was named as an example of such presumption, is put into the mouth of Satan himself.

It occurred to the originator of this feature in the narrative, that the passage Ps. xci. 11 was capable of perversion into a motive for a rash act. It is there promised to one dwelling under the protection of Jehovah (a designation under which the Messiah was pre-eminently understood), that angels should bear him up in their hands, lest at any time he should dash his foot against a stone. Bearing up in their hands to prevent a fall, seemed to imply a precipitation from some eminence, and this might induce the idea that the divinely-protected Messiah might hurl himself from a height with impunity. But from what height? There could be no hesitation on this point. To the pious man, and therefore to the head of all the pious, is appropriated, according to Ps. xv. 1, xxiv. 3, the distinction of going up to Jehovah’s holy hill, and standing within his holy place: hence the pinnacle of the temple, in the presumptuous mode of inference supposed, might be regarded as the height whence the Messiah could precipitate himself unhurt.

[

Contents

]

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Dial. c. Tryph. 8, s. 110. der Mauriner Ausg. ↑Note 2 · Hess. Geschichte Jesu, 1 Bd. s. 118. ↑Note 3 · Paulus, ut sup., s. 362 ff. 337. Hase, L. J., s. 48, erste Ausg. ↑Note 4 · Hieron. adv. Pelagian. iii. 2: In Evangelio juxta Hebræos—narrat historia: Ecce mater Domini et fratres ejus dicebant ei: Joannes baptista bNote 5 · The author of the Tractatus de non iterando baptismo in Cyprian’s works, Rigalt., p. 139, says (the passage is also found in Fabric. Cod. apNote 6 · Justin. Mart. dial. c. Tryph. 88: κατελθόντος τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ, καὶ πῦρ ἀνήφθη ἐν τῷ Ἰορδάνη, κ.τ.λ.. Epiphan. hæres. 30, 13 (after theNote 7 · See Usteri, über den Täufer Johannes, die Taufe und Versuchung Christi, in the theolog. Studien und Kritiken, 2 Bd. 3 Heft, s. 442 ff., and Note 8 · Bauer, hebr. Mythologie, 2 s. 225 f. Comp. Gratz, Comm. zum Evang. Matt. i. s. 172 ff. ↑Note 9 · These are Theodore’s words, in Münter’s Fragmenta patr. græc. Fasc. 1, s. 142. Orig. c. Cels. i. 48. Basil. M. in Suicer’s Thesaurus, 2, p. Note 10 · As even Lücke confesses, Comm. zum Evang. Joh. i., s. 370, and Bleek, ut sup., s. 437. ↑Note 11 · Comp. Eusebius, H. E. vi. 29. ↑Note 12 · See Paulus, Bauer, Kuinöl, Hase and Theile. ↑Note 13 · De Wette, bibl. Dogmatik, § 208. Anm. 6, exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 34 f. 1, 3, s. 29 f. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 58 f. Usteri, Bleek, Note 14 · According to Bava Mezia, f. lix. 1 (in Wetstein, p. 427), R. Elieser appealed to a heavenly sign, in proof that he had tradition in his favoNote 15 · Dial. c. Tryph. 88. ↑Note 16 · Hæres. xxx. 13. ↑Note 17 · Pædagog. i. 6. ↑Note 18 · De consens. Evangg. ii. 14. ↑Note 19 · S. Wetstein in loc. des Lukas, and De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., s. 100. ↑Note 20 · S. Rosenmüller’s Schol. in Psalm ii. ↑Note 21 · Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 57. ↑Note 22 · Tibull. Carm. L. 1, eleg. 8, v. 17 f. See the remark of Broeckhuis on this passage; Creuzer, Symbolik, ii. s. 70 f.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1,Note 23 · Creuzer, Symbolik, ii. s. 80. ↑Note 24 · Chagiga c. ii.: Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas, sicut columba, quæ fertur super pullos suos nec tangit illos. Ir Gibborim ad Genes. 1, 2Note 25 · Targum Koheleth, ii. 12, vox turturis is interpreted as vox spiritus sancti. To regard this, with Lücke, as an arbitrary interpretation, seeNote 26 · Bereschith rabba, s. 2, f. 4, 4, ad Genes. T. 2 (ap. Schöttgen ut sup.): intelligitur spiritus regis Messiæ, de quo dicitur, Jes. xi. 2: et Note 27 · Sohar. Numer. f. 68. col. 271 f. (in Schöttgen, horæ, 2, p. 537 f.). The purport of this passage rests on the following cabalistic conclusioNote 28 · See Fritzsche, Comm. in Matt., p. 148. ↑Note 29 · Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 120. ↑Note 30 · Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 175 f. ↑Note 31 · Comm. zum Evang. Joh. 1, s. 378 f. ↑Note 32 · From the orthodox point of view, it cannot be consistently said, with Hoffmann (p. 301), that for the conviction of his messiahship and the Note 33 · Epiphan. hæres. xxx. 14: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ βούλονται τὸν μὲν Ἰησοῦν ὄντως ανθρώπον εἶναι, Χριστὸν δὲ ὲν αὐτῷ γεγενῆσθαι τὸν ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς κατNote 34 · Epiphan. hæres. xxviii. 1. ↑Note 35 · Epiphan. hæres. xxx. 13:—περιστερᾶς κατελθούσης καὶ εἰσελθούσης εἰς αὐτὸν:—of a dove descending and entering into him. ↑Note 36 · See the passage above, § 48, note 7. ↑Note 37 · Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung des ersten kanonischen Evang., s. 39. ↑Note 38 · Comm. z. Ev. Joh. 1, s. 344. ↑Note 39 · Comp. de Wette, exeg. Handb. 1, 3, s. 27. ↑Note 40 · Compare Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc, s. 23 De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 2, s. 33. ↑Note 41 · Kuinöl, Comm. in Luc., s. 379. ↑Note 42 · Lightfoot, horæ, p. 243. ↑Note 43 · Schneckenburger, über den Ursprung des ersten kan. Evang., s. 46. ↑Note 44 · 1 Dial. c. Tryph. 8, s. 110. der Mauriner Ausg. ↑ 2 Hess. Geschichte Jesu, 1 Bd. s. 118. ↑ 3 Paulus, ut sup., s. 362 ff. 337. Hase, L. J., sNote 45 · Thus Euthymius, Kuinöl, and others. ↑Note 46 · Fritzsche, in loc. ↑Note 47 · Beitrag zur Erklärung der Versuchungsgeschichte, in Ullmann’s and Umbreit’s Studien, 1834, 4, s. 789. ↑Note 48 · Ueber den Lukas, s. 56. ↑Note 49 · Compare Schneckenburger, ut sup., s. 46 f. ↑Note 50 · Exegetische Beiträge, 1, s. 277 ff. ↑Note 51 · Comm. in Matth. s. 172 ff. ↑Note 52 · In the Essay quoted, s. 768. ↑Note 53 · Thus, e.g., Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., p. 84. Comp. Gratz, Comm. zum Matth., 1, s. 229. Hoffmann, p. 315. ↑Note 54 · Usteri, über den Täufer Johannes, die Taufe und Versuchung Christi. In den theol. Studien und Kritiken, zweiten Jahrgangs (1829), drittes HeNote 55 · De Wette, bibl. Dogmatik, § 171. Gramberg, Grundzüge einer Engellehre des A. T., § 5, in Winer’s Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche Theologie,Note 56 · Glaubenslehre, 1, ss. 44, 45, der zweiten Ausg. ↑Note 57 · Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge. Kuinöl, in Matt. ↑Note 58 · In a fragment of Theodore of Mopsuestia in Münter’s Fragm. Patr. Græc. Fasc. 1, p. 99 f. ↑Note 59 · Paulus. ↑Note 60 · Hoffmann thinks that the devil, in his second temptation, designedly chose so startling an example as the leap from the temple roof, the essNote 61 · Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 124. ↑Note 62 · See the author of the discourse de jejunio et tentationibus Christi, among Cyprian’s works. ↑Note 63 · Compare Joseph. B. J. v. v. 6, vi. v. 1. Fritzsche, in Matth., s. 164. De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 40. ↑Note 64 · The one proposed by Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 90; the other by Fritzsche, p. 168. ↑Note 65 · Theodore of Mopsuestia, ut sup. p. 107, maintained against Julian that the devil had made the image of a mountain, φαντασίαν ὄρους τὸν διάβοNote 66 · Paulus, s. 379. ↑Note 67 · See for the former, H. Farmer, Gratz, Comm. zum Ev. Matth. 1, s. 217; for the latter, Olshausen in loc., and Hoffmann (s. 326 f.) if I rightNote 68 · Paulus, s. 377 ff. ↑Note 69 · Fritzsche, in Matth. 155 f. Usteri, Beitrag zur Erklärung der Versuchungsgeschichte, s. 774 f. ↑Note 70 · Ullmann, über die Unsündlichkeit Jesu, in his Studien, 1, 1, s. 56. Usteri, ut sup., s. 775. ↑Note 71 · Usteri, s. 776. ↑Note 72 · 1 Bd. s. 512 ff. ↑Note 73 · The former in Henke’s n. Magazin 4, 2, s. 352; the latter in the natürlichen Geschichte, 1, s. 591 ff. ↑Note 74 · This view is held by Ullmann, Hase, and Neander. ↑Note 75 · Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 54. Usteri, ut sup., s. 777. ↑Note 76 · If something really experienced by Jesus is supposed as the germ of the parable, this opinion is virtually the same as the preceding. ↑Note 77 · J. E. C. Schmidt, in seiner Bibliothek, 1, 1, s. 60 f. Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 54 f. Usteri, über den Täufer Johannes, die Taufe Note 78 · K. Ch. L. Schmidt, exeg. Beiträge, 1, s. 339. ↑Note 79 · Hasert, Bemerkungen über die Ansichten Ullmann’s und Usteri’s von der Versuchungsgesch., Studien, 3, 1, s. 74 f. ↑Note 80 · Hasert, ut sup., s. 76. ↑Note 81 · Zur Biographie Jesu, § 23. ↑Note 82 · See Zech. iii. 1, where Satan resists the high priest standing before the angel of the Lord; farther Vajikra rabba, f. cli. 1 (in Bertholdt,Note 83 · See the passages quoted by Fabricius in Cod. pseudepigr. V. T., p. 395, from Gemara Sanhedrin. ↑Note 84 · The same, p. 396. As Abraham went out to sacrifice his son in obedience to Jehovah, antevertit eum Satanas in via, et tali colloquio cum ipsNote 85 · Thus Fritzsche, in Matt. p. 173. His very title is striking, p. 154: Quod in vulgari Judæorum opinione erat, fore, ut Satanas salutaribus MeNote 86 · Schöttgen, horæ, ii. 538, adduces from Fini Flagellum Judæorum, iii. 35, a passage of Pesikta: Ait Satan: Domine, permitte me tentare MessiaNote 87 · Deut. viii. 2 (LXX.) the people are thus addressed: μνησθήσῃ πᾶσαν τὴν ὁδὸν, ἥν ἤγαγέ σε Κύριος ὁ Θεός σου τοῦτο τεσσαρακοστὸν ἔτος ἐν τῇ ἐρNote 88 · Ziegler, in Gabler’s n. theol. Journ., 5, 201; Theile, zur Biogr. J., § 23. ↑Note 89 · See Wetstein, s. 270; De Wette, Kritik der mos. Geschichte, s. 245; the same in Daub’s and Creuzer’s Studien, 3, s. 245; v. Bohlen, Genesis,Note 90 · Deut. viii. 3, καὶ ἐκάκωσέ σε καὶ ἐλιμανχόνησε σε, κ.τ.λ. ↑Note 91 · S. Fabricius, Cod. pseudepigr. V. T., p. 398 ff. ↑Note 92 · Gemara Sanh., as in note 3. The colloquy between Abraham and Satan is thus continued: 1. Satanas: Annon tentare te (Deum) in tali re ægre feNote 93 · Note 1. ↑Note 94 · Bertholdt, Christolog. Judæorum Jesu ætate, § 36, not. 1 and 2; Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth., s. 169 f. ↑Note 95 · Compare with the above statement the deductions of Schmidt, Fritzsche, and Usteri, as given § 54, notes 1–3, and of De Wette, exeg. HandbuchNote 96 · In conformity with the evangelical view of the fact, the customary answer given by the orthodox to this question is, that Jesus, by his submNote 97 · Our former inquiries have shown that John’s baptism related partly εἰς τὸν ἐρχόμενον, its recipients promising a believing preparation for tNote 98 · But the relation hitherto discussed is only one aspect of John’s baptism; the other, which is yet more strongly attested by history, shows iNote 99 · At the moment that John had completed his baptism of Jesus, the synoptical gospels tell us that the heavens were opened, the Holy Spirit desNote 100 · The narrations directly convey no other meaning, than that the whole scene was externally visible and audible, and thus they have been alwayNote 101 · Even in the early church, the more enlightened fathers adopted the opinion, that the heavenly voices spoken of in the biblical history were Note 102 · In the first two Gospels and in the fourth, this interpretation is favoured by the expressions, were opened to him, ἀνεῴχθησαν αὐτῷ, he saw,Note 103 · This party appeals to the custom of antiquity, to regard natural occurrences as divine intimations, and in momentous crises, where a bold reNote 104 · If then a more intelligible representation of the scene at the baptism of Jesus is not to be given, without doing violence to the evangelicaNote 105 · To regard declarations concerning the Messiah, put by poets into the mouth of Jehovah, as real, audible voices from heaven, was wholly in thNote 106 · We proceed to the descent of the Spirit in the form of a dove. In this examination we must separate the descent of the Spirit from the form Note 107 · In the East, and especially in Syria, the dove is a sacred bird,22 and it is so for a reason which almost necessitated its association with Note 108 · When, in this manner, the heavenly voice, and the Divine Spirit down-hovering like a dove, gathered from the cotemporary Jewish ideas, had bNote 109 · The common answer to such an inquiry is, that Jesus was thereby inducted to his public office, and declared to be the Messiah,29 i.e. that nNote 110 · This interpretation of the marvels at the baptism of Jesus seems in contradiction with the narratives of his conception. If Jesus, as MattheNote 111 · We must here give a similar decision to that at which we arrived concerning the genealogies; viz., that in that circle of the early ChristiaNote 112 · With respect to the former, it strikes us at once, that according to all the synoptical gospels, Jesus after his baptism was led into the wiNote 113 · But there is, besides, a chronological difficulty: namely, that while, according to the synoptical writers, Jesus, in the plenitude of the SNote 114 · The period of forty days is assigned by all three of the synoptical writers for the residence of Jesus in the wilderness; but to this agreemNote 115 · What was Mark’s object in introducing the wild beasts, it is difficult to say. The majority of expositors are of opinion that he intended toNote 116 · With respect to the difference between Matthew and Luke in the arrangement of the several temptations, we must equally abide by SchleiermachNote 117 · Few evangelical passages have undergone a more industrious criticism, or more completely run through the circle of all possible interpretatiNote 118 · The forty days’ fast, too, is singular. One does not understand how Jesus could hunger after six weeks of abstinence from all food without hNote 119 · But the personal appearance of the devil is the great stumbling-block in the present narrative. If, it is said, there be a personal devil, hNote 120 · On this subject, as well as on that of angels, Schleiermacher may serve as an interpreter of modern opinion. He shows that the idea of a beiNote 121 · As to the temptations, it was early asked by Julian, how the devil could hope to deceive Jesus, knowing, as he must, his higher nature?58 AnNote 122 · The impossibility of conceiving the sudden removals of Jesus to the temple and the mountain, led some even of the ancient commentators to thNote 123 · To support this transference of the whole scene to the inward nature of Jesus, commentators think that they can produce some features of theNote 124 · It is further alleged against the above explanations, that Jesus does not seem to have been at any other time subject to ecstasies, and thatNote 125 · If, then, the history of the temptation is not to be understood as confined to the soul of Jesus, and if we have before shown that it cannotNote 126 · The least invidious expedient is to suppose that the source of our histories of the temptation was some real event in the life of Jesus, so Note 127 · Such an intention, indeed, is attributed to Jesus by those who hold that the history of the temptation was narrated by him as a parable, butNote 128 · If such a parable concerning himself or any other person, could not have been delivered by Jesus, yet it is possible that it was made by somNote 129 · Satan, the evil being and enemy of mankind, borrowed from the Persian religion, was by the Jews, whose exclusiveness limited all that was goNote 130 · In the more ancient Hebrew theology, the idea was current that temptation (‏נִסָּה‎, LXX. πειράζειν) was an act of God himself, who thus putNote 131 · If the most eminent men of piety in Hebrew antiquity were thus tempted, in the earlier view, by God, in the later one, by Satan, what was moNote 132 · If a place were demanded where Satan might probably undertake such a temptation of the Messiah, the wilderness would present itself from morNote 133 · But what had the Messiah to do in the wilderness? That the Messiah, the second Saviour, should like his typical predecessor, Moses, on MountNote 134 · The Israelites were principally tempted by hunger during their wanderings in the wilderness;90 hence the first temptation of the Messiah wasNote 135 · But one temptation would not suffice. Of Abraham the rabbins enumerated ten; but this number was too large for a dramatic narrative like thaNote 136 · The third temptation which Jesus underwent—to worship the devil—is not apparent among the temptations of God’s ancient people. But one of thNote 137 · Matthew and Mark crown their history of the temptation with the appearance of angels to Jesus, and their refreshing him with nourishment aft
Explore with AITake your curiosity a little further.

Reading settings