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The Life of Jesus Critically Examined

Chapter I · RELATION OF JESUS TO THE IDEA OF A SUFFERING AND DYING MESSIAH; HIS DISCOURSES ON HIS DEATH, RESURRECTION, AND SECOND ADVENT.

George Eliot translation

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§ 111.

DID JESUS IN PRECISE TERMS PREDICT HIS PASSION AND DEATH?

In the critical investigation of these evangelical accounts, we shall proceed from the special to the general, in the following manner. First we shall ask: Is it credible that Jesus had a foreknowledge of so many particular features of the fate which awaited him? and next: Is even a general foreknowledge and prediction of his sufferings, on the part of Jesus, probable? in which inquiry, the difference between the representation of John and that of the synoptists, will necessarily come under our consideration.

There were sufficient inducements for the Christian legend thus to put into the mouth of Jesus, after the event, a prediction of the particular features of his passion, especially of the ignominious crucifixion. The more the Christ crucified became to the Jews a stumbling-block, and to the Greeks foolishness (1 Cor. i. 23), the more need was there to remove this offence by every possible means; and as, among subsequent events, the resurrection especially served as a retrospective cancelling of that shameful death; so it must have been earnestly desired to take the sting from that offensive catastrophe beforehand also, and this could not be done more effectually than by such a minute prediction. For as the most unimportant fact, when prophetically announced, gains importance, by thus being made a link in the chain of a higher knowledge: so the most ignominious fate, when it is predicted as part of a divine plan of salvation, ceases to be ignominious; above all, when the very person over whom such a fate impends, also possesses the prophetic spirit, which enables him to foresee and foretell it, and thus not only suffers, but participates in the divine prescience of his sufferings, he manifests himself as the ideal power over those suffering. But the fourth Evangelist has gone still farther on this track; he believes it due to the honour of Jesus to represent him as also the real power over his sufferings, as not having his life taken away by the violence of others, but as resigning it voluntarily (x. 17 f.): a representation which indeed already finds some countenance in Matt. xxvi. 53, where Jesus asserts the possibility of praying to the Father for legions of angels, in order to avert his sufferings.

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§ 112.

THE PREDICTIONS OF JESUS CONCERNING HIS DEATH IN GENERAL; THEIR RELATION TO THE JEWISH IDEA OF THE MESSIAH: DECLARATIONS OF JESUS CONCERNING THE OBJECT AND EFFECTS OF HIS DEATH.

In order to decide between these alternatives, we must first examine whether, prior to the death of Jesus, and independently of that event, the messianic ideas of the age included the characteristics of suffering and death. If already in the lifetime of Jesus it was the Jewish opinion that the Messiah must die a violent death, then it is highly probable that Jesus imbibed this idea as a part of his convictions, and communicated it to his disciples; who, in that case, could so much the less have remained uninstructed on this point, and overwhelmed by the actual result, in the degree alleged by the Evangelists. If, on the contrary, that idea was not diffused among his countrymen before the death of Jesus, it still remains possible that Jesus might arrive at that idea by his private reflection; but it is a prior possibility that the disciples were the first to adopt the characteristics of suffering and death into their conception of the Messiah, after they had been taught by the issue.

Although, according to this, it cannot be proved, and is even not probable, that the idea of a suffering Messiah already existed among the Jews in the time of Jesus: it is still possible that, even without such a precedent, Jesus himself, by an observation of circumstances, and a comparison of them with Old Testament narratives and prophecies, might come to entertain the belief that suffering and death were a part of the office and destination of the Messiah; and if so, it would be more natural that he should embrace this conviction gradually in the course of his public ministry, and that he should chiefly have confined his communications on the subject to his intimate friends, than that he should have had this conviction from the beginning, and have expressed it before indifferent persons, nay enemies. The latter is the representation of John; the former, of the synoptists.

Thus Jesus might by psychological reflection come to the conviction that such a catastrophe would be favourable to the spiritual development of his disciples, and that it was indispensable for the spiritualizing of their messianic ideas, nay, in accordance with national conceptions, and by a consideration of Old Testament passages, even to the idea that his messianic death would have an expiatory efficacy. Still, what the synoptists make Jesus say of his death, as a sin offering, might especially appear to belong rather to the system which was developed after the death of Jesus; and what the fourth Evangelist puts into his mouth concerning the Paraclete, to have been conceived ex eventu: so that, again, in these expressions of Jesus concerning the object of his death, there must be a separation of the general from the special.

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§ 113.

PRECISE DECLARATIONS OF JESUS CONCERNING HIS FUTURE RESURRECTION.

According to the evangelical accounts, Jesus predicted his resurrection in words not less clear than those in which he announced his death, and also fixed the time of its occurrence with singular precision. As often as he said to his disciples, the Son of Man will be crucified, he added: And the third day he shall rise again, καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀναστήσεται, or ἐγερθήσεται (Matt. xvi. 21, xvii. 23, xx. 19 parall. comp. xvii. 9, xxvi. 32 parall.).

It is true, that as the conduct of the disciples, after the death of Jesus, speaks against such a prediction on the part of Jesus, so the conduct of his enemies appears to speak for it. For when, according to Matt. xxvii. 62 ff., the chief priests and Pharisees entreat Pilate to set a watch at the grave of Jesus, they allege as a reason for their request, that Jesus while yet alive had said: After three days I will rise again, μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐγείπομαι. But this narrative of the first gospel, which we can only estimate at a future point in our investigation, at present decides nothing, but only falls to one side of the dilemma, so that we must now say: if the disciples really so acted after the death of Jesus, then neither can he have decidedly foretold his resurrection, nor can the Jews in consideration of such a prediction have placed a watch at his grave; or, if the two latter statements be true, the disciples cannot have so acted.

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§ 114.

FIGURATIVE DISCOURSES, IN WHICH JESUS IS SUPPOSED TO HAVE ANNOUNCED HIS RESURRECTION.

If, according to this, on every interpretation of the expression, except the inadmissible one relative to the body of Jesus, the words ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις form a difficulty: a resource might be found in the narrative of the Acts, as being free from that determination of time. For here Stephen is only accused of saying, ὅτι Ἰ. ὁ Ναζ. οὗτος καταλύσει τὸν τόπον τοῦτον (τὸν ἅγιον), καὶ ἀλλάξει τὰ ἔθη ἃ παρέδωκε Μωϋσῇς. What is false in this allegation (for the witnesses against Stephen also are described as μάρτυρες ψευδεῖς), might be the second proposition, which speaks in literal terms of a changing of the institutes of Moses, and instead of this, Stephen, and before him Jesus, may very probably have said in the figurative signification above developed, καὶ πάλιν οἰκοδομήσει (—σω) αὐτὸν, or καὶ ἄλλον (ἀχειροποίητον) οἰκοδομήσει (—σω).

Thus the foreknowledge, as well as the prediction of the resurrection, was attributed to Jesus only after the issue; and in fact, it was an easy matter, with the groundless arbitrariness of Jewish exegesis, for the disciples and the authors of the New Testament to discover in the Old, types and prophecies of the resurrection. Not that they did this with crafty design, according to the accusation of the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist, and others of his class: but as he who has looked at the sun, long sees its image wherever he may turn his gaze; so they, blinded by their enthusiasm for the new Messiah, saw him on every page of the only book they read, the Old Testament, and in the conviction that Jesus was the Messiah, founded in the genuine feeling that he had satisfied their deepest need—a conviction and a feeling which we also still honour—they laid hold on supports which have long been broken, and which can no longer be made tenable by the most zealous efforts of an exegesis which is behind the age.

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§ 115.

THE DISCOURSES OF JESUS ON HIS SECOND ADVENT. CRITICISM OF THE DIFFERENT INTERPRETATIONS.

Not only did Jesus, according to the evangelical accounts, predict that he should return to life three days after his death; but also that at a later period, in the midst of the calamities which would issue in the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem, he should come in the clouds of heaven, to close the present period of the world, and by a general judgment, open the future age (Matt. xxiv. and xxv.; Mark. xiii.; Luke xvii. 22–37, xxi. 5–36).

Such inferences from the discourse before us would inflict a fatal wound on Christianity; hence it is natural that exegetists should endeavour by all means to obviate them. And as the whole difficulty consists in Jesus having apparently placed an event now long past, in immediate chronological connexion with one still future, three expedients are possible: either to deny that Jesus in part spoke of something now past, and to allege that he spoke solely of what is still future; or to deny that a part of his discourse relates to something still future, and thus to refer the entire prediction to what is already lying in the past; or lastly, to admit that the discourse of Jesus does indeed partly refer to something which is still future to us, but either to deny that he places the two series of events in immediate chronological succession, or to maintain that he has also noticed what is intermediate.

It thus appears that the discourse of Jesus will not as a whole, admit of being referred either to the destruction of the Jewish state, or to the events at the end of the world; it would therefore be necessarily referred to something distinct from both, if this twofold impossibility adhered alike to all its parts. But the case is not so; for while, on the one hand, what is said Matt. xxiv. 2, 3, 15 ff. of the devastation of the temple, cannot be referred to the end of the world: on the other hand, what is predicted xxv. 31 ff. of the judgment to be held by the Son of Man, will not suit the destruction of Jerusalem. As, according to this, in the earlier part of the discourse of Jesus, the destruction of Jerusalem is the predominant subject, but in the subsequent part, the end of all things: it is possible to make a division, so as to refer the former to the more proximate event, the latter to the more remote one. This is the middle path which has been taken by the majority of modern exegetists, and here the only question is: where is the partition to be made? As it must present a space of time within which the whole period from the destruction of Jerusalem to the last day may be supposed to fall, and which therefore would include many centuries, it must, one would think, be plainly indicated, so as to be easily and unanimously found. It is no good augury for the plan, that this unanimity does not exist,—that, on the contrary, the required division is made in widely different parts of the discourse of Jesus.

Thus the last attempt to discover in the discourse before us the immense interval which, looking from our position in the present day, is fixed between the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of all things, having failed; we are taught practically that that interval lies only in our own conception, which we are not justified in introducing into the text. And when we consider that we owe our idea of that interval only to the experience of many centuries, which have elapsed since the destruction of Jerusalem: it cannot be difficult to us to imagine how the author of this discourse, who had not had this experience, might entertain the belief that shortly after the fall of the Jewish sanctuary, the world itself, of which, in the Jewish idea, that sanctuary was the centre, would also come to an end, and the Messiah appear in judgment.

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§ 116.

ORIGIN OF THE DISCOURSES ON THE SECOND ADVENT.

The result just obtained involves a consequence, to avoid which has been the object of all the futile attempts at explanation hitherto examined: if, namely, Jesus conceived and declared that the fall of the Jewish sanctuary would be shortly followed by his visible return and the end of the world, while it is now nearly 1800 years since the one catastrophe, and yet the other has not arrived; it follows that in this particular he was mistaken. Hence expositors, who so far yield to exegetical evidence, as to agree with us in the above conclusion concerning the meaning of the discourse before us, seek from dogmatical considerations to evade this legitimate consequence.

There is only one point which Jesus, as the author of this discourse, could not have gathered from any types, but must have drawn entirely from himself: namely, the declaration that the catastrophe which he described would arrive within the present generation. This prediction we must hesitate to derive from a supernatural knowledge, for the reason, already noticed, that it is only half fulfilled: while the other side of the fact, the striking fulfilment of at least the one half of the prophecy, might incline us to distrust the supposition of a merely natural calculation, and to regard this determination of time as a feature introduced into the discourse of Jesus after the issue. Meanwhile, it is clear from the passages cited at the conclusion of the last section, that the apostles themselves expected the return of Christ to take place within their lifetime; and it is not improbable that Jesus also believed that this event, together with the ruin of the city and temple, which according to Daniel was to precede it, was very near at hand. The more general part of the expectation, namely, the appearing at some future time in the clouds of heaven, to awake the dead, to sit in judgment, and to found an everlasting kingdom, would necessarily, from a consideration of Daniel, where such a coming is ascribed to the Son of man, be contemplated by Jesus as a part of his own destiny, so soon as he held himself to be the Messiah; while, with regard to the time, it was natural that he should not conceive a very long interval as destined to elapse between his first messianic coming in humiliation, and his second, in glory.

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Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · His predictions concerning particular circumstances of his passion, uttered shortly before its occurrence, in the last days of his life, canNote 2 · Comp. Olshausen, bibl. Comm., 1, s. 528. ↑Note 3 · Gesenius, Jesaias, iii. 137 ff.; Hitzig, Comm. zu Jes., s. 550. ↑Note 4 · Gesenius, ut sup. s. 158 ff.; Hitzig, s. 577 ff.; Vatke, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 528 ff. ↑Note 5 · De Wette, Comm. zu den Psalmen, s. 514 ff.; 3te Aufl. ↑Note 6 · Ibid. s. 224 ff. ↑Note 7 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, b, s. 677 ff., and De Wette in loc. ↑Note 8 · See this view developed by Fritzsche, Comm. in Marc, p. 381 f. ↑Note 9 · Vid. Fritzsche, ut sup. ↑Note 10 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 415 ff.; Ammon, bibl. Theol. 2, s. 377 f.; Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 246. Fritzsche also, ut sup. and Weisse, 1,Note 11 · Bertholdt, Einleitung in d. N. T. 1305 ff.; Wegscheider, Einl. in das Evang. Johannis, s. 271 f. ↑Note 12 · Daniel, übersetzt und erklärt von Bertholdt, 2, s. 541 ff., 660 ff.; Rosenmüller, Schol. in V. T. 7, 4, p. 339 ff. ↑Note 13 · De Wette, de morte Christi expiatoria, in his Opusc. Theol., p. 130; Hase, L. J. § 06. ↑Note 14 · Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Junger, s. 114 ff. 153 f. ↑Note 15 · Ueber den Zweck und die Wirkungen des Todes Jesu, in the Göttingischen Bibliothek, 1, 4, s. 252 ff. ↑Note 16 · See the list in De Wette, ut sup. s. 6 ff. The most important voices for the existence of the idea in question in the time of Jesus, have beNote 17 · Comp. De Wette, bibl. Dogm, § 201 f.; Baumgarten Crusius, bibl. Theol. § 54. ↑Note 18 · Vid. De Wette, ut sup. § 189 ff. ↑Note 19 · Comp. De Wette, ut sup. § 193. ↑Note 20 · Gfrörer, Philo, 1, s. 495 ff. ↑Note 21 · A passage to this effect out of the law (νόμος) properly so called, would be difficult to find: De Wette, de morte, p. 72, refers to Isa. ixNote 22 · Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 179 f. ↑Note 23 · Vid. De Wette, de morte Chr. p. 73 f. ↑Note 24 · Comp. Gesenius, Jesaias 2, Th. s. 66; De Wette, Einleitung in das A. T. § 59, 3te Ausg. ↑Note 25 · Literal translation according to Hitzig, lii. 14:—As many were amazed at him, so disfigured, not human, was his appearance, and his form noNote 26 · Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 182 f.; Eisenmenger, entdecktes Judenthum, 2, s. 758. ↑Note 27 · Ap. Schöttgen, 2 s. 181 f. ↑Note 28 · De Wette, de morte Chr. expiatoria, ut sup. s. 50. ↑Note 29 · vii. 29. ↑Note 30 · Schöttgen, 2, s. 509 ff.; Schmidt, Christologische Fragmente, in his Bibliothek, 1, s. 24 ff.; Bertholdt, Christol. Jud., § 13. ↑Note 31 · Schmidt, ut sup.; Bertholdt, ut sup., § 16. ↑Note 32 · Pesikta in Abkath Rochel, ap. Schmidt, s. 48 f. ↑Note 33 · Sohar, P. II. lxxxv. 2, ap. Schmidt, § 47 f. ↑Note 34 · Gemara Sanhedrin, f. xcviii. 1; ap. De Wette, de morte Chr., p. 95 f., and ap. Hengstenberg, s. 292. ↑Note 35 · Sohar, P. II. f. lxxx. ii. 2; ap. De Wette, s. 94: Cum Israëlitæ essent in terra sancta, per cultus religiosos et sacrificia quæ faciebanto,Note 36 · Vid. Bertholdt, ut sup. § 17. ↑Note 37 · De Wette, de morte Chr., p. 112; comp. 53 ff. ↑Note 38 · Hase, L. J. § 108. ↑Note 39 · 1 His predictions concerning particular circumstances of his passion, uttered shortly before its occurrence, in the last days of his life, cNote 40 · Ibid. and § 109. ↑Note 41 · See his animated and impressive treatise, vom Zweck, u. s. f., s. 121 ff. Comp. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 224 ff., and De Wette, exeNote 42 · Thus especially Herder, vom Erlöser der Menschen, s. 133 ff. Briefe über den Rationalismus, s. 227. Comp. Kuinöl, Comm. in Matth., p. 444 f.Note 43 · LXX.: ὑγιάσει ἡμᾶς μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας· ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ ἐξαναστησόμεθα, καὶ ζησόμεθα ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ. ↑Note 44 · Comp. Süskind, einige Bemerkungen über die Frage, ob Jesus seine Auferstehung bestimmt vorhergesagt habe? in Flatt’s Magazin, 7, s. 203 ff. Note 45 · Paulus, ut sup. 2, s. 415 ff.; Hase, L. J. § 109. ↑Note 46 · E.g. Lücke, 1, s. 426; comp., on the contrary, Tholuck, in loc. ↑Note 47 · Vid. Tholuck, ut sup. ↑Note 48 · Henke, Joannes apostolus nonnullorum Jesu apophthegmatum in evang. suo et ipse interpres. In Pott’s and Ruperti’s Sylloge Comm. theol. 1, s.Note 49 · Thus, besides Henke in the above Programm, Herder, von Gottes Sohn nach Johannes Evang., s. 135 f.; Paulus, Comm. 4, s. 165 f.; L. J. 1, a, Note 50 · Storr, in Flatt’s Magazin, 4, s. 199. ↑Note 51 · Tholuck and Olshausen, in loc. ↑Note 52 · Hence Neander remains suspended in indecision between the two, s. 395 f. ↑Note 53 · Thus Kern, die Hauptthatsachen der evang. Gesch., Tüb. Zeitschrift, 1836, 2, s. 128. ↑Note 54 · Thus Olshausen. ↑Note 55 · Kern says, indeed, that a similar doubleness of meaning is found elsewhere in significant discourse; but he refrains from adducing an examplNote 56 · Probab., p. 23 ff. ↑Note 57 · Comp. Neander, s. 396, Anm. ↑Note 58 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. in loc. ↑Note 59 · Comp. Fritzsche and Olshausen, in loc. ↑Note 60 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 2, s. 97 ff. Schulz, über das Abendm., s. 317 f. ↑Note 61 · Süskind, ut sup. s. 184 ff. ↑Note 62 · Vid. Lücke, in loc. ↑Note 63 · Vid. de Wette, Comm. über die Psalmen, s. 178. ↑Note 64 · Compare, on the import and connexion of this discourse, Fritzsche, in Matth., p. 695 ff; De Wette, exeg. Handb., 1, 1, s. 197 ff; Weizel, diNote 65 · Vom Zweck Jesu und seiner Jünger, s. 184, 201 ff., 207 ff. ↑Note 66 · The former adv. hæres. v. 25; the latter, Comm. in Matth. in loc. Compare on the different interpretations of this passage the list in SchotNote 67 · Bahrdt., Uebersetzung des N. T., 1, s. 1103, 3te Ausg.; Eckermann, Handb. der Glaubenslehre, 2, s. 579, 3, s. 427, 437, 709 ff; and others iNote 68 · This is the opinion of Lightfoot, in loc., Flatt, Comm. de notione vocis βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν, in Velthusen’s und A. Sammlung 2, 461 ff.; JaNote 69 · Thus especially Jahn, in the treatise above cited. ↑Note 70 · Kern, Hauptthatsachen der evang. Geschichte, Tüb. Zeitschr. 1836, 2, s. 140 ff. ↑Note 71 · Thus Storr, Opusc. acad. 3, s. 34 ff.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 346 f. 402 f. ↑Note 72 · Ut sup. s. 188. ↑Note 73 · Storr, ut sup. s. 39, 116 ff. ↑Note 74 · Paulus, in loc. ↑Note 75 · Vid. Kuinöl in Matt., s. 649. ↑Note 76 · Comp. the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist, ut sup. s. 190 ff. Schott, ut sup. s. 127 ff. ↑Note 77 · Kern, ut sup. s. 141 f. That Jesus conceived the epoch at which he spoke to be separated from the end of the world by a far longer interval Note 78 · The former is chosen by Süskind, vermischte Aufsätze, s. 90 ff.; the latter by Kuinöl, in Matth., p. 653 ff. ↑Note 79 · See his Commentarius, in loc. ↑Note 80 · Ueber das Abendmahl, s. 315 f. ↑Note 81 · Ueber den Ursprung des ersten kanon. Evangel., s. 119 ff. Also Weisse, ut sup. ↑Note 82 · Ueber den Lukas, s. 215 ff., 265 ff. Here also his opinion is approved by Neander, s. 562. ↑Note 83 · Olshausen, bibl. Comm. 1, s. 865; Kern, ut sup. s. 138 ff. Comp. Steudel Glaubensl. s. 479 ff. ↑Note 84 · [“Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht:” Schiller. Tr.] ↑Note 85 · Comp. especially Weizel, die Zeit des jüngsten Tags u. s. f. in den Studien der evang. Geistlichkeit Würtembergs, 9, 2, s. 140 ff., 154 ff. Note 86 · According to Kern, the appearing of the Son of Man in the clouds, signifies “the manifestation of everything which forms so great an epoch iNote 87 · Hengstenberg, Christologie des A. T., 1, a, s. 305 ff. ↑Note 88 · Exeg. Handb. 3, a, s. 403. Comp. also Kern, Hauptthatsachen, ut sup. s. 137. ↑Note 89 · Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 865 ff. ↑Note 90 · Ueber den Ursprung u. s. f., s. 119. Weisse advances a similar opinion, ut sup. ↑Note 91 · Compare also my Streitschriften, 1, 1, conclusion. ↑Note 92 · Comp. e.g. Gratz, Comm. zum Matth. 2, 444 ff. ↑Note 93 · Antiq. xx. viii. 6 (comp. bell. jud. ii. xiii. 4.): And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wiNote 94 · Bell. jud. v. xii. 1, 2. ↑Note 95 · More ample comparisons of the results mentioned by Josephus and others, with the prophecy, see in Credner, Einleit. in das N. T. 1, s. 207. Note 96 · Bertholdt, Daniel übersetzt und erklärt, 2, s. 668 ff.; Paulus, exeg. Handb. 3, a, s, 340 f.; De Wette, Einleit. in das A. T., § 254 ff. ↑Note 97 · Kaiser, bibl. Theol. 1, s. 247; Credner, Einl. in das N. T. 1, s. 206 f. ↑Note 98 · De Wette, Einl. in das N. T., § 97, 101. Exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 204, 1, 2, s. 103. ↑Note 99 · Paulus, Fritzsche, De Wette in loc. ↑Note 100 · B. j. V. xii. 1: To encompass the whole city round with his army, was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude and the difficulty of the siNote 101 · B. j. V. xi. 1 ff, xii. 1. ↑Note 102 · Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 509 ff.; Bertholdt, § 13; Schmidt, Biblioth. 1, s. 24 ff. ↑Note 103 · Vid. Schöttgen, 2, s. 525 f. ↑Note 104 · Antiq. X. xi. 7. After having interpreted the little horn of Antiochus, he briefly adds: In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerninNote 105 · Vid. Joseph., Antiq. xii. v. ↑Note 106 · Vid. Hase, L. J., § 130. ↑Note 107 · The passages bearing on this subject are collected and explained in Schott, Commentarius, etc., p. 364 ff. Comp. Lücke, in loc. and Weizel, Note 108 · Vid. Tholuck, in loc. ↑Note 109 · Comp. Tholuck, ut sup. ↑Note 110 · Thus Lücke, and also Tholuck, in loc.; Schott, p. 409. ↑Note 111 · Olshausen, 1, s. 870. ↑Note 112 · Fleck, de regno divino, p. 483. ↑Note 113 · According to the gospels, Jesus more than once, and while the result was yet distant,1 predicted to his disciples that sufferings and a violNote 114 · There are two modes of explaining how Jesus could so precisely foreknow the particular circumstances of his passion and death; the one restiNote 115 · According to this opinion,8 there was no difficulty in foreseeing that it would be the ruling sacerdotal party to which Jesus must succumb, Note 116 · If then Jesus cannot have had so precise a foreknowledge of the circumstances of his passion and death, either in a supernatural or a naturaNote 117 · If in this manner we subtract from the declarations of Jesus concerning his approaching fate, attributed to him in the gospels, all which reNote 118 · It may appear surprising if, after this admission, we still put the question, whether, according to the New Testament representation, it be Note 119 · The question whether the idea of a suffering and dying Messiah was already diffused among the Jews in the time of Jesus, is one of the most Note 120 · In the New Testament, almost everything is calculated to give the impression, that a suffering and dying Messiah was unthought-of among the Note 121 · If, according to this, the opinion that the idea in question already existed among the countrymen of Jesus during his lifetime, has no solidNote 122 · In relation also to the declarations of Jesus concerning the object and effects of his death, we can, as above in relation to the announcemeNote 123 · But of this announcement also it is said, that the disciples understood it not; so little, that they even debated among themselves what the Note 124 · It has been attempted to blunt the edge of this dilemma, by attributing to the above predictions, not the literal sense, that the deceased JNote 125 · As however Jesus, judging from the conduct of his disciples after his death, cannot have announced his resurrection in plain words: other coNote 126 · According to the fourth gospel, Jesus, at the very commencement of his ministry, in figurative language, referred his enemies, the Jews, to Note 127 · By these difficulties modern exegetists have felt constrained to renounce John’s explanation of the words of Jesus, as erroneous and made exNote 128 · Thus alike invited and repelled by both explanations,52 theologians take refuge in a double sense, which holds the middle place either betweNote 129 · Meanwhile, this expedient is not at all needful, so far as any insurmountable difficulty in the words ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις, is concerned. As thNote 130 · As, here, Jesus is said to have intimated his resurrection beforehand, by the image of the destroying and rebuilding of the temple, so, on aNote 131 · On these grounds, modern critics have pronounced the explanation of the σημεῖον Ἰωνᾶ in Matthew to be an interpretation made post eventum byNote 132 · There are still some expressions of Jesus in the fourth gospel, which have been understood as latent prophecies of the resurrection. The disNote 133 · After all, there might seem to be a resource in the supposition, that though Jesus did not indeed speak of his future resurrection, it was nNote 134 · As Jesus for the last time went out of the temple (Luke has not this circumstance), and his disciples (Luke says indefinitely, some) admirinNote 135 · Thus in these discourses Jesus announces that shortly (εὐθέως, xxiv. 29), after that calamity, which (especially according to the representaNote 136 · Some of the Fathers of the Church, as Irenæus and Hilary—yet living in the primitive expectation of the return of Christ, and at the same tiNote 137 · To modern rationalism, based as it was on naturalistic principles, the hope of the second advent of Christ was in every form annihilated. HeNote 138 · Thus much on the one hand appeared to be decided: that at least the close of the 25th chapter, from v. 31, with its description of the solemNote 139 · The attempt to effect a division near the end of the discourse, at xxv. 30, failing, from its rendering much that goes before incapable of eNote 140 · Thus there is still at v. 34 something which must be referred to an event very near to the time of Jesus: hence the discourse of Jesus cannoNote 141 · Thus the declaration v. 34 which, together with the preceding symbolical discourse on the fig tree (v. 32 f.), and the appended asseverationNote 142 · Nor is this imputed to him by the most recent critics. According to them, it is the Evangelist who has joined together, not in the best ordeNote 143 · Thus it is impossible to evade the acknowledgment, that in this discourse, if we do not mutilate it to suit our own views, Jesus at first spNote 144 · Hengstenberg, as is well known, has advanced, in relation to the history of the Hebrew prophets, the following theory, which has met with apNote 145 · Even Olshausen considers this theory, which he elsewhere adopts, insufficient in the present case to remove all appearance of error on the pNote 146 · Sieffert, likewise, regards the grounds on which Olshausen seeks to free the assertions of Jesus concerning his return from the imputation oNote 147 · But have we no other grounds for questioning that Jesus really uttered the predictions contained in Matt xxiv. and xxv. parall.? In pursuingNote 148 · When on the orthodox point of view, from the impossibility of foreseeing such particulars in a natural manner, it is concluded that Jesus haNote 149 · In opposition to these two opinions, that the prophecy in question had a supernatural source, and that it was only made after the issue; it Note 150 · According to these theologians, we are on the wrong track in seeking the counterpart of these prophecies forwards, in the result; since it wNote 151 · Another question is, whether the principal feature in the picture before us, the destruction of the temple and the devastation of Jerusalem,Note 152 · One objection to the genuineness of the synoptical discourses on the second advent, is yet in reserve; it has, however, less weight in our pNote 153 · If, according to this, all the main features of the doctrine of the second advent are put into the mouth of Jesus in the fourth gospel also,
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