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The Life of Jesus Critically Examined

Chapter III · ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE CONCEPTION OF JESUS.—ITS SUPERNATURAL CHARACTER.—VISIT OF MARY TO ELIZABETH.

George Eliot translation

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§ 23.

SKETCH OF THE DIFFERENT CANONICAL AND APOCRYPHAL ACCOUNTS.

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§ 24.

DISAGREEMENTS OF THE CANONICAL GOSPELS IN RELATION TO THE FORM OF THE ANNUNCIATION.

After the foregoing general sketch, we now proceed to examine the external circumstances which, according to our Gospels, attended the first communication of the future birth of Jesus to Mary and Joseph. Leaving out of sight, for the present, the special import of the annunciation, namely, that Jesus should be supernaturally begotten of the Holy Ghost, we shall, in the first place, consider merely the form of the announcement; by whom, when, and in what manner it was made.

As the birth of the Baptist was previously announced by an angel, so the conception of Jesus was, according to the gospel histories, proclaimed after the same fashion. But whilst, in the one case, we have but one history of the apparition, that of Luke; in the other we have two accounts, accounts however which do not correspond, and which we must now compare. Apart from the essential signification the two accounts exhibit the following differences. 1. The individual who appears is called in Matthew by the indefinite appellation, angel of the Lord, ἄγγελος Κυρίου: in Luke by name, the angel Gabriel, ὁ ἄγγελος Γαβριὴλ. 2. The person to whom the angel appears is, according to Matthew, Joseph, according to Luke, Mary. 3. In Matthew the apparition is seen in a dream, in Luke whilst awake. 4. There is a disagreement in relation to the time at which the apparition took place: according to Matthew, Joseph receives the heavenly communication after Mary was already pregnant: according to Luke it is made to Mary prior to her pregnancy. 5. Lastly, both the purpose of the apparition and the effect produced are different; it was designed, according to Matthew, to comfort Joseph, who was troubled on account of the pregnancy of his betrothed: according to Luke to prevent, by a previous announcement, all possibility of offence.

Consequently, in order to rescue Mary’s character, without bringing reproach upon Joseph’s, and at the same time to render his unbelief intelligible, interpreters have been compelled to assume that a communication, though a tardy one, was actually made by Mary to Joseph. Like the last-named apocryphal Gospel, they introduce a journey, not of Joseph, but of Mary—the visit to Elizabeth mentioned in Luke—to account for the postponement of the communication. It is probable, says Paulus, that Mary did not open her heart to Joseph before this journey, because she wished first to consult with her older friend as to the mode of making the disclosure to him, and whether she, as the mother of the Messiah, ought to marry.

Since then, to suppose that the two accounts are parallel, and complete one another, leads unavoidably to results inconsistent with the sense of the Gospels, in so far as they evidently meant to represent the characters of Joseph and Mary as free from blemish; the supposition cannot be admitted, but the accounts mutually exclude each other. An angel did not appear, first to Mary, and also afterwards to Joseph; he can only have appeared either to the one or to the other. Consequently, it is only the one or the other relation which can be regarded as historical. And here different considerations would conduct to opposite decisions. The history in Matthew might appear the more probable from the rationalistic point of view, because it is more easy to interpret naturally an apparition in a dream; whilst that in Luke might be preferred by the supranaturalist, because the manner in which the suspicion cast upon the holy virgin is refuted is more worthy of God. But in fact, a nearer examination proves, that neither has any essential claim to be advanced before the other. Both contain an angelic apparition, and both are therefore encumbered with all the difficulties which, as was stated above in relation to the annunciation of the birth of the Baptist, oppose the belief in angels and apparitions. Again, in both narrations the import of the angelic message is, as we shall presently see, an impossibility. Thus every criterion which might determine the adoption of the one, and the rejection of the other, disappears; and we find ourselves, in reference to both accounts, driven back by necessity to the mythical view.

From this point of view, all the various explanations, which the Rationalists have attempted to give of the two apparitions, vanish of themselves. Paulus explains the apparition in Matthew as a natural dream, occasioned by Mary’s previous communication of the announcement which had been made to her; and with which Joseph must have been acquainted, because this alone can account for his having heard the same words in his dream, which the angel had beforehand addressed to Mary: but much rather, is it precisely this similarity in the language of the presumed second angel to that of the first, with the absence of all reference by the latter to the former, which proves that the words of the first angel were not presupposed by the second. Besides, the natural explanation is annihilated the moment the narratives are shown to be mythical. The same remark applies to the explanation, expressed guardedly indeed by Paulus, but openly by the author of the Natural History of the Great Prophet of Nazareth, namely, that the angel who visited Mary (in Luke) was a human being; of which we must speak hereafter.

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§ 25.

IMPORT OF THE ANGEL’S MESSAGE.—FULFILMENT OF THE PROPHECY OF ISAIAH.

In Matthew, where the main point is to dissipate Joseph’s anxiety, the angel begins at once with the communication, that the child conceived by Mary is (as the Evangelist had already stated of his own accord, chap. i. 18), of the Holy Ghost (πνεῦμα ἅγιον); and hereupon the Messianic destination of Jesus is first pointed out by the expression, He shall save his people from their sins. This language may seem to sound less Jewish than that by which the Messianic station of the child who should be born, is set forth in Luke; it is however to be observed, that under the term sins (ἁμαρτίαις) is comprehended the punishment of those sins, namely, the subjection of the people to a foreign yoke; so that here also the Jewish element is not wanting; as neither in Luke, on the other hand, is the higher destination of the Messiah left wholly out of sight, since under the term to reign, βασιλεύειν, the rule over an obedient and regenerated people is included. Next is subjoined by the angel, or more probably by the narrator, an oracle from the Old Testament, introduced by the often recurring phrase, all this was done, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet [v. 22]. It is the prophecy from Isaiah (chap. vii. 14) which the conception of Jesus after this manner should accomplish: namely, a virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call His name Emmanuel—God-with-us.

We have here in fact a complete table of all the four possible views on this point: two extreme and two conciliatory; one false and one, it is to be hoped, correct.

1. Orthodox view (Hengstenberg and others): Such Old Testament passages had in their very origin an exclusive prophetic reference to Christ, for the New Testament writers so understand them; and they must be in the right even should human reason be confounded.

2. Rationalistic view (Paulus and others): The New Testament writers do not assign a strictly Messianic sense to the Old Testament prophecies, for this reference to Christ is foreign to the original signification of these prophecies viewed by the light of reason; and the New Testament writings must accord with reason, whatever ancient beliefs may say to the contrary.

3. Mystical conciliatory view (Olshausen and others): The Old Testament passages originally embody both the deeper signification ascribed to them by the New Testament writers, and that more proximate meaning which common sense obliges us to recognize: thus sound reason and the ancient faith are reconcilable.

Accordingly we shall not hesitate for a moment to allow, in relation to the prophecy in question, that the reference to Jesus is obtruded upon it by the Evangelists. Whether the actual birth of Jesus of a virgin gave rise to this application of the prophecy, or whether this prophecy, interpreted beforehand as referring to the Messiah, originated the belief that Jesus was born of a virgin, remains to be determined.

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§ 26.

JESUS BEGOTTEN OF THE HOLY GHOST. CRITICISM OF THE ORTHODOX OPINION.

The statement of Matthew and of Luke concerning the mode of Jesus’s conception has, in every age, received the following interpretation by the church; that Jesus was conceived in Mary not by a human father, but by the Holy Ghost. And truly the gospel expressions seem, at first sight, to justify this interpretation; since the words πρὶν ἢ συνελθεῖν αὐτοὺς (Matt. i. 18) and ἐπεὶ ἄνδρα οὐ γινώσκω (Luke i. 34) preclude the participation of Joseph or any other man in the conception of the child in question. Nevertheless the terms πνεῦμα ἅγιον and δύναμις ὑψίστου do not represent the Holy Ghost in the sense of the church, as the third person in the Godhead, but rather the ‏רוּחַ אֱלֹהִים‎, Spiritus Dei as used in the Old Testament: God in his agency upon the world, and especially upon man. In short the words ἐν γαστρὶ ἔχουσα ἐκ πνεύματος ἁγίου in Matthew, and πνεῦμα ἅγιον ἐπελεύσεται ἐπὶ σὲ κ.τ.λ. in Luke, express with sufficient clearness that the absence of human agency was supplied—not physically after the manner of heathen representations—but by the divine creative energy.

Though this seems to be the representation intended by the evangelists in the passages referred to concerning the origin of the life of Jesus, still it cannot be completed without considerable difficulties. We may separate what we may term the physico-theological from the historical-exegetical difficulties.

Just as little as in the Gospels, is anything in confirmation of the view of the supernatural conception of Jesus, to be found in the remaining New Testament writings. For when the Apostle Paul speaks of Jesus as made of a woman, γενόμενον ἐκ γυναικὸς (Gal. iv. 4), this expression is not to be understood as an exclusion of paternal participation; since the addition made under the law, γενόμενον ὑπὸ νόμον, clearly shows that he would here indicate (in the form which is frequent in the Old and New Testament, for example Job xiv. 1; Matt. xi. 11) human nature with all its conditions. When Paul (Rom. i. 3, 4 compared with ix. 5) makes Christ according to the flesh, κατὰ σάρκα, descend from David, but declares him to be the son of God according to the Spirit of Holiness, κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης; no one will here identify the antithesis flesh and spirit with the maternal human participation, and the divine energy superseding the paternal participation in the conception of Jesus. Finally when in the Epistle to the Hebrews (vii. 3) Melchisedec is compared with the son of God, υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ, because without father, ἀπάτωρ, the application of the literally interpreted ἀπάτωρ to Jesus, as he appeared upon earth, is forbidden by the addition without mother, ἀμήτωρ, which agrees as little with him as the immediately following without descent, ἀγενεαλόγητος.

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§ 27.

RETROSPECT OF THE GENEALOGIES.

Consequently, the decision of the learned theologians who agree that these genealogies were composed in the belief that Jesus was the actual son of Joseph and Mary, can hardly be disputed; but the authors or compilers of our Gospels, notwithstanding their own conviction of the divine origin of Jesus, received them among their materials; only that Matthew (i. 16) changed the original Joseph begat Jesus of Mary—Ἰωσὴφ δὲ ἐγέννησε τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐκ της Μαρίας (comp. verses 3. 5. 6) according to his own view; and so likewise Luke (iii. 23) instead of commencing his genealogy simply with, Jesus—the son of Joseph—Ἰησοῦς υἱὸς Ἰωσὴφ, inserts being as was supposed, ὢν, ὡς ἐνομίζετο κ.τ.λ.

Let it not be objected that the view for which we contend, namely, that the genealogies could not have been composed under the notion that Joseph was not the father of Jesus, leaves no conceivable motive for incorporating them into our present Gospels. The original construction of a genealogy of Jesus, even though in the case before us it consisted simply in the adapting of foreign already existing genealogical tables to Jesus, required a powerful and direct inducement; this was the hope thereby to gain—the corporeal descent of Jesus from Joseph being presupposed—a main support to the belief in his Messiahship; whilst, on the other hand, a less powerful inducement was sufficient to incite to the admission of the previously constructed genealogies: the expectation that, notwithstanding the non-existence of any real relationship between Joseph and Jesus, they might nevertheless serve to link Jesus to David. Thus we find, that in the histories of the birth both in Matthew and in Luke, though they each decidedly exclude Joseph from the conception, great stress is laid upon the Davidical descent of Joseph (Matt. i. 20, Luke i. 27, ii. 4); that which in fact had no real significance, except in connexion with the earlier opinion, is retained even after the point of view is changed.

Hence it appears that we have in the genealogies a memorial, agreeing with indications from other sources, of the fact that in the very earliest Christian age, in Palestine, a body of Christians, numerous enough to establish upon distinct fundamental opinions two different Messianic tables of descent, considered Jesus to have been a naturally conceived human being. And no proof is furnished to us in the apostolic writings, that the Apostles would have declared this doctrine to be unchristian; it appeared so first from the point of view adopted by the authors of the histories of the birth in the first and third Gospels: notwithstanding which, however, it is treated with surprising lenity by the Fathers of the church.

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§ 28.

NATURAL EXPLANATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE CONCEPTION.

If, as appears from the foregoing statements, so many weighty difficulties, philosophical as well as exegetical, beset the supranaturalistic explanation, it is well worth while to examine whether it be not possible to give an interpretation of the gospel history which shall obviate these objections. Recourse has been had to the natural explanation, and the two narratives singly and conjointly have been successively subjected to the rationalistic mode of interpretation.

If consequently, the difficulty of the natural explanation of the two accounts be equally great, still, with respect to both it must be alike attempted or rejected; and for the consistent Rationalist, a Paulus for example, the latter is the only course. This commentator considers the participation of Joseph, indeed excluded by Matt. i. 18, but by no means that of every other man; neither can he find a supernatural divine intervention in the expression of Luke i. 35. The Holy Ghost—πνεῦμα ἅγιον—is not with him objective, an external influence operating upon Mary, but her own pious imagination. The power of the Highest—δύναμις ὑψίστου—is not the immediate divine omnipotence, but every natural power employed in a manner pleasing to God may be so called. Consequently, according to Paulus, the meaning of the angelic announcement is simply this: prior to her union with Joseph, Mary, under the influence of a pure enthusiasm in sacred things on the one hand, and by an human co-operation pleasing to God on the other, became the mother of a child who on account of this holy origin was to be called a son of God.

Let us examine rather more accurately the view which this representative of rationalistic interpretation takes of the particulars of the conception of Jesus. He begins with Elizabeth, the patriotic and wise daughter of Aaron, as he styles her. She, having conceived the hope that she might give birth to one of God’s prophets, naturally desired moreover that he might be the first of prophets, the forerunner of the Messiah; and that the latter also might speedily be born. Now there was among her own kinsfolk a person suited in every respect for the mother of the Messiah, Mary, a young virgin, a descendant of David; nothing more was needful than to inspire her likewise with such a special hope. Whilst these intimations prepare us to anticipate a cleverly concerted plan on the part of Elizabeth in reference to her young relative, in the which we hope to become initiated; Paulus here suddenly lets fall the curtain, and remarks, that the exact manner in which Mary was convinced that she should become the mother of the Messiah must be left historically undetermined; thus much only is certain, that Mary remained pure, for she could not with a clear conscience have stationed herself, as she afterwards did, under the Cross of her Son, had she felt that a reproach rested on her concerning the origin of the hopes she had entertained of him. The following is the only hint subsequently given of the particular view held by Paulus. It is probable, he thinks, that the angelic messenger visited Mary in the evening or even at night; indeed according to the correct reading of Luke i. 28, which has not the word angel, καὶ εἰσελθὼν πρὸς αὐτὴν εἰπε, without ὁ ἄγγελος, the evangelist here speaks only of some one who had come in. (As if in this case, the participle εἰσελθὼν must not necessarily be accompanied by τὶς; or, in the absence of the pronoun be referred to the subject, the angel Gabriel—ὁ ἄγγελος Γαβριὴλ, v. 26!) Paulus adds: that this visitant was the angel Gabriel was the subsequent suggestion of Mary’s own mind, after she had heard of the vision of Zacharias.

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§ 29.

HISTORY OF THE CONCEPTION OF JESUS VIEWED AS A MYTHUS.

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§ 30.

RELATION OF JOSEPH TO MARY—BROTHERS OF JESUS.

Olshausen, impelled by the same doctrinal motives which influenced the Fathers, is led in this instance to contradict both the evidence of grammar and of logic. He thinks that Joseph, without wishing to impair the sanctity of marriage, must have concluded after the experiences he had had (?) that his marriage with Mary had another object than the production of children; besides it was but natural (?) in the last descendant of the house of David, and of that particular branch from which the Messiah should come forth, to terminate her race in this last and eternal offshoot.

A curious ladder may be formed of these different beliefs and superstitions in relation to the connexion between Mary and Joseph.

1. Contemporaries of Jesus and composers of the genealogies: Joseph and Mary man and wife—Jesus the offspring of their marriage.

2. The age and authors of our histories of the birth of Jesus: Mary and Joseph betrothed only; Joseph having no participation in the conception of the child, and previous to his birth no conjugal connexion with Mary.

3. Olshausen and others: subsequent to the birth of Jesus, Joseph, though then the husband of Mary, relinquishes his matrimonial rights.

4. Epiphanius, Protevangelium Jacobi and others: Joseph a decrepit old man, no longer to be thought of as a husband: the children attributed to him are of a former marriage. More especially it is not as a bride and wife that he receives Mary; he takes her merely under his guardianship.

5. Protevang., Chrysostom and others: Mary’s virginity was not only not destroyed by any subsequent births of children by Joseph, it was not in the slightest degree impaired by the birth of Jesus.

6. Jerome: not Mary only but Joseph also observed an absolute virginity, and the pretended brothers of Jesus were not his sons but merely cousins to Jesus.

We have consequently no ground for denying that the mother of Jesus bore her husband several other children besides Jesus, younger, and perhaps also older; the latter, because the representation in the New Testament that Jesus was the first-born may belong no less to the mythus than the representation of the Fathers that he was an only son.

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§ 31.

VISIT OF MARY TO ELIZABETH.

The angel who announced to Mary her own approaching pregnancy, at the same time informed her (Luke i. 36) of that of her relative Elizabeth, with whom it was already the sixth month. Hereupon Mary immediately set out on a journey to her cousin, a visit which was attended by extraordinary occurrences; for when Elizabeth heard the salutation of Mary, the babe leaped in her womb for joy; she also became inspired, and in her exultation poured forth an address to Mary as the future mother of the Messiah, to which Mary responded by a hymn of praise (Luke i. 39–56).

Thus not only does the visit of Mary to Elizabeth with all the attendant circumstances disappear from the page of history, but the historical validity of the further details—that John was only half a year older than Jesus; that the two mothers were related; that an intimacy subsisted between the families;—cannot be affirmed on the testimony of Luke, unsupported by other authorities: indeed, the contrary rather will be found substantiated in the course of our critical investigations.

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Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Fabricius, Codex apocryphus N. T. 1, p. 19 ff. 66 ff.; Thilo, 1, p. 161 ff. 319 ff. ↑Note 2 · Gregory of Nyssa or his interpolator is reminded of this mother of Samuel by the apocryphal Anna when he says of her: Μιμεῖται τοίνυν καὶ αὕNote 3 · Evang. de nativ. Mar. c. 7: cunctos de domo et familia David nuptui habiles, non conjugatos. ↑Note 4 · Protev. Jac c. 8: τοὺς χηρεύοντας τοῦ λαοῦ. ↑Note 5 · It is thus in the Evang. de nativ. Mariae vii. and viii.; but rather different in the Protev. Jac. c. ix. ↑Note 6 · Protev. c. 9: πρεσβύτης. Evang. de nativ. Mar. 8.: grandaevus. Epiphan. adv. haeres. 78, 8: λαμβάνει τὴν Μαρίαν χῆρος, κατάγων ἡλικίαν περί Note 7 · Παράλαβε αὐτὴν εἰς τήρησιν σεαυτῷ. c. ix. Compare with Evang. de nativ. Mar. viii. and x. ↑Note 8 · See the variations in Thilo, p. 227, and the quotations from the Fathers at p. 365 not. ↑Note 9 · Numb. v. 18. ↑Note 10 · Protev. Jac. x.–xvi. The account in the Evang. de nativ. Mar. is less characteristic. ↑Note 11 · “Die natürliche Geschichte des grossen Propheten von Nazaret,” 1ter Band, s. 119 ff. ↑Note 12 · Augustin, de consens. evangelist. ii. 5. ↑Note 13 · Paulus, Olshausen, Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth. p. 56. ↑Note 14 · Comp. de Wette’s exeg. Handbuch, i. 1, s. 18. Schleiermacher, Ueber die Schriften des Lukas, s. 42 ff. ↑Note 15 · Protev. Jac. c. 12: Μαριὰμ δέ ἐπελάθετο τῶν μυστηρίων ὧν εἶπε πρὸς αὐτὴν Γαβριήλ. When questioned by Joseph she assures him with tears: οὐ γNote 16 · Geschichte der drei letzten Lebensjahre Jesu u. s. w. 1. Thl. s. 36. Comp. Hoffmann, s. 176 f. ↑Note 17 · Ch. viii.–x. ↑Note 18 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1 a, s. 121. 145. ↑Note 19 · To this opinion Neander inclines, L. J. Ch. s. 18. ↑Note 20 · Gen. xvii. 19; LXX. (Annunciation of Isaac): ἰδοὺ Σάῤῥα ἡ γυνή σου τέξεται σοι υἱὸν, καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἰσαάκ. Judg. xiii. 5. (AnnNote 21 · Comp. de Wette, Kritik der mos. Geschichte, s. 86 ff. ↑Note 22 · The vision which, according to Matthew, Joseph had in his sleep, had besides a kind of type in the vision by which, according to the Jewish Note 23 · Comp. Ammon, Fortbildung des Christenthums, i. s. 208 f. ↑Note 24 · Ueber die Schriften des Lukas, s. 23. ↑Note 25 · Compare Gesenius and Hitzig. Commentaren zum Jesaia; Umbreit, Ueber die Geburt des Immanuel durch eine Jungfrau, in den theol. Studien u. KrNote 26 · This explanation does away with the importance of the controversy respecting the word ‏עָלְמָה‎. Moreover it ought to be decided by the factNote 27 · Christologie des A. T. s. 1, b, s. 47. ↑Note 28 · See Winer, Grammatik des neutest. Sprachidioms, 3te Aufl. s. 382 ff. Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth. p. 49. 317 und Excurs. 1, p. 836 ff. ↑Note 29 · See the Introduction, § 14. ↑Note 30 · See Bleek in den theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1835, 2, s. 441 ff. ↑Note 31 · The whole rationalistic interpretation of Scripture rests upon a sufficiently palpable paralogism, by which it stands or falls: The New TestNote 32 · Conjugial. præcept. Opp. ed. Hutton, Vol. 7. s. 428. ↑Note 33 · Irenäus, adv. haer. 1, 26: Cerinthus, Jesum subjecit non ex virgine natum, impossibile enim hoc ei visum est. ↑Note 34 · In Henke’s neuem Magazin, iii. 3, s. 369. ↑Note 35 · Homil. in Lucam xiv. Comp. my Streitschriften, i. 2, s. 72 f. ↑Note 36 · Olshausen, Bibl. Comm. s. 49. Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 16 f. ↑Note 37 · e.g. by Eichhorn, Einleitung in das N. T. 1. Bd. s. 407. ↑Note 38 · Glaubenslehre, 2 Thl. § 97. s. 73 f. der zweiten Auflage. ↑Note 39 · This side is particularly considered in der Skiagraphie des Dogma’s von Jesu übernatürlicher Geburt, in Schmidt’s Bibliothek, i. 3, s. 400 fNote 40 · Brought to bear upon this point by Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 12. ↑Note 41 · Augustinus contra Faustum Manichaeum, L. 23. 3. 4. 8. ↑Note 42 · See Schmidt, Schleiermacher, and Wegscheider, Instit. § 123 (not. d). ↑Note 43 · Eichhorn thinks this probable, Einl. in das N. T. i. s. 425, De Wette possible, exeg. Handb. i. 1, s. 7. ↑Note 44 · Justin Mart. Dial. cum Tryphone, 48; Origines contra Celsum, L. 5, 61. Euseb. H. E. 3, 27. ↑Note 45 · Epiphan. haeres. 30, 14. ↑Note 46 · Haeres. 29, 9. ↑Note 47 · Credner, in den Beiträgen zur Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 443. Anm. ↑Note 48 · Orig. ut sup. ↑Note 49 · See Neander, K. G. 1, 2, s. 615 f. ↑Note 50 · Credner, über Essener, und einen theilweisen Zusammenhang beider, in Winer’s Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1. Bd. 2tes and 3teNote 51 · De carne Christi, c. 14: Poterit haec opinio Hebioni convenire, qui nudum hominem, et tantum ex semine David, i.e. non et Dei filium, constiNote 52 · Neander and Schneckenburger are of the latter, Gieseler and Credner of the former opinion. ↑Note 53 · I here refer to the account of Hegesippus in Eusebius, H. E. iv. 22. ↑Note 54 · Homil. 3, 23–27. ↑Note 55 · Epiphan. haeres. 30, 18. comp. 15. ↑Note 56 · That these were the traits in David’s character which displeased the Christian sect in question, is sufficiently evident from a passage in tNote 57 · Epiphan. haer. 30, 14. 16. 34. ↑Note 58 · Homil. 3, 17. ↑Note 59 · Schneckenburger, über das Evang. der Aegypter, s. 7; Baur, christl. Gnosis, s. 760 ff. See on the other side Credner and Hoffmann. ↑Note 60 · Orig. Comm. in Matth. T. 16, 12. Tertullian, De carne Christi, 14, s. Anm. 13 (a passage in which indeed the speculative and ordinary EbioniNote 61 · Clement, homil. 18, 13. They referred the words of Matth. xi. 27: οὐδεὶς ἔγνω τὸν πατέρα, εἰ μὴ ὁ υἱὸς κ.τ.λ. to τοὺς πατέρα νομίζοντας χρισNote 62 · Haeres. 30, 14: ὁ μὲν γὰρ Κήρινθος καὶ Κάρποκρας τῷ αὐτῷ χρώμενοι παρ’ αὐτοῖς (τοῖς Ἑβιωναίοις) εὐαγγελίῳ, ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχις τοῦ κατὰ Ματθαῖον εNote 63 · Dial. c. Tryph. 100. 120. ↑Note 64 · Br …, die Nachricht, dass Jesus durch den heil. Geist und von einer Jungfrau geboren sei, aus Zeitbegriffen erläutert. In Schmidt’s Bibl. 1,Note 65 · Bemerkungen über den Glaubenspunkt: Christus ist empfangen vom heil. Geist. In Henke’s neuem Magazin, 3, 3, 399. ↑Note 66 · Schleiermacher, über den Lukas, s. 26 f. ↑Note 67 · Im neuesten theol. Journal, 7. Bd. 4. Stück, s. 407 f. ↑Note 68 · Antiq. xviii. 3, 4. ↑Note 69 · Iter Theil, s. 140 ff. ↑Note 70 · The legend has undergone various modifications, but the name of Panthera or Pandira has been uniformly retained. Vid. Origenes c. Cels. 1, 2Note 71 · Orig. c. Celsus i. 32. ↑Note 72 · Ibid. vi. 8. ↑Note 73 · Ibid. i. 37. ↑Note 74 · Gabler, in seinem neuesten theol. Journal, 7, 4. s. 408 f.; Eichhorn, Einleitung in das N. T. 1, s. 428 f.; Bauer, hebr. Mythol. 1, 192 e ffNote 75 · Jamblich. vita Pythagoræ. cap. 2, ed. Kiessling. ↑Note 76 · Adv. Jovin. 1, 26. Diog. Laërt., 3, 1, 2. ↑Note 77 · Glaubwürdigkeit, s. 64. ↑Note 78 · Apologie des L. J. s. 92. ↑Note 79 · Diog. Laërt a. a. O.: Σπεύσιππος (Sororis Platonis filius, Hieron.) δ’· ἐν τῷ ἐπιγραφομένῳ Πλάτωνος περδείπνῳ καὶ Κλέαρχος ἐν τῷ Πλάτωνος ἐγNote 80 · Neander, L. J. Ch. s. 10. ↑Note 81 · Antiq. 15. 2. 6. ↑Note 82 · Gen. xviii., 14 Sept. μὴ ἀδυνατήσει παρὰ τῷ θεῷ ῥῆμα; Luke i. 37. ὅτι οὐκ ἀδυνατήσει παρὰ τῷ θεῷ πᾶν ῥῆμα.Note 83 · De Wette, Exeg. Handb. 1, 1, s. 17. ↑Note 84 · They are to be found however in the more modern Rabbins, s. Matthæi, Religionsgl. der Apostel 2, a. s. 555 ff. ↑Note 85 · Bibl. Comm. 1, s. 47. Also Daub. 2 a. s. 311 f; Theile, § 14. Neander, s. 9. ↑Note 86 · Diog. Laërt. a. a. O. See Origenes c. Cels. 1, 37. ↑Note 87 · Demonax, 29. ↑Note 88 · S. Origenes in Matthæum, Opp. ed. de la Rue, Vol. 3. s. 463. ↑Note 89 · The Arian Eunomius according to Photius taught τὸν Ἰωσὴφ μετὰ τὴν ἄφραστον κυοφορίαν συνάπτεσθαι τῇ παρθένῳ. This was also, according to EpiNote 90 · Comp. Hieron. adv. Helv. 6, 7, Theophylact and Suidas in Suicer, 1, s. v. ἔως, fol. 1294 f. ↑Note 91 · Hieron. z. d. St. ↑Note 92 · See Orig. in Matth. Tom. 10, 17; Epiphan. haeres. 78, 7; Historia Josephi, c. 2; Protev. Jac. 9. 18. ↑Note 93 · Chrysostomus, hom. 142, in Suicer, s. v. Μαρία, most repulsively described in the Protev. Jac. xix. and xx. ↑Note 94 · Hieron. ad Matth. 12, und advers. Helvid. 19. ↑Note 95 · Die Brüder Jesu. In Winer’s Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1, 3. s. 364 f. ↑Note 96 · Biblisches Realwörterbuch, 1 Bd. s. 664, Anm. De Wette, z. d. St. Neander L. J. Ch., s. 34. ↑Note 97 · Comment. in Matth. s. 53 ff., vgl. auch s. 835. ↑Note 98 · Olshausen is exceedingly unhappy in the example chosen by him in support of his interpretation of ἕως οὗ. For when it is said, we waited tilNote 99 · On this subject compare in particular Clemen, die Brüder Jesu, in Winer’s Zeitschrift für wiss. Theol. 1, 3, s. 329 ff.; Paulus, Exeg. HandbNote 100 · See the different names assigned them in the legend in Thilo, Codex apocryphus N.T., 1. s. 360 note. ↑Note 101 · Euseb. H. E. 2, 1. ↑Note 102 · Euseb. H. E. 3, 11. ↑Note 103 · Fritzsche, Comm. in Matth. p. 482. ↑Note 104 · Theile, Biographie Jesu, § 18. ↑Note 105 · Paulus, exeg. Handb. 1. a, s. 120 ff. ↑Note 106 · S. Olshausen und de Wette, z. d. St. ↑Note 107 · Hess, Geschichte Jesu, 1, s. 26; Olshausen, bibl. Comm. z. d. St.; Hoffmann, s. 226; Lange, s. 76 ff. ↑Note 108 · Compare Luke i. 47 with 1 Sam. ii. 1. Luke,, i. 49 1,, Sam.,, ii. 2. Luke,, i. 51 1,, Sam.,, ii. 3, 4. Luke,, i. 52 1,, Sam.,, ii. 8. Luke,Note 109 · 5 Band, 1. Stück, s. 161. f. ↑Note 110 · In Henke’s Museum, 1, 4, s. 725. ↑Note 111 · Ueber den Lukas, s. 23 f. ↑Note 112 · There is a striking gradation in the different representations of the conception and birth of Jesus given in the canonical and in the apocryNote 113 · Joachim, so says the apocryphal narrative, and Anna (the name of Samuel’s mother2) are unhappy on account of their long childless marriage (Note 114 · Since these apocryphal narratives were for a long period held as historical by the church, and were explained, equally with those of the canNote 115 · Where the discrepancies are so great and so essential, it may, at first sight, appear altogether superfluous to inquire whether the two EvanNote 116 · But this arrangement of the incidents is, as Schleiermacher has already remarked, full of difficulty14; and it seems that what is related byNote 117 · Still more incomprehensible is the conduct of the betrothed parties according to this arrangement of events. Had Mary been visited by an angNote 118 · More in accordance with the views of the natural interpreters, the Evangelium de nativitate Mariae,17 and subsequently some later writers, fNote 119 · It was not till after her return, and then most likely through the medium of others, that she made Joseph acquainted with her situation, andNote 120 · Those, therefore, who do not impute to Mary a line of conduct which certainly our Evangelists do not impute to her, must allow that she impaNote 121 · According to all that has been said, the following is the only judgment we can form of the origin of the two narratives of the angelic apparNote 122 · According to Luke, the angel who appears to Mary, in the first place informs her only that she shall become pregnant, without specifying aftNote 123 · The original sense of this passage in Isaiah is, according to modern research,25 this. The prophet is desirous of giving Ahaz, who, through Note 124 · Thus Paulus and his party are decidedly right in opposing to Hengstenberg and his party, that the prophecy of Isaiah has relation, in its orNote 125 · Many theologians of the present day are sufficiently impartial to admit, with regard to the Old Testament, in opposition to the ancient orthNote 126 · 4. Decision of criticism: Very many of the Old Testament prophecies had, originally, only an immediate reference to events belonging to the Note 127 · The physiological difficulties amount to this, that such a conception would be a most remarkable deviation from all natural laws. However obNote 128 · Even he who thinks to escape the difficulties already specified, by enveloping himself in a supranaturalism, inaccessible to arguments basedNote 129 · The most conclusive exegetical ground of decision against the supernatural conception of Jesus, which bears more closely on the point than aNote 130 · Since, in this way, we discover both the genealogies to be memorials belonging to the time and circle of the primitive church, in which JesuNote 131 · How is the strange phenomenon, that these genealogies are not found among that very sect of Christians who retained the particular opinion uNote 132 · But in this case the matter is by no means so difficult. It is known that the Fathers speak of two classes of Ebionites, of which the one, bNote 133 · By thus distinguishing the simple and the speculative Ebionites, so much is gained, that the failure of the genealogies among the latter claNote 134 · Concerning a second point the notices are not so lucid and accordant as they should be; namely, whether it was a further development of the Note 135 · Moreover positive indications, that the Ebionites who proceeded from Judaism possessed the genealogies, do not entirely fail. Whilst the EbiNote 136 · In the first place, the account in Matthew seemed susceptible of such an interpretation. Numerous rabbinical passages were cited to demonstrNote 137 · Gabler, in a review of Paulus’s Commentary67 has fully exposed, with commensurate plainness of speech, the transaction which lies concealed Note 138 · The author of the Natural History of the Great Prophet of Nazareth is, in this instance, to be considered as the most worthy interpreter of Note 139 · This whole view, of which the culminating point is in the calumny of the Jews, cannot be better judged than in the words of Origen. If, saysNote 140 · If, says Gabler in his review of the Commentary of Paulus, we must relinquish the supernatural origin of Jesus, in order to escape the ridicNote 141 · The proneness of the ancient world to represent the great men and benefactors of their race as the sons of the gods, has therefore been refeNote 142 · From these examples it might have been inferred that the narratives of the supernatural conception had possibly originated in a similar tendNote 143 · A more essential objection80 to the analogy is, that the representations of the heathen world prove nothing with respect to the isolated JewNote 144 · One objection yet remains, which I can no longer designate as peculiar to Olshausen, since other theologians have shown themselves solicitouNote 145 · Our Gospels, in the true spirit of the ancient legend, find it unbecoming to allow the mother of Jesus, so long as she bore the heavenly gerNote 146 · Some modern theologians agree with the Fathers of the Church in maintaining that no matrimonial connexion subsisted at any time between JoseNote 147 · The opinion that the ἀδελφοὶ (brothers) and ἀδελφαὶ Ἰησοῦ (sisters of Jesus) mentioned in the New Testament, were merely half brothers or inNote 148 · The real perplexity in the matter, however, originates in this: that besides the James and Joses spoken of as the brothers of Jesus, two menNote 149 · If, accordingly, those spoken of as ἀδελφοὶ Ἰησοῦ were merely cousins, and three of these were apostles, it must excite surprise that not onNote 150 · Thus the web of this identification gives way at all points, and we are forced back to the position whence we set out; so that we have againNote 151 · The rationalistic interpreter believes it to be an easy matter to give a natural explanation of this narrative of the Gospel of Luke. He is Note 152 · But there is much in this explanation which positively contradicts the text. In the first place, that Elizabeth should have learned the heavNote 153 · No fewer difficulties oppose the rationalistic than the supranaturalistic explanation of the hymn pronounced by Mary. For though it is not, Note 154 · Since then we find all the principal incidents of this visit inconceivable according to the supernatural interpretation; also that they willNote 155 · These are farther examples of the uncritical proceeding which pretends to disengage the mythical and poetical from the narrative, by pluckin
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