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The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Volume 2 of 2

The Eighteenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession

Alexander Rogers translation

When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift, which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners, everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to K͟hān Aʿz̤am, as it occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction, Bī-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah that He may never again regard him with favour. Those servants who in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more and more favours, each according to his degree. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan was raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawāzis͟h K. to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Bāqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse, with drums, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, ʿAzīzu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nūru-d-dīn Qulī to that of 2,000 and 700 horse, Rāja Rām Dās to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Lut̤fu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwaris͟h K. to that of 1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day and marched on the next. K͟hān ʿĀlam, having marched from Allahabad, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month I encamped at the village of Jhānsa (?).

On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours conferred on them.

Rāja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse, and a special elephant was presented to my son S͟hahriyār. The post of ʿArẓ-mukarrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Mūsawī K. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was given the title of K͟hān-zād K͟hān, was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was honoured with a flag and drums.

On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sārwalī. I had previously sent Ḥabas͟h K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I promoted my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz to the high mansab of 40,000 and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bī-daulat had sent off Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, to his own country to raise disturbances in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Ṣādiq K., chief Bakhshi, to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him, giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tūgh) and drums.

Sayyid Dilīr K. is of the Sayyids of Bārha; formerly his name was Sayyid ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800 horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They call twelve bāra in Hindi. As in the Dū-āb there are twelve villages near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they have become known as the Sayyids of Bārha. Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not been killed. Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka always said the Sayyids of Bārha were the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality the case.

Nānū K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices, were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their hearts in lofty employments. At this time Aṣālat K., s. K͟hān Jahān, was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h in Gujarat, and I sent Nūru-d-dīn Qulī into the Subah to bring S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.

On this day it was reported to me that Minū-chihr, s. S͟hāh-nawāz K., had separated himself from Bī-daulat under the guidance of good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz. Iʿtiqād K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.

On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sult̤ān Ḥusain, Zamindar of Paklī, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to S͟hādmān, his eldest son.

For retribution is according to natural law.

Briefly, Bī-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of trustworthy men and a body of the Bargīs from the Deccan on the bank of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards the fort of Āsīr and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqī, his servant, caught the runner whom K͟hān-k͟hānān had sent to Mahābat K., and took him to Bī-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter:

Hundreds are watching me

Otherwise I’d fly away from trouble.

Sayyid Ṣalābat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those employed in the Deccan. When Bī-daulat, having been defeated near Delhi, went to the fort of Māndū, he placed his children in independent territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes to pay his respects (to me). Mīrzā Ḥasan, s. Mīrzā Rustam Ṣafawī, having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdār of Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Having sent Laʿl Beg, Superintendent of the Record Department, to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, I sent with him a special dress of honour and a nādirī for him, and a turban for Mahābat K. K͟hawāṣṣ K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned, waited upon me with good news (of him). K͟hāna-zād K., s. Mahābat K., was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.

On the 15th of the Divine month of S͟hahrīwar Rustam K., Muḥammad Murād, and several other servants of Bī-daulat, who under the guidance of good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, according to orders came to Court, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muḥammad Murād to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily increasing favours. Rustam K. by extraction is a Badak͟hs͟hī. His name was Yūsuf Beg. He is connected with Muḥammad-qulī of Isfahan, who was agent for and prime minister of Mīrzā Sulaimān (of Badakhshan). He was first of all in the service of the Court, and passed his days mostly in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bī-daulat, and entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting. He also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the Rānā. Bī-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (S͟hāh Jahān), at his request I gave him the title of K͟hān, with a standard and drums. For some time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not manage badly. Muḥammad Murād is the son of Maqṣūd Mīr-āb (butler), who was one of the old servants of Mīrzā Sulaimān and Mīrzā S͟hāh-ruk͟h.

At this time a report came from my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz that Bī-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Taptī), and was wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the rebels, and withdrew towards Āsīr and Burhanpur. The K͟hān-k͟hānān and Dārāb he took with him under surveillance.

Briefly, when the news of his leaving Burhanpur and of the victorious army’s approaching that city reached me, I sent K͟hawāṣṣ K. on the wings of haste to my loyal son, and strongly impressed upon him that he must not relax his efforts, but must determine either to take him alive or to drive him out of the imperial territory. It was said that if things went badly with him on this side, it was probable that he would throw himself by the road of Qut̤bu-l-mulk’s country into the provinces of Orissa and Bengal. This, too, was in accordance with military plans. So out of caution, which is becoming to a ruler, I appointed Mīrzā Rustam to be governor of Allahabad and dismissed him with orders that if such circumstances should so occur (as S͟hāh Jahān’s going to Bengal), he should rectify matters.

Qāsim K. was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. Mīrak Muʿīn, Bakhshi of Kabul, at the request of Mahābat K., was honoured with the title of K͟hān. Alf K. Qiyām-k͟hānī, having come from the Subah of Patna, paid his respects, and was appointed to the charge of the fort of Kāngṛa. I presented him with a standard. On the 1st of the Divine month of Āẕar Bāqī K. came from Jūnāgaṛh and waited on me.

At this time a report came from ʿAqīdat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan, containing the news of Rāja Girdhar’s having been killed. The particulars of this event are that one of the brothers of Sayyid Kabīr Bārha, who was an attendant of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, gave his sword to brighten and put on the wheel (to sharpen) to a cutler who had a shop close to the house of Rāja Girdhar. The next day, when he came to fetch his sword, a conversation took place as to the charge for the work, and the people of the Sayyid struck the cutler some blows with a stick. The Raja’s people in supporting him used their whips on them. By chance two or three young Sayyids of Bārha had lodgings in that neighbourhood, and hearing of this disturbance, went to the assistance of the aforesaid Sayyid. The fire of strife was lighted, and a fight took place between the Sayyids and Rajputs, ending in an encounter with arrows and swords. Sayyid Kabīr, becoming aware of this, came to assist with thirty or forty horsemen, and at this time Rāja Girdhar, with a body of Rajputs and his caste people, according to the custom of the Hindus, were sitting barebodied and eating their food. Becoming aware of the coming of Sayyid Kabīr and the violence of the Sayyids, he brought his men inside the house and firmly closed the door. The Sayyids, setting fire to the door, forced their way inside and the fight went to such a length that Rāja Girdhar and twenty-six of his servants were killed and forty others wounded. Four of the Sayyids were also killed. After Rāja Girdhar was killed, Sayyid Kabīr took the horses out of his stable to his own house and returned. The Rajput officers, when informed of the slaying of Rāja Girdhar, came on horseback in great numbers from their houses, and all the Bārha Sayyids came to the aid of Sayyid Kabīr. They assembled in the plain outside the citadel, and the fire of trouble and calamity increased, and it nearly came to a great disturbance. Mahābat K., being informed of it, immediately mounted and went there, and bringing the Sayyids into the citadel, and soothing the Rajputs in a manner suitable to the occasion, took some of their chief men with him and went to the house of K͟hān ʿĀlam, which was near there. He soothed them down in a proper way, and promised and became security for an inquiry into the matter. When this news reached the prince he also went to the quarters of the K͟hān ʿĀlam, and soothed them with words appropriate to the state of affairs, and sent the Rajputs to their own houses. Next day Mahābat K. went to the house of Rāja Girdhar, condoled and sympathized with his sons, and having contrived to get hold of Sayyid Kabīr put him into confinement. As the Rajputs would not be consoled without his being put to death, after a few days he executed him.

On 1st Bahman, having promoted Rustam K. to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Qanauj, I sent him there.

As Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, at the instigation of Bī-daulat, had gone out into the hills in the north of the Panjab, which is his hereditary abode, and raised a disturbance there, I appointed Ṣādiq K. to punish him, as has been related in the preceding pages. At this time Mādho Singh, his younger brother, was promoted to the title of Raja, and given a horse and robe of honour. An order was given for him to go to Ṣādiq K. and attack the rebels with him.

Next day I marched from the outskirts of the city, and alighted at Salīmgaṛh. As the house of Rāja Kis͟han Dās was on the road, and he had made great efforts and entreated me to do so, I at his request threw the shadow of prosperity on his dwelling, and gratified the desire of that old servant. A few of his offerings were accepted in order to dignify him. Marching on the 20th from Salīmgaṛh, I appointed Sayyid Bahwa Buk͟hārī to the governorship of Delhi, which is his ordinary residence. In fact, he had already done this service well, and I had given him high rank.

On the 5th I alighted at the garden of Sihrind. On the bank of the Beas Ṣādiq K., Muk͟htār K., Isfandiyār, Rāja Rūp Chand of Gwalior, and other Amirs who had been appointed to support him, having succeeded in restoring order in the northern hill-country, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. The facts, briefly, are that Jagat Singh, at the instigation of Bī-daulat, had taken to the hills above-mentioned, and engaged in stirring up sedition and strife. As the field was clear (i.e., there was no one to oppose him) he passed over difficult mountains and defiles, and by attacking and plundering peasantry and the weak, heaped misfortune on them until Ṣādiq K. arrived. He brought the Zamindars under control by means of fears and hopes, and made the overthrow of that wretched creature the object of his exertions. Jagat Singh strengthened the fort of Mau, and was protected by it. Whenever he found an opportunity he left that fortress and fought with the royal servants. At last his provisions were exhausted, and he came to despair of assistance from the other Zamindars. The elevation of his younger brother became a source of disturbance and anxiety to him. Helplessly he then sought for patronage, and begged the protection of Nūr Jahān Begam, expressing shame and contrition, and sought a refuge in her mediation. In order to please and satisfy her, the pen of pardon was drawn through the record of his faults.

On this day reports came in from the officials in the Deccan that Bī-daulat, with Laʿnatu-llah, Dārāb, and other wretched (with broken wing and feathers) creatures in miserable condition, with blackened faces, had gone from the borders of Qut̤bu-l-mulk’s territory towards Orissa and Bengal. In this journey great loss fell on him and his companions, many of whom, when a chance offered, with bare heads and feet, and having washed their hands of life (desperate), took to flight. Out of these one day Mīrzā Muḥammad, s. Afẓal K., his Diwan, with his mother and his family, ran away during the march, and when the news reached Bī-daulat, he sent Jaʿfar and K͟hān-qulī Uzbeg and some others of his confidential men in pursuit of him, that, if they could take him alive, well and good, or otherwise they should cut off his head and bring it into his presence. They with all speed proceeded and caught him up on the road. Becoming aware of this, he sent his mother and family into the jungles and hid them there, and himself with a body of young men whom he relied on as companions, planted manfully the foot of courage and stood with their bows. In front of them there was a canal and a swamp (chihlā). Sayyid Jaʿfar K. wished to approach near him and take him with him by deceiving him, but however much he tried to persuade him by threatening and holding out hopes, it had no effect, and he answered him with life-taking arrows. He made a good fight of it, and sent K͟hān-qulī and some others of Bī-daulat’s men to hell. Sayyid Jaʿfar also was wounded. Finally Mīrzā Muḥammad received severe wounds and gambled away the cash of his life. But as long as he had breath he deprived many thereof. After he was killed, they cut off his head and took it to Bī-daulat.

When Bī-daulat was defeated near Delhi and went to Māndū, he sent Afẓal K. to get assistance and support from ʿĀdil K. and others, forwarding with him an armlet (bāzū-band) for ʿĀdil K., and a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword for ʿAmbar. He first went to ʿAmbar. After delivering his message he produced what Bī-daulat had sent for him, but ʿAmbar would not accept them, saying he was the servant of ʿĀdil K., who was at present the head of those in power in the Deccan: he should go first to him and explain what he desired. If he agreed, his slave would ally himself to and obey him, and in that case he would take whatever was sent, otherwise not. Afẓal K. went to ʿĀdil K., who received him very badly, and for a long time kept him outside the city and did not look into his affair, but put all kinds of slights upon him, but secretly asked for what Bī-daulat had sent for him and ʿAmbar, and took possession of it. The aforesaid (Afẓal K.) was there when he heard the news of the killing of his son and the ruin of his family, and so fell upon evil days. In short, Bī-daulat, in spite of all his (original) good fortune and happy auspices, undertook a long and distant journey, and came to the port of Machhlī Paṭan (Masulipaṭam), which belongs to Qut̤bu-l-mulk. Before reaching this place, he sent some of his men to Qut̤bu-l-mulk, and besought him for all sorts of assistance and companionship. Qut̤bu-l-mulk sent him a small amount of cash and goods for his support, and wrote to the warden of his frontier to conduct him in safety out of his territory, and encourage the grain-sellers and Zamindars to send grain and all other necessaries to his camp.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · He was the great-grandson, being the son of Mahā Singh s. Jagat Singh s. Mān Singh. ↑Note 2 · Panj fauj. But perhaps the word is binj, or bīk͟h, “root.” Or it may be pīchhā fauj, “the hinder army.” Apparently the reference is to the aNote 3 · “Bought it as if it were genuine.” ↑Note 4 · The Farhang-i-Jahāngīrī, Rieu Cat., p. 496 b. ↑Note 5 · Where is this account? He is mentioned later, p. 359 of text. Perhaps he is the Armenian mentioned in the 15th year as Zū-l-Qarnain. But an Note 6 · The MSS. have “his brother Mag͟hrūr.” ↑Note 7 · The MSS. have a name that is not Naubat, and perhaps is Yūnas or Yūnas͟h K͟hān. ↑Note 8 · Yūnas or Yūnas͟h in MSS. ↑Note 9 · Perhaps it means that qiṣāṣ or retaliation could not be inflicted. See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, III. 335, and Iqbāl-nāma, 204. Evidently the motheNote 10 · The MSS. have Mahārāja Gaj Singh, and they also have the names Manṣūr K͟hān, Sar-buland Rāy and Las͟hkar K. ↑Note 11 · “Two” in MSS. ↑Note 12 · Jahāngīr’s mother. ↑Note 13 · MS. 181 has Bābā K͟hān. ↑Note 14 · MS. 181 has Kuhnar or Kunhar, and it seems that it is a name, and not merely “younger brother.” The Iqbāl-nāma, 205, has Kunhar Dās. ↑Note 15 · Karīj in text. See Jarrett, II. 253. But perhaps it should be Kaira. ↑Note 16 · It is S͟haʿbān in Nos. 181 and 305. The famous garden of Ahmadabad is the S͟hāhī, for which see the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. for Ahmadabad, p.Note 17 · Name very doubtful. MSS. seem to have Pīr Lāl Kolī, or it may be Bīr Lāl. ↑Note 18 · The MSS. have “in ten.” ↑Note 19 · Text, Nar Singh Deo. But the MSS. seem to have another name, Silhadi Deo (?). The name Lūlū is also doubtful. The MSS. seem to have Bulur. INote 20 · Har kudām ba-t̤arafī aftādand. ↑Note 21 · Rieu, Cat., I. 158 b. ↑Note 22 · Text has Kūh-i-Kūl. But the I.O. MSS. show that the true reading is Kūl Nūh ban, and it appears from the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 186, that Nūh isNote 23 · Chānḍā Ghāt between Ajmere and Malwa. ↑Note 24 · Apparently the meaning is that he had no family with S͟hāh Jahān’s army, and so could not be deterred from leaving S͟hāh Jahān through fear Note 25 · This couplet comes from Niz̤āmī’s K͟husrau u S͟hīrīn, and is quoted by Bābur. ↑Note 26 · See Jaʿfar S͟harīf’s Qānūn-i-Islām. App., p. xxiv. ↑Note 27 · Dhāmin, python (?). ↑Note 28 · See Blochmann, 60. ↑Note 29 · Daughter of Nūr Jahān. ↑Note 30 · Blochmann, p. 311, calls her Arzānī Begam. The Iqbāl-nāma (306) calls her Lāṛdilī Begam. A MS. of the Iqbāl-nāma in my possession calls her Note 31 · The holy man formerly mentioned. ↑Note 32 · He had been captured in Gujarat when Ṣafī K. defeated ʿAbdu-llah. ↑Note 33 · The author of the dictionary. ↑Note 34 · See Maʾās̤iru-l-Umarā, III. 382. His wife was the sister of Aḥmad Beg, the brother’s son of Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang. But if so would she not beNote 35 · I.O. MS., 381, and the Iqbāl-nāma mention the wife. ↑Note 36 · Maḥram sāk͟ht, “made him one who could enter the Harem.” ↑Note 37 · The text wrongly has ba-chand instead of ba-jambīd. ↑Note 38 · Daughters of the Bier—i.e., the constellation of the Plough. ↑Note 39 · S͟has͟h-dar is the name of an impasse in the game of nard. ↑Note 40 · The Muḥammad Beg of Roe? ↑Note 41 · Jarrett, II. 239. ↑Note 42 · 1 Ṣafar, 1033 = November 14, 1623. ↑Note 43 · Jerdon states that the black partridge is called ghāghar about Benares. ↑Note 44 · Probably Raḥīmābād in the Bārī Dū-āb. Jarrett, II. 332. ↑Note 45 · Daraʿ or ẕaraʿ, yards? The text gives his weight as 20½, but bīst must be a mistake for has͟ht. ↑Note 46 · He was a eunuch, and originally had the name of Iʿtibār K. He received the title of Mumtāz K. in this year. Tūzuk, 359. See Blochmann, 433. Note 47 · Az qadīmān u bābariyān (properly bairiyān). ↑Note 48 · Ganwārān u muzāriʿān. ↑Note 49 · Text ba s͟hukr u s͟hukūh, but the Iqbāl-nāma, 213, has ba-s͟hakwa, “with complaints,” and this must be correct. ʿAbdu-llah indulged in abuseNote 50 · Cf. Iqbāl-nāma, 213–214. ↑Note 51 · A proverbial expression. It is quoted by Niz̤āmu-d-dīn in the T̤abaqāt. ↑Note 52 · ʿAlī Rāy was ruler of Little Tibet (Baltistan). Jahāngīr had married his daughter. Blochmann, 310, and Akbar-nāma, III. 603. The marriage toNote 53 · That is, Las͟hkarī. ↑Note 54 · Hādī was Hārūnu-r-Ras͟hīd’s elder brother. ↑Note 55 · Text mulka. Perhaps the word may be malka-i-ān, “possession of it”—i.e., possession of such knowledge. The MSS. have ān after malka. ↑Note 56 · Text hanaq. But the MSS. have merely ḥaqq, and it is said in the dictionaries that there is a bird called the ḥaqq. ↑Note 57 · This corrects a previous statement to the effect that the black and red bustards were two species. ↑Note 58 · The MSS. have either barīn or parīn. I cannot find the name in the dictionaries, but my friend Sir K. C. Gupta suggests that the word may beNote 59 · On this day Sar-buland Rāy came from the Deccan and waited on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a phūl katāra. ʿAbduNote 60 · Mīr ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a vocabulary4 of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken muchNote 61 · On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdībihis͟ht I pitched on the bank of the lake at Fatḥpūr. Iʿtibār K. came from Agra and waited on me, andNote 62 · At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of Mīrzā Badīʿu-z-zamān, s. Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, who was known as Fatḥpūrī, had atNote 63 · K͟hān ʿĀlam, Mahārāja10 Gaj Singh, Fāẓil K., Ras͟hīd K., Rāja Girdhar, Rāja Rām Dās Kachhwāha, K͟hwāja Mīr ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz, ʿAzīzu-llah, Asad Note 64 · On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (ḥaẓrat) Maryamu-z-zamānī,12 by the decree of God, had died. I trust that Almighty God wilNote 65 · On the 12th of the Divine month of Tīr a report came from the officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The particulaNote 66 · In fine, when this approved service performed by Ṣafī K. and other loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with favoursNote 67 · As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the foreNote 68 · One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh22 in the Nūh forest. A wolfNote 69 · On the 7th of the month of Amurdād Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, a servant of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, came from the victorious army, and brought neNote 70 · During these days Mahābat K. was continually capturing, by messages and letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidityNote 71 · When25 thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of calamitiesNote 72 · Bī-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that cNote 73 · At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nīlgāw. Whilst I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2½ yards, and its giNote 74 · On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on me. Nūru-d-dīn Qulī brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the rebels, who haNote 75 · And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must be said about Āsīr. The said fort, in its great height and strength, is nNote 76 · In short, when that one of reversed fortune reached the foot of the fort of Āsīr, he took with him K͟hān-k͟hānān, Dārāb, and all his evil-miNote 77 · At this time my son (farzand) K͟hān Jahān came from Multan, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. By way of nazar he presented 1,000Note 78 · As I was at ease with regard to the affair of Bī-daulat, and the heat of Hindustan did not agree with my constitution, on the 2nd of the monNote 79 · On the 23rd I appointed Muḥammad Murād faujdār of Ajmir, and sent him off. On this road I continually enjoyed myself in sporting. One day, wNote 80 · On the 10th of the month of Dai, in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Raḥīmābād,44 the huntsmen brought in news of a tiger. I ordered IrādNote 81 · On the 16th it was reported that Mumtāz46 K., the governor of Agra, had died. At first he was in the service of Bahādur K., the brother of KNote 82 · Having conferred on Muqarrab K., who is one of the old officials,47 the government and administration of Agra, I gave him his leave. In the Note 83 · On the 2nd ʿAbdu-llah, s. Ḥakīm Nūru-d-dīn, of Teheran, was ordered to be capitally punished in my presence. The explanation of this brief aNote 84 · “A red51 tongue gives the green head to the winds.” As the huntsmen reported that there was a tigress in this neighbourhood, by the mischiefNote 85 · At this time ʿAlī Muḥammad, s. ʿAlī Rāy,52 ruler of Tibet, by his father’s order came to Court, and had the good fortune to pay his respectsNote 86 · On the 1st of the Ilāhī month of Isfandārmuẕ I pitched in the pargana of Umbala. Las͟hkarī, s. Imām-wirdī, who had run away from Bī-daulat, Note 87 · On the 27th of the month a strange event took place. Returning from the hunting-place, I had come back to the camp at night. By chance I croNote 88 · At this time one day on the hunting ground the chief huntsman Imām-wirdī brought before me a partridge that had a spur on one leg and not onNote 89 · I have a great liking for fish, and all kinds of good fish are brought for me; the best fish in Hindustan is the rohū, and after that the ba
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