Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

LETTER I.

Roxbury, April 26, 1776.

You have been informed of the measures which the promoters of independency adopted for the ripening of that event; in the advice which congress were prevailed upon to give to the New-Hampshire, the South-Carolina, and Virginia conventions.

[Jan. 5, 1776.] The New-Hampshire provincial convention proceeded in their design, and voted, “that this congress take up civil government in form following—We being authorised in particular to establish some form of government, provided that measure be recommended by the continental congress, and a recommendation being transmitted—the sudden departure of his excellency John Wentworth and several of the council leaving us destitute of legislation, and no executive courts being open to punish criminal offenders—therefore protesting that we never meant to throw off our dependence upon Great-Britain, and that we shall rejoice if such a reconciliation, between us and our parent state, can be effected, as shall be approved by the continental congress—do resolve; that the congress do assume the name and power of a house of representatives: that they proceed to choose twelve persons, to be a distinct branch of the legislature, by the name of a council for this colony; and that no act shall be valid unless passed by both branches.” But this procedure was not universally approved. A memorial and remonstrance 12of the freeholders and inhabitants of Portsmouth was presented to the convention sitting at Exeter. [Jan. 10.] It sets forth, that “the memorialists are greatly alarmed, by the information, that they are about to dissolve their existence as a convention and assume that of a house of representatives, and to proceed to the election of twelve counsellors, who are to act as another branch of legislation for the future government of this colony.” They remonstrate against the procedure from an opinion that the inhabitants will not generally approve it; and wish therefore that the minds of the people may be fully taken on such a momentuous concernment, for that it is their inherent right to know the plan, before adopted and carried into execution. They say also, “it amounts to an open declaration of independency, which we can by no means countenance.” A dissent and protest was brought into convention, [Jan. 12.] by several of the representatives; the purport of it was, “We dissent and protest against the present plan of taking up government for the following reasons—the vote of the continental congress countenancing the same, was obtained by the unwearied importunity of our delegates there, as appears by their letter;—the said vote does not appear to have been unanimous, but we have reason to think otherwise;—New-York and Virginia (which are in similar circumstances with us, and are much larger and more opulent, and we presume much wiser, and to which we would pay all due deference), have not attempted any thing of the kind, nor as we can learn have desired it;—it appears assuming for so small a colony to take the lead in a matter of so great importance;—our constituents never expected us to make a new form of government, but only to set the judicial and executive wheels in motion;—it appears to us, too much like setting up an independency on the mother country.” The convention however proceeded in their plan; but when it was executed, and the body had assumed the form of two houses, they had the consistency to receive petitions [Jan. 18.] from the towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Newington, Rochester, Stratham, North-Hampton, Rye, New-Market, Kensington, Greenland, and part of Brentwood, against taking up government in the new established form. Both houses met in the town-house, the petitions were read, considered, and fully argued by the council for the petitioners. It was voted, [Jan. 27.] that the committee write to the continental congress, and lay the plan of government taken up by the colony before them, and let them know that a number of members of this house dissented from and protested against the same, because of its being supposed to breathe too much of the spirit of independency; and request to know the judgment of the 13congress thereon. Whatever letter the committee might write was porbably forwarded under cover to one of their own delegates; and by the advice of certain members was not brought before congress as a body, till the day after they had given their sanction to the plan, by admitting upon their journals, on the 29th of February, the credentials of the delegates chosen by the house of representatives on January the 23d.

When Mr. S. Adams saw the instructions given by the capital of New-Hampshire, he was dissatisfied, and fearful, lest if that colony took a wrong step, it should wholly defeat the design, he owned, he had much at heart. He had been alarmed before in the beginning of the month, when a motion was made in congress to this purpose.—“Whereas we have been charged with aiming at independency, a committee shall be appointed to explain to the people at large the principles and grounds of our opposition, &c.” It would not do for Mr. S. Adams evidently to interest himself in opposing the motion, though he was apprehensive that they should get themselves on dangerous ground; but some other delegates prevailed so far as to have the matter postponed; and yet they could not prevent the assigning of a day to consider it. Some little time before, he had conversed with another gentleman, probably a Virginia delegate, about a confederation; when they agreed it must soon be brought on, and that if all the colonies would not come into it, it had better be done by those that incline to it. Mr. Adams promised, he would endeavour to unite the New-England colonies in confederation, if none of the rest would join in it; the other approved of it, and said that if Mr. S. Adams succeeded, he would cast in his lot among them. Many of the principal gentlemen in the Massachusetts have been long urging their delegates at congress to bring forward independency; the more so, for a persuasion that, resistance unto blood having been once made against the governmental measures the British spirit will never be quieted, with any thing short of those concessions and satisfactions, which Americans never make. General Washington has no wish, that the congress would declare the colonies independent: but many other officers, especially among the New-Englanders, are desirous of it; though the situation of their military affairs could of late afford them no reasonable encouragement. They have been obliged to change their army by a new enlistment under the mouths of their enemy’s cannon; and while employed in this operation, had not for some time men enough to defend their lives had the British troops commenced an attack. They had to guard an extent of better than a dozen miles, with few more troops than what were in Boston. Such was the want of muskets, 14that in order to supply the new enlisted soldiers, they forcibly detained those belonging to the privates whose time was out, and who refused to serve longer; but not without paying for them.

Gen. Green wrote from—Prospect Hill, January 4, 1776. “Had the enemy been fully acquainted with our situation, I cannot pretend to say what might have been the consequences. I this day manned the lines upon this hill, and feel a degree of pleasure that I have not felt for several days. Our situation has been critical. We have no part of the militia on this hill; and the night after the old troops went off, I could not have mustered seven hundred men, notwithstanding the returns of the new inlisted troops amounted to nineteen hundred and upward. I am now strong enough to defend myself against all the force in Boston.” Gen. Washington thus expressed himself on the first of the month: “It is not perhaps in the power of history to furnish a case like ours—to maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy for six months together without——(powder, he avoided inserting the word lest the letter should miscarry;) and at the same time to disband one army and recruit another, within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more than probable was ever attempted.”

The conduct of the New-Yorkers not answering the desires of captain Sears, he had for some time taken up his abode in Connecticut. Being apprehensive, that general Clinton who was preparing to go upon some expedition with a body of troops, might possibly be destined for New-York, and considering of what importance it was that the city should not be possessed by him, he came to gen. Washington, and urged the necessity of its being secured by American forces. But the general could spare no troops, every man of them being wanted in the environs of Boston. Sears proposed that Washington should write to gov. Trumbull, pressing him to raise two regiments for the service. His application was strengthened by a letter of gen. Lee’s, who wrote to the commander in chief, [Jan. 5.] “New-York must be secured, but it will never, I am afraid, be secured by direct orders of congress for obvious reasons. I propose that you should detach me into Connecticut, and lend your name for collecting a body of volunteers. I am assured, that I shall find no difficulty in assembling a sufficient number for the purpose wanted. This measure I think absolutely necessary to our salvation; and if it meets with your approbation, the sooner it is entered upon the better—indeed the delay of a single day may be fatal.” Mr. John Adams being at Watertown with the general court, gen. Washington desired his opinion on Lee’s plan. Mr. John 15Adams, in a letter of the next day, [Jan. 6.] showed that the plan was practicable, expedient, and lay properly within his excellency’s authority, without further directions from congress. He took notice that a body of people on Long-Island were intrenching themselves professedly to oppose the American system; that there was a body of tories in the city of New-York waiting only for a force to protect them; and that the Jersey troops had been already ordered to that city. The measures to be taken being settled, the dispatches were got ready, and Capt. Sears set off with them, for Connecticut. [Jan. 8.] Gov. Trumbull was much pleased, got the committee of safety together, hastened the business, and col. Waterbury and col. Ward’s regiments were raised and ready to march, by the time gen. Lee got to Stamford, within fifty miles of New-York, and near upon two hundred and fifty miles from Cambridge. Lee set off on the 11th; and when at New-Haven, one hundred and sixty miles distant, wrote on the 16th to Washington. “I shall send immediately an express to congress informing them of my situation and at the same time conjuring them not to suffer the accursed provincial congress of New-York to defeat measures so absolutely necessary to our salvation.” Many of the New-York provincial congress (if not the majority) were adjudged real tories, some so deemed might be only timed whigs. By the 22d. gen. Lee had collected at Stamford 1200 Connecticut troops. The New-York committee of safety were very averse to his marching them into the city, and wrote to him upon the occasion. He answered with much prudence, judgment and resolution; and sent to the continental congress for advice. They directed him to repair to the city, and appoint three of their members to meet him there, and advise with him on the measures proper to be pursued. He was detained at Stamford with the gout. The members from congress and col. Watery being at New-York, gen. Lee directed capt. Sears to take Waterbury’s regiment, and march it immediately for the city. At King’s-bridge he was met by a number of citizens, who intreated him to halt, for that the enemy had declared that if any troops came in, they would burn the city. Sears pleaded his orders, and marched on. When nearer the city he was applied to afresh, and strongly urged to remain at a distance from it; he observed, that neither the members of congress nor col. Waterbury, had sent him any orders; he therefore continued his march into the city. The citizens were in the utmost confusion, expecting the enemy would execute their threats, but they refrained. [Feb. 4.] Gen. Lee came on when able; and arrived at New-York in less than two hours after gen. Clinton arrived at the Hook, in the Mercury, together 16with a transport brig. Their arrival threw the city into such a convulsion as it never knew before. Though it was the Sabbath the inhabitants were engaged in moving away their effects the whole day, and continued it all night. Gen. Clinton sailed from Boston on the 19th, with a number of grenadiers and light infantry, as supposed for Virginia. He touched at the Hook, probably to consult gov. Tryon, and see whether any thing effectual could be done to strengthen the British interest in New-York. After a short tarriance, he proceeded to the southward. Gen. Lee, upon his arrival gave out, “If the men of war set one house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain a hundred of their friends together by the neck, and make the house their funeral pile.” He would in all likelihood, have retaliated in some formidable manner. While Clinton remained at the Hook, various works were erected for the defence of the city. Nine days before his arrival, on the 26th of January, and a week after his sailing, care was taken to send over to Long-Island seven hundred of the Jersey militia, and three hundred of the Jersey regulars, to disarm those persons in Queen’s county who opposed American liberty, and to secure their leaders, which was accomplished.

The congress, receiving information of the disaffection of the inhabitants of Tryon county, resolved upon disarming them, and providing for the future tranquility of those parts. They committed the business to gen. Scuyler. The general having no troops at Albany to carry into execution their resolutions, was under the necessity of communicating his business to the sub-committee of the county, after having administered an oath of secrecy. They contrived to call upon 700 militia; but so great was the zeal of the people, that they followed in such numbers (although the weather was cold in the extreme) that by the time he reached Caghnawaga, he had near 3000 men, including 900 of the Tryon county militia. [Jan. 16.]. On Tuesday the 16th, the general marched to Schenectady; and in the evening, a deputation from the Mohawk Indians delivered him a speech in a haughty tone, evidently calculated to prevent his proceeding to Sir John Johnson’s, who was thought, or known to be making military preparations. Scuyler, in his answer told them, that he had full proof, that many people in Johnstown, and the neighbourhood thereof, had for a considerable time past made preparations to carry into execution the wicked design of the king’s evil counsellors, and added, “We have no objection, nay, we wish that you and your warriors should be present to hear what we shall propose to Sir John, and the people in and about Johnstown, 17who are our enemies. But we beg of you to tell your warriors, that although we have no quarrel with them, yet if we should be under the disagreeable necessity of fighting with our enemies, and your warriors should join them and fight against us, that we will repel force by force.” They replied and said, “Brother Scuyler, the great man, attend. Every thing that has been said to us, brother, has been perfectly agreeable to us, &c.” A letter was sent to Sir John Johnson, requesting a meeting with him the next day, and assuring him, that he and such persons whom he might choose to attend him, should pass safe and unmolested to the place where he might meet him, and from thence back to the place of his abode. Sir John accordingly met gen. Scuyler about sixteen miles beyond Schenectady accompanied by some of the leading Scotchmen, and two or three others, when proposals were made to him: he begged time to answer until the next evening, to which Scuyler consented. [Jan. 18.] On Thursday the general approached within four miles of Johnstown. Sir John sent out answers to the proposals of the preceding day, which not being satisfactory, the general determined to march his troops to Johnson-hall, without delay: but gave Sir John till twelve at night to reconsider the matter, after which he would receive no proposals. At twelve an answer came from Sir John, in behalf of himself, the inhabitants of Kingsborough, and the neighbouring adjacent. It was agreed to deliver up all cannon, arms, and military stores whatsoever, that to his knowledge were in the country, a few favourite family arms excepted: that Sir John, having given his parole of honour not to take up arms against America, shall confine himself to certain limits:—that the Scotch inhabitants shall surrender their arms, and the general may take any six prisoners from among them as he chooses, without resistance, to be treated however with humanity, and with all due deference to rank: that the inhabitants shall give up their arms, and enter into like engagements with the Scotch inhabitants:—and that all the men referred to in the above articles shall be paraded at Johnstown on Saturday at twelve o’clock, and ground their arms in the presence of such troops as the general may appoint. These terms were agreed to, and on the next day general Scuyler marched to Johnstown. [Jan. 20.] On Saturday he drew up his men in the street; and the highlanders, between two and three hundred marched to the front where they grounded their arms. These secured the general dismissed them with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct which could insure them protection. In the evening he returned to Cagnuage, leaving col. Herkimer and the committee of Tryon county to receive the arms of the remainder, and to fix on six of the principal leaders 18to send to him. He expected that the whole disarmed, or to be disarmed, would amount to above six hundred. Gen. Scuyler’s conduct was highly approved by congress: and those who accompanied him in the expedition were praised for their patriotic services.

The following detached articles of intelligence must not be omitted. In the first week in January, gov. Franklin’s dispatches for the ministry were seized by lord Sterling’s troops and sent to congress. About the middle of the month, the Jersey men descried a transport at sea. They procured several boats, and sailed in quest of her with four days provision. Lord Sterling commanded. Upon their coming up and along side of her, she was taken without any resistance, for the sailors swore they would not fight for common wages. The Americans are making saltpetre all over the continent, from New-Hampshire to Virginia inclusively.

Let us return to the neigbourhood of Boston.

[Feb. 8.] Major Knowlton was dispatched with a hundred men to make an incursion into Charlestown, and burn a number of houses, that they might be no longer of service to the enemy. He crossed the mill-dam upon the ice, between Cobble Hill and Bunker’s Hill; and immediately proceeded down the street on the westerly side of the last hill, and destroyed about ten houses, and brought off a few muskets. He performed the whole in less than an hour, without the loss of a single man killed or wounded, though the British garrison kept up a considerable fire of musketry from Bunker’s Hill. This expedition confounded the amusement carrying on in Boston, at the same instant.

The British soldiers were much afflicted with sickness and the scurvy, occasioned by the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, notwithstanding the powerful exertions made at home to throw in supplies. Many of the vessels, which were loaded in England with live stock, vegetables and porter, had been either taken on the coast of America, or blown off to the West-Indies, by the severe north-west winds, which usually prevail during the winter months. Out of 40 sail of transports only eight had arrived. None of these things however hindred the officers from amusing themselves, all they could, in the present situation. They had their balls and theatre, that so they might forget themselves, while seemingly forgotten by their native country. It so happened that they had finished attending the Busy Body; and the scnes were changed, that the farce of the Blockade of Boston, said to be written by gen. Burgoyne, might be performed. The figure designed for gen. Washington had just made his appearance (as we are told) upon the stage, with a large wig and long rusty sword, together 19with his orderly serjeant, who had on his sholders a rusty gun seven feet long; now it was, that one of the regular serjeants came running on the stage, threw down his bayonet and called out lustily, “the Yankees are attacking Bunker’s Hill.” They who were unacquainted with the farce, thought that this was a part of it, but when gen. Howe cried out, officers to your alarm posts, instead of mirth and laughing, there was shrieking, crying, fainting, &c.

The inhabitants of the town have been supplied with fresh provisions once in a while from Nova-Scotia. Within two days of the above affair, a sloop arrived with beef, poultry and hay, the hay sold for a guinea a hundred weight, the beef for one and six-pence the pound, geese nine shilling a piece, and other articles proportionably, in sterling money.

There was such a continued backwardness in the Americans to serve in the army, that gen. Washington was more and more convinced that it could never be raised to the new establishment by voluntary inlistments. [Jan. 18.] Such was its present inequality to capital operations, that it was unanimously agreed in a council of war, to request thirteen regiments of militia to be at Cambridge by the first of February, and to remain if wanted to the last of March, that so a vigorous attempt might be made on the army at Boston, if practicable. The news of the unsuccessful attempt upon Quebec, and gen. Montgomery’s death. [Jan. 24.] was publicly known not only in the American quarters but at Boston. Let me give you an account of the siege down to the latest intelligence from thence.

The garrison of Quebec, when gen. Montgomery appeared before it, consisted of col. Maclean’s men, a hundred and seventy; a company of the seventh regiment, sixty; marines, forty; militia, about eight hundred; and seamen belonging to the king’s frigates and to the merchant ships which wintered in the harbor, four hundred and fifty; in all, fifteen hundred and twenty. The general was at the head of upwards of eight hundred men^[1] only so small was the force he brought with him, after leaving a corps at Montreal; and so much was Arnold’s detachment reduced, by the return of col. Enoe’s division and other unfavorable circumstances. Thus you see the besiegers were little more than half the garrison. Upon his appearing before the city he sent forward a flag of truce which was fired upon by order of Sir Guy Carleton; [Dec. 6, 1775.] at this gen. Montgomery was so provoked, that the next day he wrote to Sir Guy a letter, in which he departed from the common mode of conveying his sentiments, 20and made use of threats and language that he would otherwise have probably declined. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the season he set about erecting works. His batteries were composed of snow and water, which soon became solid ice. He planted on them five pieces of ordnance, twelve and nine pounders, with one howitzer; but the artillery was inadequate, and made no impression; it was therefore soon in contemplation to storm the city. [Dec. 16.] A council was held by all the commanding officers of col. Arnold’s detachment in the evening; and a large majority was for storming the garrison, as soon as the men were provided with bayonets, spears, hatchets, and hand granades. In a few days several of the men were ill of the small-pox those who were well and fit for service were ordered to wear hemlock sprigs in their hats to distinguish them in the attack upon the works. [Dec. 25.] Col. Arnold’s detachment paraded in the evening, at capt. Morgan’s quarters, when gen. Montgomery attended, and addressed them on the subject of an assault on Quebec, in a sensible spirited manner. The scheme of storming was wholly the general’s who in the council of war on the occasion, showed the necessity, practicability, and importance of it, in such a clear and convincing manner, that they were all agreed and full in the measure. But he was forced into the scheme from this circumstance, that a part of his army had to serve no longer than to the end of the year, and three companies of Arnold’s detachment were uneasy, and were determined to return home. His army did not now exceed eight hundred sick and well; only seven hundred and thirty were fit for duty.^[2] The attempt had the appearance of rashness, but the general was persuaded that men, who had behaved so well, would follow him, and that many of Sir Guy Carleton’s forces would not fight, when actual service commenced. The general in his dispatches wrote, [Dec. 36.] “I have so early reported to you my determination to return home, I take it for granted measures are taken to supply my place. Should not any body arrive, I must conclude congress mean to leave the management of affairs in gen. Wooster’s hands, (Wooster was at Montreal.) If this business should terminate in a blockade, I shall think myself at liberty to return. However if possible, I shall first make an effort for the reduction of the town. I had reason to believe, when I wrote last, the troops well inclined for a coup de main. I have since discovered, that three companies of col. Arnold’s detachment are averse. They are within a few day of being free from their engagements: I must try every measure to prevent their departure.” [Dec. 27.] The next day 21at evening the troops assembled by his order, with design to make an attack and were about to march, when a fresh order came for their returning to quarters—the weather being thought not proper. Several men deserting to the enemy, the general was induced to alter his plan, so that no part of it transpired to the besieged. [Dec. 30.] The weather being stormy, and the ladders being ready, the troops were ordered to parade at two o’clock the next morning.

[Dec. 31.] The troops assemble at the time appointed—they that are to make the attack by the way of Cape Diamond, at the general’s quarters on the heights of Abraham, and are headed by the general—they that are to make the attack through the suburbs of St. Roe, at the guard-house in St. Roe, and are headed by col. Arnold. The division under Montgomery consists of the 1st. 2d. 3d. and 4th. battalions of the New-York troops, and part of col. Easton’s regiment; but of about two hundred men only. The division under Arnold is made up out of the two battalions detached from Cambridge, and amount to about three hundred. Col. Livingston, with a regiment of one hundred and sixty Canadians, and major Brown with part of a regiment of Massachusetts troops, are to make a false attack upon the walls to the southward of St. John’s gate, and in the mean time to set fire to the gate with the combustibles prepared for that purpose. The colonel is also to give the signals for the combination of attack, which is to begin exactly at five o’clock. (It is said that capt. Frazer of the emigrants, then on picket, going his rounds, saw the rockets fired off as signals, and from his knowledge of the service forming a conjecture of what would happen, beat to arms without orders, and so prepared the garrison for defence.) The different routes the assailing bodies have to make, the depth of the snow, and other obstacles, prevent the execution of Livingston’s command. The general moves with his division, attended by a number of carpenters, to the pickets at Cape Diamond. These are soon cut with the saws, and the general pulls them down with his own hands. He enters with his aid de camp Mr. M’Pherson, Mr. Antill the engineer, capt. Cheeseman, and the carpenters. As they are entering, their guides forsake them; which alarms the general and other officers, who are unacquainted with the pass and situation of the enemy’s artillery. They however press on. The general observing that the troops do not follow with spirit, calls out “Fie! for shame! shall the New-York troops desert the cause in the critical moment? Will you not follow when your general leads? Push on brave boys, Quebec is ours.” A few act with resolution, advance, and attack the guard-house, when the enemy give a discharge of grape shot 22from their cannon, and of small arms; which occasions the fall of the general, his aid de camp, capt. Cheeseman and others. The firing from the guard-house ceases, by the enemy’s quitting their post, and the opportunity offers for the assailants to push forward with success. But the deputy quarter master general Campbell, with the rank of a colonel, assumes the command; and not being equal to the special service of the moment, unhappily orders a retreat, which takes place and the wounded are carried off to the camp.

We now come to col. Arnold’s division, which is ordered to proceed in the following manner, viz. a lieutenant and thirty men are to march in front as an advanced guard; then the artillery company with a field piece mounted on a sled; after that the main body, of which capt. Morgan’s company is first. The advanced party is to open, when near the battery raised upon a wharf, which the assailants are obliged to attack in their way; and when the field piece has given them a shot or two, the advanced party are to rush forward with the ladders, and force the battery, while capt. Morgan’s company are to march round the wharf if possible, on the ice. But the snow being deep, the piece of artillery is brought on very slowly, and is finally obliged to be left behind. The main body also are led wrong. There is no road, the way is dark and intricate, among stores, houses, boats and wharfs; and they are harassed at the same time with a constant fire of the enemy from the walls, which kills and wounds numbers, without their being able in the least to annoy them. The field piece not coming up, the advanced party with capt. Morgan’s company attack the battery, some firing into the port-holes, or kind of embrasures, while others scale the battery with ladders and immediately take possession of it and of the guard consisting of thirty men. This attack is executed with such dispatch, that the enemy discharge only one of their cannon. One or two men are lost on each side. Colonel Arnold receives a wound in one of his legs with a musket ball, and is carried to the general hospital. When the prisoners are taken care of, and a few men come up (which is in about half an hour) the men attempt the next barrier, but cannot force it as the main body is some time before it can arrive, occasioned by the beforementioned obstacles. The enemy moreover, having the opportunity, from the retreat of Montgomery’s division after his fall, turn their whole force and attention upon this, so that before it can attempt the second barrier the assailed get such a number of men behind the barrier, and in the houses, that the assailants are surrounded with a fire from treble their number, and find it impossible to force it, the former being under cover, while the 23latter are quite exposed: here they lose some brave officers and men. What adds to their embarrassment, they fail of being aided by a company of their comrades, who were quartered on the north side of the river St. Charles, and not having notice in season, in endeavouring to join the main body, are surprised and mostly taken prisoners, by a party, who make a sortie through palace gate. They who are near the second barrier, at length take possession of some houses, and from them keep up a constant fire for some time; but as the party, which sallied out of palace gate, comes upon the rear of the assailants, and the number of these is greatly lessened by killed and wounded, it is thought best to retreat to the first battery. This they do with the greatest part of their men, where, upon a consultation of officers present, it is the unanimous opinion, that a further retreat is impracticable. They maintain their ground till ten o’clock and all hope of relief being over, are at last obliged to surrender prisoners of war, with great reluctuance.

By the best account that can be obtained at present, they have lost in killed and wounded about a hundred—one captain and two lieutenants killed—col. Arnold, two captains, two lieutenants, and a brigade major, wounded. The loss of the general’s division is, the general, his aid, capt. Cheeseman, and half a score privates killed, beside the wounded. The general was shot through both his thighs and his head. His body was taken up the next day: an elegant coffin was prepared, and he was decently enterred the Thursday after. We are told, that when his body was taken up his features were not in the least distorted, but his countenance appeared regular, serene and placid—like the soul that had lately animated it. The general was tall and slender, well limbed, of easy, graceful and manly address.—He had the voluntary love, esteem and confidence of the whole army. He was of a good family in Ireland, and served with reputation in the late war with France. His excellent qualities and disposition procured him an uncommon share of private affection—his abilities, of public esteem. His death is considered as a greater loss to the American cause, than all the others with which it was accompanied.

When the continental troops had collected after the unsuccessful attack on Quebec, there was a dispute who should command and whether it was advisable to raise the siege, or tarry until a reinforcement should arrive. A council of war agreed, that col. Arnold should command, and should continue the siege, or rather the blockade, which was accordingly done, apparently at no small risk, as they had not many more than four hundred men fit for duty. But they retired about three miles from the 24city, and posted themselves advantageously^[3]. After mentioning, that the prisoners made in the attempt to surprise Montreal have been sent to Great-Britain, and col. Allen in irons, let us return to Boston and its environs.

[Feb. 14.] About four in the morning, a party from the castle under col. Leslie joined another, amounting to about five hundred, sent over the ice to Dorchester Neck by gen. Howe. They burnt about half a dozen houses; but the general’s scheme failed. He had been up the whole night, getting ready for an attack with a large body of troops. He expected, that the burning of the houses would occasion such an alarm, as to put the American officers upon sending from Roxbury lines a large reinforcement, and thereby giving him an advantageous opportunity of attacking them; but at day break, he found their men as usual at their alarm posts, so that he declined it. The strength of the ice having been tried in one place, and the frost continuing, general Washington was desirous of embracing the season for passing over it, from Cambridge side into Boston. He laid before a council of war [Feb. 16.] the following question: “A stroke well aimed at this critical juncture, may put a final period to the war, and restore peace and tranquility so much to be wished for, and therefore whether, part of Cambridge and Roxbury bays being frozen over, a general assault should not be made on Boston?” General Ward opposed the idea, saying, “The attack must be made with a view of bringing on an engagement, or of driving the enemy out of Boston, and either end will be answered much better by possessing Dorchester heights.” General Gates was also against it. The commander in chief was evidently for it. He did not appear enough sensible of the importance of Dorchester heights; and probably confided too much in the courage and perseverance of the continental troops and militia. When the votes were called for, the majority were against the attack. The commander in chief could not refrain from showing that he was greatly dissatisfied. But a negative being put on the question, the next point to be considered was, whether they should possess themselves of Dorchester heights, with a view of drawing the enemy out. This was agreed upon; and the conducting of the business was left wholly to general Ward, who with generals Thomas and Spencer, commanded on that quarter. They had been for some time collecting fascines, gabions, &c. unknown to general Washington, in expectation that the same would be wanted for this purpose. 25Had they not practised such foresight, it is to be much doubted whether they could have been in sufficient forwardness. The militia, which were called for from the New-England colonies to assist in some grand operation meant to be undertaken between the first of February and the end of March, collected apace; but the want of arms was prodigious. Every thing was carried on with the utmost expedition; that so the heights might be occupied as soon as possible. The design was no secret, and many were fearful, that general Howe would secure them before the Americans—but he could not spare a sufficient force for the purpose. Not only so, but there was neither water nor covering upon the heights; and had a corps been employed by him to gain the possession of them, it would have been in danger of being surrounded, of having its communication cut off, and of being obliged to surrender in less than twenty-four hours, through the severity of the weather.

[Feb. 26.] The Americans had got forty-five batteaus, each to carry eighty men, and two floating batteries, stationed at the mouth of Cambridge river; by the help of these, they meant to rush into the west of Boston, should the enemy make a serious affair of Dorchester. A council of war was called to fix the time for going upon the heights. The quarter master general, colonel Mifflin, was summoned to the council for the first time. He went prepossessed in favor of the night of March the fourth, a friend having reminded him, that probably the action would be the next day; and that it would have a wonderful effect upon the spirits of the New-Englanders, to tell them when about engaging—“remember the fifth of March, and avenge yourselves for the massacre at Boston.” When required to give his opinion, he spake in favor of the aforementioned night, and supported it in opposition to the contrary sentiment of general Gates, who for some reasons deemed it an improper time. After a debate it was carried for that night by a majority of one. It was included, that several regiments of militia from the neighbouring towns, should march in, and do duty for a few days on the lines of Dorchester and Roxbury. Among other preparations which had been making against the day of action, the doctors, surgeons, mates, &c. had been preparing two thousand bandages for broken legs, arms and dangerous wounds.—

Though this circumstance was well known in camp, the men did not appear daunted at the idea of the horrid carnage it imparted. There was a spirit of animation among them, intimating a strong desire of coming to blows with the enemy. To conceal the design of the Americans, and to divert the enemy’s attention, a very heavy service of cannon and mortars began to 26play upon the town, between ten and eleven, on Saturday night, [March 2.] from Cobble Hill, Lechmere’s point and Lamb’sdam, a fortified battery at Roxbury. The firing was continued all that, and the two succeeding nights. The first night, two seven inch, and one ten inch, and the congress mortar burst; the last after firing twice or thrice. Till the Saturday night, the enemy did not believe that the continentals had so many warlike instruments. But Mr. Henry Knox, who was unanimously elected by congress colonel of the regiment of artillery the 17th of last November, had been to Tyconderoga, and brought from thence and Crown Point across the lakes, while frozen sufficient to bear cannons, mortars and howitzers, to the number of fifty and better. Shells, &c. they had got from the king’s store at New-York, and out of the ordnance brig. The cannonade and bombardment did little damage, only shattered some houses and hurt a few soldiers.

[March 4.] All things being ready on Monday; as soon as the evening admits, the expedition goes forward. The covering party of 800 men lead the way; then come the carts with the intrenching tools; after them the main working body of about 1200 under general Thomas: a train of more than 300 carts, loaded with fascines, hay in bundles of 7 or 800 weight, &c. close the martial procession. The bundles of hay are designed for Dorchester neck, which is very low, and exposed to be raked by the enemy; and are to be laid on the side next to them, to cover the Americans in passing and repassing. Every man knows his place and business. The covering party, when upon the ground, divides; half goes to the point nearest to Boston, the other to that next to the castle. All possible silence is observed. But there is no occasion to order the whips to be taken from the waggoners, lest their impatience, and the difficulty of the roads should induce them to make use of them, and occasion an alarm^[4]. The whips used by the drivers of these oxcarts, are not formed for making much noise, and can give no alarm at a distance. The men in driving their oxen commonly make most noise with their voices; and now a regard to their own safety dictates to them, to speak to their cattle, as they move on, in a whispering note. There are no bad roads to require an exertion; for the frost having been of long continuance, they are so hard frozen as to be quite good. The wind lies so as to carry what noise cannot be avoided by driving the stakes and picking against the ground, (still frozen above eighteen inches 27deep in many places) into the harbour between the town and the castle, so that it cannot be heard and regarded by any who have no suspicion of what is carrying on especially as there is a continued cannonade on both sides. Many of the carts make three trips some four; for a vast quantitiy of materials have been collected, especially chandeliers and fascines. By ten o’clock at night the troops have raised two forts, one upon each hill, sufficient to defend them from small arms and grape shot. The night is remarkably mild, a finer for working could not have been sellected out of the three hundred and sixty-five. They continue working with the utmost spirit, till relieved the Tuesday morning (March 5.) about three. It is so hazy below the height that the men cannot be seen, though it is a bright moonlight night, above on the hills. It is some time after day break before the ministerialists in Boston can clearly discern the new erected forts. They loom to great advantage, and are thought to be much larger than is really the case. General Howe is astonished upon seeing what has been done; scratches his head and is heard to say, “I know not what I shall do; the rebels have done more in one night, than my whole army would have done in months.” The admiral informs him, that if the Americans possess those heights he cannot keep one of his majesty’s ships in the harbour. A council of war determines to attempt dislodging them.

General Washington has settled his plan of defence and offence. Boston is so surrounded on every land side by neighbouring hills, that nothing can take place on the wharves or next to the water, but it may be noted by the help of glasses. Proper signals having been agreed on, by means of the hills, which are in view one of another, intelligence can be conveyed instantly from Dorchester heights to Roxbury, and from Roxbury to Cambridge and so the reverse. This mode of communicating information is the speediest and safest. General Washington’s plan is, in case any number of the enemy leave Boston to attack the heights and are defeated, to communicate such defeat by the proper signal, when 4000 provincials are to cross over from Cambridge side, and attempt the town in the confusion that the regulars will be under. The boats are prepared, and the men paraded ready to embark. General Sullivan commands the first division, and general Green the second. Gen. Heath objected to the command when offered, and remains in perfect safety with the troops left in Cambridge. The whole force which the commander in chief now has, including all the militia, is not much short of 20,000.

28All is hurry and bustle in Boston. General Howe orders the ladders in town to be cut to ten feet lengths, that they may be fit for scaling. A large body of troops are to embark on board the transports, and to proceed down the harbour, with a view of landing in the hollow between the furtherest of the two fortified hills and the castle. The men are observed by one, at whose door they are drawn up before embarking, to look in general, pale and dejected; and are heard to say, “It will be another Bunker’s Hill affair, or worse”—they have adopted the prevailing mistake of Bunker’s for Breed’s Hill. Some show great resolution and boast of what they will do with the rebels. When these troops, amounting to about 2,000, and designed to be under the command of lord Percy, are upon the wharves, and passing in the boats to the transports, the Americans expect they are intended for an immediate attack, clap their hands for joy, and wish them to come on. General Washington happens at that instant to be on one of the heights; thinks with his men; and says to those who are at hand,—“Remember it is the fifth of March, and avenge the death of your brethren.” It is instantly asked by such as are not near enough to hear,—“What says the general?” His words are given in answer. They fly from man to man through all the troops upon the spot, and add fuel to the martial fire already kindled, and burning with uncommon intenseness. The surrounding hills and elevations about Boston, affording a secure view of the ground on which the contending parties are expected to engage, are alive with the numerous spectators that throng them. A more interesting and bloody scene is apprehended to be just upon commencing, than what presented at Charlestown. They wait, as do the troops, officers and privates, the morning through; and till far into the afternoon, when they are convinced of the tide’s being so far ebbed, that no attack can be made by general Howe on the Tuesday, which indeed is not his intention, for he is preparing to do it on the Wednesday. The transports go down in the evening toward the castle, a floating battery is also towed down, but the wind is unfavorable, and before they reach their destination blows up fresh, and forces three of the vessels ashore on Governor’s Island. A storm succeeds at night, such as few remember ever to have heard; and toward morning it rains excessively hard.

[March 6.] The design of general Howe was hereby frustrated, and a deal of bloodshed providentially prevented. A council of war, was called in the morning, and agreed to evacuate the town as soon as possible. The time that had been gained by the Americans for strengthening their works, before any attempt could be now made upon them, took away all hope of 29success; which would have been more precarious than expected by reason of colonel Mifflin’s having advised to, and provided a large number of barrels, filled with stones, gravel and sand, that were placed round the works, to be rolled down and break the lines of any hostile advancing troops, when ascending the hills. He is entitled to much praise for all his exertions, and particularly for his conduct on this occasion. There was a full supply of teams and other requisites for the service; and though the men were for a while without cover, and suffered from the rain and cold, yet before Thursday evening he had a number of barracks up; they having been framed beforehand, and brought upon the ground on Monday night. [March 7.] There was a general hurry and confusion in Boston; both troops and tories were as busy as possible in preparing to quit the town, and to carry off all they could of their military stores and valuable effects. The number of transports and vessels was short of what were wanted. In the beginning of last November, gen. Howe received a letter from lord Dartmouth, advising to the evacuation of Boston, and the remeval of his troops to New-York. He excused himself by pleading he had not sufficient shipping. He was now obliged to evacuate with fewer.

[March 8.] A flag was sent out from the select men, acquainting general Washington with the intention of the troops, and that general Howe was disposed to leave the town standing, provided he could retire uninterrupted by the country. General Washington brought himself under no obligation; but expressed himself in words which admitted of a favorable construction, and intimated his good wishes for the town’s-people. He was at a loss to know where it was that general Howe intended going; and though inclined to believe it was Halifax, yet to guard against the evil of a mistake, while the British were preparing to be gone, he sent off the riflemen by land to New-York, to assist in securing that city.

[March 9.] General Howe issued a proclamation, ordering all woollen and linen goods to be delivered to Crean Brush, esq. be they in whose hands they might. [March 10.] Sundry shops belonging to persons in the country, were broke open and all the goods, of whatever sort or kind, taken by the said Brush and put on board ship to be conveyed away. The next day shops were stripped by him of all their goods, though the owners were in town. [March 12.] There was a licentious plundering of shops, stores and dwelling-houses, by soldiers and sailors, carrying destruction wherever they went: what they could not carry away they destroyed. The next day the same scene were renewed though expressly forbid in orders, and the 30guilty threatened with death, if detected in that or firing a house. [March 14.] The streets were barricaded in different parts of the town, and dispositions made, as though the troops would soon take there departure. Stores &c. were plundered by sailors from the ships of war, led by their officers under pretence of orders from the admiral. [March 15.] Proclamation was made by the crier for every inhabitants to keep to his house from eleven o’clock in the morning till night, lest they should ennoy the troops in their intended embarkation; but the wind coming about to east, they mostly returned to their barracks again.—[March 16.] The troops waiting only for a fair wind to embark, had little else to study but mischief, which they practised to a great degree, by breaking open stores and tossing the contents, being private proverty, into the dock; destroying the furniture of every house they could get into, and otherwise committing every kind of wantonness, which disappointed malice could suggest.

[March 17.] A breast work was discovered, to be thrown up by the Americans at Nook’s Hill on Dorchester peninsula, which from its proximity, had an entire command of Boston Neck and the south end of the town—a work which the king’s troops had most fearfully dreaded. In consequence of it, they began to embark at four o’clock in the morning, and were all on board and under sail before ten.^[5] When it was certain that they were quite gone, search was made, for fear of what might be, and fires were discovered in several houses so circumstanced as to intimate a design of setting them on fire, which was happily frustrated. Nothing but prevailing prejudice will impute such design to any other than some unprincipled privates: though an officer of rank was strongly suspected of having plundered under an official character, and of having connived at the rascally conduct of smaller villains. What so hastened the British upon a sight of the works at Nook’s Hill, was probably an apprehension, that the Americans would possess themselves of Noddle’s Island, and by erecting batteries at both places, enclose the harbor with the fire of their cannon. When the king’s troops withdrew from Charlestown, they left centries standing as usual with their firelocks shouldered; but it was soon suspected what regiment they belonged to, and that they were only effigies set there by the flying enemy. It appears by one of the orderly books which was left behind, that their force was 7575, exclusive of the staff; so that with the marines and sailors, Howe might have been 31considered as 10,000 strong, had it not been for the mutual jealousies which took place between the army and navy.

The difficulties which the troops were under, from being so unexpectedly obliged to evacuate Boston, were much increased by the numbers who were under the necessity of removing with them. Many who were disaffected to the American cause had fled there with their families for safety: besides these, there were not a few of the old inhabitants, who concluded it was far more prudent for them to withdraw than remain. Both together, with their families, made up some hundreds, and with their effects encumbered the transports; to which must be added the plunder taken from the town, consisting of furniture and various other articles of a bulky nature. The suddenness of the evacuation prevented an application to Halifax for a supply of shipping to lessen the embarrassments. When the fleet got down to King and Nantasket roads, they remained there several days, and during that period, burnt the blockhouse and barracks on Castle-Island, blowed up and demolished the fortifications; but they did not undertake to carry off the cannon, and only attempted rendering them unserviceable, which was affected as to several.

General Washington was soon acquainted with the evacuation of the town, when measures were taken to preserve the peace and order of it, by placing guards and giving directions as to the admission of persons into it. The day of evacuating being the Sabbath, was in favor of regularity. On the Monday [Mar. 18.] his excellency sent off five regiments under gen. Heath. After marching about a hundred miles, they embarked and went from New-London through the Sound to New-York by water. The rest, excepting a few which were left in Boston, took the same route, when the fleet put to sea, the American army was well supplied with flour, while in the neighbourhood of Boston, without any particular interruption, owing to capt. Wallace’s having been ordered to cruise about Rhode-Island, instead of New-London. Consequently the flour for the army always got safe from New-York or elsewhere to New-London, from thence to Norwich, and then by land to the place of destination.—About a week after the evacuation, the British fleet sailed as was soon known, for Halifax; but commodore Banks was left with two or three men of war to protect the vessels that should arrive from Great-Britain or Ireland; some of which will undoubtedly be taken notwithstanding such precaution. It was but three day before the evacuation, that capt. Manly took a transpart of 400 tons burthen, laden with pease, potatoes, pork, sourcrout and ten packages of medicine.

32When admission into Boston was allowed, the American troops were very desirous of seeing the town. Many of them came from inland places and were never in a sea-port; their curiosity was much excited on a variety of accounts. But the small-pox was in several parts of it; and therefore they only, who were past the disorder were to be admitted. Such however was the desire of numbers, that they were guilty of a deception, to obtain entrance. The thought of being liable to catch the distemper would have terrified them in the highest degree a little while back; but to gratity a different passion, they suppressed their fears, which might operate for the preventing of their taking the infection. The works of the enemy naturally engaged their attention. These, by judicious persons who have surveyed them, are acknowledged to be excellent, and every one is convinced, that it would have been a most hazardous attempt to have endeavored forcing them.

General Washington appointed persons to procure an account and to take care of the articles which the British troops left behind. Beside others, there were at the Castle-Island and Boston 250 pieces of cannon, great and small, more than half of which may be rendered serviceable by the aids of ingenuity; the heaviest have been the least injured—four thirteen and a half inch morters, two of them with their beds weighing five tons each—2,500 chaldron of sea coal—25,000 hushels of wheat—2,300 bushels of barley—600 bushels of oats—100 jars of oil, containing a barrel each—and 150 horses. Some of the ordnance were thrown into the water; but the Americans will recover them. The joy of the inhabitants, whether such as remained in town or withdrew for personal security, upon finding themselves restored to the safe and peaceable enjoyment of their ancient rights, freed from what they deemed an odious tyrannical authority, in a situation to triumph over the disgrace of their enemies, and with the prospect of speedy relief from the distresses which they had been under for many tedious months—that joy is more easily conceived than expressed. They received the commander in chief with every mark of respect and gratitude, which could be shown to a deliverer.

[Mar. 28.] At his excellency’s request, Dr. Elliot preached a thanksgiving sermon on the opening afresh of the Thursday’s lecture. That you may not be at the trouble of turning to your Bible, take his text in manuscript, “Look upon Zion the city of our solemnities; thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken down; not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken.” When you are minded to exaamine 33the context, look for chap. xxxiii. 20. of Isaiah. The general and a number of officers attended. A dinner was provided for his excellency and other gentlemen in public and private life.

The day after the lecture, (March 29.) the Massachusett’s council and house of representatives complimented him in a joint address. They took notice, among many other things, of his attention to the civil constitution of the colony; of the regard he had always shown for the lives and health of those under his command; of his having attended to the preservation of their metropolis, in the quiet possession of which they now were, without that effusion of blood they so much wished to avoid. When they expressed their good wishes for him at the close, they began with, “May you still go on, approved by heaven, revered by all good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who claim their fellow men as their property”—and finished with, “May future generations in the peaceful enjoyment of that freedom, the exercise of which your sword shall have established, raise the richest and most lasting monuments to the name of a Washington.” His answer was proper, moderate, and becoming his situation. It will be to his honor to mention, that in private conversation, he expressed himself to this purpose: “The recovery of Boston, by the speedy flight of the enemy, is more satisfactory than a victory gained at the expence of much blood-shed.” When he sent off an express to Lord Stirling, at New-York, he wrote, “Gen. Howe abandoned Boston without destroying it. The town is in a much better situation, and less injured than I expected, from the reports I had received; though to be sure, it is much damaged, and many houses despoiled of their valuable furniture.” The following anecdote of the general may be acceptable. A gentleman who had heard the Rev. Mr. Davis relate, that col. Washington had mentioned—he knew of no music so pleasing as the whistling of bullets; being alone in conversation with him at Cambridge, asked him whether it was as had been related; the general answered—“If I said so, it was when I was young.” Let us take a transient notice of the hardships experienced by the Boston inhabitants, whether they remained in the town or withdrew from it, and resided elsewhere till the evacuation. Notwithstanding the universal profession of patriotism, advantages were too generally taken for oppressing them, by extravagant charges. A sensible writer justly censured such proceedings in the Connecticut Gazette; and complained, that the refugees were obliged to pay far higher rents for houses than usual, and in some instances double. The greatest sufferings of those who remained, arose from the want of fuel and from provisions, not to mention 34such as resulted from the presence of the British army and navy. Fresh provisions were not alway to be had, and were mostly too dear for the lower class to obtain; but at length the rations of the soldiers were so plentiful, that by the aid of these and arrivals from Europe, they that remained in the town had a tolerable supply of pork, peas, salt butter, sweet oil and bread, at a moderate price. But the intense cold of the season rendered the want of fuel extremely grievous. Families, which had been accustomed to plenty, were obliged to burn with the most sparing hand, and to save by going to their beds very early, and leaving them as late. Many kept to them in the sharpest weather, other than as they got up to dress their victuals and eat their meals. Numbers, to supply the want of fuel, pulled up the floors of their houses, the stairs, and whatever offered. The wooden buildings, taken down by order of gen. Howe, were appropriated to the use of the royal refugees. It was as much charity to the poorer inhabitants to admit them to a small fire, as to furnish them with victuals. You must recollect the hard frosts you have in Britain, once in a great number of years, to conceive of what persons must endure through the want of fuel, from the long continued frosts of this country. The houses which the British officers inhabited while in Boston, were generally left in good condition; but afterwards much damaged when tenanted by the Americans, whose style of life did not lead them to pay attention to neatness and elegance.

New-York, most probably, is henceforward to be the grand scene of action. Gen. Lee has left the city some time, and is gone to the southward. While there, he took care to remove the good cannon on the battery, and at the king’s store amounting to about a hundred, to a place of safety; a third of them are thirty-two pounders. He also drew up another tremendous oath to be administered to the tories, and sent captain Sears over to Queen’s county with it; which led congress to resolve, “That no oath by way of test be imposed upon, exacted or required of any of the inhabitants of these colonies, by any military officer.” In many of the streets of the city there are breast-works, barricadoes, &c. and more are making, together with forts in abundance. Actual service began in the colony, (April 6.) A British sloop sent her boat ashore on Staten-Island to get water, and a party of riflemen took the boat and crew prisoners. The firing between the sloop and the riflemen lasted all day. The city, in a week’s time, was thronged with provincials; and it might be concluded, that the environs were not very safe from so undisciplined a multitude; but there are few instances of so great a number of troops being together with so little mischief done by them. However 35as they (especially the Connecticut soldiers, whom some pronounced the dirtiest people on the continent) are not particularly attentive to cleanliness, the owners of the houses where they are quartered, if they ever get possession of them, must be years in cleaning them, unless they get new floors, and new plaister the walls. Gov. Tryon has lost his credit with the citizens, and is now spoken of with contempt and disgust.

The governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, was no less popular than Tryon at one time; but is at length as little respected by the Virginians as the other is by the New-Yorkers. The measures he has continued to pursue, have only encreased, instead of diminishing the general resentment. We left him on board a ship off Norfolk, on the 14th of December, and col. Robert Howe in possession of the town. The Liverpool frigate arrived from Great-Britain. Soon after, the captain sent a flag of truce, and demanded to be informed whether his majesty’s ships of war would be supplied from the shore with provisions: the reply was in the negative; and the ships in the harbour being continually annoyed by the riflemen from behind the buildings and ware-houses on the wharfs, it was determined to dislodge them by destroying the same. Previous notice was given, that the women, children, and other innocent persons, might remove from the danger. (Jan. 1.) The entrance of the new year was signalized at four o’clock in the morning, by a violent cannonade from the Liverpool, two sloops of war, and the governor’s armed ship the Dunmore; seconded by parties of sailors and marines, who landed and fired the houses next the water. Where buildings instead of being covered with tile, slate, or lead, are covered with shingles, (thin light pieces of fir or cedar, half a yard in length, and about six inches broad) let the wind be ever so moderate, they will, upon being fired, be likely to communicate the conflagration to a distance, should the weather be dry, by the lighted burning shingles being drived by the force of the flames to the tops of other houses. Thus it happened here; and most of the town was destroyed. Col. Howe, by his positive orders and presence, did all he could to extinguish the fire; but in vain. It is not improbable, that some of the soldiers and negroes, regardless of all orders, instead of extinguishing, used all their endeavours to spread the flames; and thought themselves justified, upon the principle of the property’s belonging to persons inimical to the liberties of America. A part of the town escaped; the owners were mostly whigs. Their houses however, were afterward valued, and then burnt by the direction of the ruling civil authority. Thus the whole town was reduced to ashes, that the enemy might have no shelter, should they be inclined to establish a post 36on the spot. A few men were killed and wounded on both sides at the burning of Norfolk, the most populous and considerable town for commerce of any in the colony. It contained about 6000 inhabitants, and many in affluent circumstances. The whole loss is estimated at more than three hundred thousand pounds sterling. However urgent the necessity, it was an odious business for a governor to be himself a principal actor in burning and destroying the best town in his government. The Americans afterward cut off every possible resource from the ships, burnt and destroyed the houses and plantations within reach of the water; and obliged the people, chiefly royalists, to remove with their cattle and provisions further into the country. The horrid distresses brought upon numbers of innocent persons by these operations, must pain the feelings of all who are not hardened by a party spirit.

Governor Martin demands our next attention. Though he was obliged to take refuge on board a ship of war, he contemplated the reduction of North-Carolina to royal obedience. He had been informed, that a squadron of men of war, with seven regiments, under the conduct of Sir Peter Parker and lord Cornwallis, were to leave Ireland on an expedition to the southern provinces in the beginning of the year, and that North-Carolina was their first, if not principal object. He knew also that gen. Clinton, with a small detachment, was on his way to meet them at Cape Fear. He had for some time formed a connection with the regulators, and highland-emigrants, in the western parts of the province. To these people he sent several commissions for the raising and commanding of regiments, and granted another to Mr. M’Donald to act as their general. He also commanded all persons by proclamation, to repair to the royal standard which was to be erected by the general about the middle of February. The highlanders and regulators collected and embodied at Cross Creek the beginning of the month; and by the 19th amounted to about fifteen or sixteen hundred. Gen. Moore hearing that they were assembling, marched with his own regiment, and all the militia he could collect, about 1100 in all, to an important post within seven miles of Cross Creek, which he secured on the 15th Feb. On the 12th they marched within four miles of him, and sent in, by a flag of truce, [Feb. 20.] the governor’s proclamation, a manifesto, and a letter to the general, which he answered. That and the following night they crossed the north-west river, and took their rout to Negro Head Point. On information hereof gen. Moore sent an express to col. Caswell, who was upon his march with 800 men to join him, and directed him how to proceed upon the occasion. Colonels Lillington and Ashe were ordered, if possible to reinforce him; and if they could 37not, to take possession of Moore’s Creek bridge. The general pursued the enemy; but did not come up with them. He proposed getting to and securing the bridge, which was about ten miles from them. Want of horses occasioned a delay; but col. Lillington had taken his stand there just in time, and the next afternoon was reinforced by col. Caswell. The colonels immediately raised a small breast-work and destroyed part of the bridge. The next morning at break of day, [Feb. 27.] an alarm gun was fired, directly after which, scarcely leaving the Americans a moment to prepare, the enemy with capt. M’Cleod at their head (gen. M’Donald being ill) made their attack. Finding a small intrenchment next the bridge quite empty, they concluded that the Americans had abandoned their post, and in the most furious manner advanced within thirty paces of their breast-work and artillery, where they met with a warm reception. Captains M’Cleod and Cambell fell within a few paces of it; and in a few minutes the whole army was put to flight, and shamefully abandoned their general, who was the next day taken prisoner. They lost only about 70 killed and wounded. The Americans had only two wounded, one of them survived. The conquerors took 13 waggons, 350 guns and shot bags, about 150 swords and dirks, and 1500 excellent rifles. The joy this conquest diffused among the North-Carolinians is inconceivable, the importance of it being heightened by gen. Clinton and lord William Campbell’s being then at Cape Fear in sanguine expectation of being joined by the vanquished. The Americans under colonels Caswell and Lillington were about 1000 strong. Parties of men have been dispersed through the colony, to apprehend suspected persons, and disarm all the highlanders and regulators routed in the battle who are discharged if privates, but the officers are secured. It was but a few months since——capt. M’Cleod and another officer took a solemn oath before the committee at New-bern, that their business in North-Carolina was only to see their friends and relations.

In South-Carolina, when the recommendation of the continental congress for the establishment of a form of government came to be considered, a great part of the provincial congress opposed the measure; it had so much the appearance of an eternal separation from a country, by a reconciliation with which many yet hoped for a return of ancient happiness. While they were suspended on this important debate, an express arrived from Savannah, with the act of parliament, passed December 21, 1775, confiscating all the American property found floating upon the water; and compelling all the crews belonging to American vessels, without distinction of persons to serve as common sailors in the 38British ships of war. By this act they considered all the colonists from New-Hampshire to Georgia inclusively, as thrown out of the king’s protection. The timely arrival of it turned the scale, silenced all who were advocates for a reconciliation, and produced a majority for an independent constitution. In less than an hour after the act was read in the convention, an order was issued to seize for the public, a Jamaica vessel laden with sugar, which had put into Charlestown in her way for London; though she had the day before obtained leave to pass the forts, and meant to sail in the afternoon. Still the attachment of numbers to Great-Britain was so strong, that though they assented to the establishment of an independent constitution; yet it was carried after a long debate, that it is only to exist, “till a reconciliation with Great-Britain and the colonies shall take place^[6].”

The transactions in Georgia remain to be related. Gen. Howe, while at Boston, in order to obtain rice, sent major Grant and capt. Maitland with four transports and 200 marines to Savannah. The South-Carolina congress having timely information, commissioned col. Stephen Bull to act in aid of the Georgians: he accordingly marched a body to their assistance. A battery was erected, which fired smartly upon the transports on their arrival in the harbour. Upon this they went round an island in the night to get at some vessels going to Great-Britain. About four o’clock in the morning of March the third, the enemy, by collusion with the masters and others, got on board these ships, where they attempted to conceal themselves. But knowledge of it being obtained, 300 men were immediately marched opposite the shipping, with three four pounders, and threw up a breast-work. Firing between both parties after a while ensued. At length it was determined to burn the vessels, orders were issued to fire the Inverness and cut her loose; which being executed the marines in the utmost confusion, got on shore in the marsh, while the riflemen and field pieces were incessantly galling them. The shipping were also in the utmost disorder. Some got up the river under cover of an armed sloop, while others caught the flame, and, as they passed and repassed with the tide, were the subject of gratulation and applause. Seven loaded vessels were burnt, and the intention of gen. Howe entirely frustrated.

Philadelphia will detain us for a while. Congress resolved, (Jan. 15.) “That to express the veneration of the U. Colonies for their late general, Richard Montgomery, and the deep sense they entertain of the many signal and important services of that gallant officer; and to transmit to future ages, as examples truly 39worthy of imitation, his patriotism, conduct, boldness of enterprise, insuperable perseverance, and contempt of danger and death, a monument be procured from Paris or any other part of France, with an inscription sacred to his memory, and expressive of his amiable character and heroic atchievements; and that Dr. Smith be desired to prepare and deliver a funeral oration in honor of the general, and those officers and soldiers, who so magnanimously fought and fell with him in maintaining the principles of American liberty.”

They ordered gen. Thomas to take the command of the troops in Canada; endeavouring to collect gold and silver, in exchange for continental bills of credit, for the service in that quarter; and appointed [Mar. 20.] Dr. Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll, esqrs. commissioners to form a union between the people of the United Colonies and those of that province.—They left New-York in the beginning of April on their way thither. As the priests have been prevailed upon to refuse the sacraments to those of the Canadians, who are deemed rebels, and as it operates powerfully against the American interests, a priest is gone from Maryland to perform all the needful services of the Romish religion. Congress came to the resolution, (Mar. 23.) “That the inhabitants of these colonies be permitted to fit out armed vessels to cruise on the enemies of the United Colonies;” and many others which related to it. They took notice, in the declaration which preceded them, of the act of parliament passed the 21st of December. This act has made many converts to independency in all the colonies. [Mar. 25.] After reading gen. Washington’s letter of the 19th, informing congress of the evacuation of Boston, they ordered thanks to be presented to him, in their own and in the name of the Thirteen United Colonies; and to the officers and soldiers under his command; and that a medal of gold be struck in commemoration of the event, and presented to his excellency. They resolved (April 6.) to admit of the importation of any goods and merchandize, (if not of the growth, production and manufacture of, or brought from any country under the dominion of the king of Great-Britain) except East India tea. They on the same day determined, “That no slaves be imported into any of the colonies.” They ordered (April 10.) a speech to be delivered to capt. White Eyes, whom they, no less than lord Dunmore, in compliance with the expectation of the Indian, addressed with a—“brother capt. White Eyes.”

The disuse of tea is again fashionable through the United Colonies. It became so in the Massachusetts, soon after the East India Company’s teas were destroyed on December the 16th, 401773. Coffee, which is about nine-pence sterling the pound, is substituted by vast numbers for the once favourite herb of China; now the more readily exploded for having been the accidental occasion of the troubles with which the colonists are exercised.

[April 1.] Dr. Warren’s merit obliges me to mention, that the lodge of Free Masons, whereof he was late grand master, agreed to take up his remains, and in the usual funeral solemnities of that society, decently to inter the same. The spot where he was buried, was pointed out with those attending circumstances that assured them, that they had gained the possession thereof, though consisting of bones only; which were honourably interred in Boston, (April 8) being attended by a grand procession of the society, accompanied by a crowd of spectators.

Commodore Ezekiel Hopkins’s naval expedition is the last article of intelligence to be related. The fleet consisted of two ships, two brigs, and a sloop, all armed and well manned, including better than 200 marines. On the 17th of February they left Cape-Henlopen, and after a pleasant passage of fifteen days, came to an anchor off the island of Abacco, about seventeen leagues from New-Providence, which gave the commodore an opportunity of enquiring into the state of the last island, and of learning that it was well supplied with warlike stores; on which it was deemed a proper object. The marines were embarked on board some small vessels belonging to New-Providence, which had been taken; and the whole sailed Saturday evening, March the 2d; the next morning all the men were landed at the east end of the island. They were marched toward the fort built about half way between the landing and town. Upon their approaching it, the garrison fired upon them, then spiked up the cannon, and retired to the fort within the town. The Americans took possession of that which had been abandoned, (March 3) and stayed there the whole night to refresh themselves. The next morning they marched forward to the town, and entered it without meeting any interruption. The officer went to the governor, and demanded the keys of the fort which were immediately given. Upon taking possession of it, he found 40 cannon mounted and all well loaded, beside a great quantity of shot and shells, with 15 brass mortars, but missed of the grand article, 150 casks of powder, which the governor carefully sent off the night before. They remained on the island, till they had gotten all the stores on board the fleet, and then the whole took their departure on the 17th. They brought away with them governor Monford Brown, the lieut. governor, and a counsellor.

41[April 4.] The fleet fell in with a British schooner, on the east end of Long-Island, and took her. The next day they took a bomb brig of eight guns and two howitzers, ten swivels and forty-eight men, well found with all sorts of stores, arms, powder, &c. On the 6th, about one in the morning, they fell in with his majesty’s ship the Glasgow (of twenty nine pounders and 150 men) and her tender. At half past two, the Cabot brigantine, capt. Hopkins, jun. came up with the Glasgow, and upon finding who she was, immediately fired her broadside; when the Glasgow made her a return of two-fold, and with the weight of her metal damaged her so much in her hull and rigging, as obliged her to retire for a while to refit. On her retiring, the Alfred of twenty nine pounders on the lower, and ten six pounders on the upper deck, commanded by the commodore, capt. Hopkins, sen. came up and engaged the Glasgow for three glasses as hot as possible on both sides. While thus engaged, the Columbus, capt. Whipple, of eighteen nine pounders on the lower, and ten six pounders on the upper deck, ran under the Glasgow’s stern, raked her as she passed, and then luft on her lee beam, while the Anandona brig of sixteen six pounders, took her station on the larboard quarter of the Glasgow; the Providence sloop of twelve six pounders altered her station occasionally. By day light the station of the American vessels was changed, as the two ships had dropt on each quarter of the Glasgow, while one of the brigs kept a stern, giving a continual fire. Captain Tyringham Howe, of the Glasgow, perceiving the force of the American fleet, seemingly increased by a large ship and a snow, which kept to windward as soon as the action began, and discerning none of captain Wallace’s fleet to afford him the prospect of support, very prudently made all the sail he could crowd, and stood in for Newport. The bravery of captain Howe’s behaviour is to be commended. That he should have escaped from a force, so much superior when united, does not give satisfaction to the Americans, and is imputed to some failure in conduct or courage on the side of their commanders. Commodore Hopkins, in his account of the action, has written, “We received considerable damage in our ship, but the greatest was in having our wheel-rope and blocks shot away, which gave the Glasgow time to make sail; and I did not think proper to follow, as it would have brought on an action with the whole of their fleet, and I had upward of thirty of our best seamen on board the prizes: I therefore thought it most prudent to give over the chace, and secure our prizes; and having taken the Glasgow’s tender, arrived the seventh with all the fleet”—at New-London. [April 16.] The congress have given orders, 42“that the cannon and such other stores as are not necessary for the fleet, be landed and left at New-London; and that such of the cannon and wheels as governor Trumbull shall direct, may be employed for the defence of that harbor.

Commodore Hopkins is thought not to have followed his instructions and to have displeased by departing from them.—The Alfred had six men killed and as many wounded. The Cabot had four men killed and seven wounded, the captain among the latter. The Columbus had one man who lost his arm. The Glasgow had one man killed, and three wounded by the musketry from the Americans. The main damage on each side lay in the hulls and rigging.

Many of your papers, it is observed, are very liberal in bestowing upon the colonists the appellation of rebels, traitors, cowards, &c. while those printed on this side the Atlantic are calling the parties employed against the Americans by sea and land, pirates, banditti, ministerial butchers, butchering assassins, cut-throats, thieves, &c. These abusive names take with the unthinking multitude, whether in high or low life, and set a keener edge upon the spirit of party; but are productive of much cruelty, and tend to beget a rooted antipathy. You will not object to any expence, that may attend the conveyance of this letter by way of France, no other safe one offering at present. My correspondent there will cheerfully undertake the care of any you may want to forward to America.

LETTER II.

London, May 25. 1776.

Friend G.

The choice of George Washington, esq. by congress, to be commander in chief of the American army, is adjudged highly prudent by the first military characters that have served in America, and who conjecture from his acceptance, that the reduction of the colonies by an armed force will be more difficult than is generally expected. The ministers of state however are 43bent upon making the attempt. They have not profited by the Lexington skirmishes, nor the Breed’s Hill battle. It would be happier for the nation, would they copy the conduct of the Spanish court, toward the inhabitants of Biscay, near upon a hundred and fifty years back, in 1632, the court laid a duty upon salt, contrary to the privileges of the people. Upon this the inhabitants of Bilboa rose, and massacred all the officers appointed to collect it, and all the officers of the grand admiral. Three thousand troops were sent to punish them for rebellion; these they fought, and totally defeated, driving most of them into the sea, which discouraged the court from pursuing their plan of taxation, and induced them to leave those, whom they had considered in a state of rebellion, to the full enjoyment of their ancient privileges^[7]. It is thought that a treaty with the court of Petersburgh for 20,000 Russians, was at one time the last year in considerable forwardness; but that the extreme distance of the service, the difficulty of recal, the little probability of the return of many, and the critical state of public affairs through Europe, rendered it abortive, after the most sanguine hopes of success.

In all the European countries, where public affairs are a subject of writing or conversation, the general voice is rather favorable to the Americans. In this particularly, the lower class of people are adverse to the war. They have boldly and without restraint condemned the conduct of their rulers in terms of the utmost acrimony. But this has not been regarded, other than as it has obstructed the recruiting service, which never proceeded so heavily before. The reluctance of individuals has been striking and peculiar; they have not only refused the usual proffers of encouragement, but reprobated, with indignation, the cause in which they were solicited to engage, and exerted themselves to hinder others engaging. Neither protestants, nor catholics in any number, have been prevailed upon either in England or Ireland, to inlist for the American service, though the bounties have been raised, and the usual standard lowered, to facilitate the levies. The recruiting officers have declared, they never before met with so many mortifications in this branch of military business. But among the higher orders of men, a strange insensibility with respect to public affairs seemingly prevailed. The accounts of the late military actions, as well as political proceedings of no less importance, were received nearly with as much indifference, as if they wholly concerned other nations with whom we were scarce connected. You must except from these observations the people of North-Britain, who, almost to a man, so far as they can be described under any particular denomination, not only applauded, but proffered life and fortune 44in support of the present measures. The same approbation was also given and assurances made, though with less earnestness and unanimity, by a number of towns in England.

The loss of the American commerce was not generally felt. The prodigious remittances of corn during the British scarcity, and the larger than usual sums which the colonists were enabled to pay from the advanced prices of various articles, these together occasioned an extraordinary influx of money; while an unusual demand for goods and manufactures of various sorts, from different parts of Europe, produced a quick circulation of trade, kept up the spirit of the mercantile classes, and prevented their complaining for want of the American market. Great numbers at the same time were rendered perfectly unconcerned at what had happened in America, or were even rejoiced, because of the benefits they were receiving from the contest. The war being carried on at such a distance, gave employment and emolument to an amazing number of people; and caused that bustle of business and plenty of cash, which checked all observation of deficiencies in other branches of traffic. Add, that a tribe of contractors, dealers, and gamesters in stcoks and money transactions, were themselves animated, and encouraged others to join in justifying and supporting governmental measures. Hence, that apathy which has been noted; and which continued till toward the meeting of parliament.

The ministry gave into great expences, to supply the army at Boston with fresh provisions and other articles. It is said that five thousand oxen, and fourteen thousand of the largest and fattest sheep, beside a vast number of hogs, were purchased and sent out alive. Vegetables of all kinds were bought up in incredible quantities. Ten thousand butts of strong beer were supplied by two brewers. The seemingly trifling necessaries of vegetables, casks and vinegar, amount in two distinct articles, detached from the general comprehension of other provisions, to near twenty-two thousand pounds: and the hay; oats and beans, for the single regiment of light cavalry there, amount to nearly as much. To whatever it was owing, the transports were not ready to sail, till the year was far spent. By this mean they were detained on the coasts by contrary winds, or tossed about by tempests, until the greater part of their live cargoes of hogs, and particularly of sheep, perished, so that the channel was every where strewed with their floating carcases. A large part of the vegetables must also have been destroyed by excessive fermentation.

The retaliation practised by congress in cutting off the British fisheries from all colonial provisions and supplies, threw the whole business upon the banks and coasts of Newfoundland into 45the greatest confusion, and brought distress upon all who were employed by sea or land in that quarter. Instead of prosecuting the service they went upon, many of the ships were constrained to make the best of their way to any place where provisions could be procured. It was computed, that to the value of full half a million sterling was left in the bowles of the deep, and forever lost to mankind, by the first operation of the fishery bill.

The storm which happened last September the 11th, during the fishing season, and of which you will have received some general accounts, may probably be reckoned by the Americans, as it is here by the more serious or those who favour them, a providential retaliation of the supreme Ruler on such as had deprived them, by a parliamentary act, of that sustenance, which seemed to be given them as their peculiar property. Lest you should not have had the particulars, let me mention, that a most dreadful tempest, of a particular kind, discharged itself on the coasts of Newfoundland. The sea rose near upon thirty feet almost instantly. Above seven hundred boats, with all their people, perished, and eleven ships with most of their crews. At Havre-de-Grace, no fewer than three hundred boats were lost. The devastation was hardly less on the land; the waters broke in beyond their usual bounds, and occasioned vast destruction.—The shores presented a shocking spectacle.

As the time approached for the meeting of a parliament, addresses were poured in from different quarters, condemning the conduct of the Americans; approving of all the acts of government; and in general recommending a perseverance in the same until the colonies shall be reduced to a thorough obedience.—Manchester distinguished itself by taking the lead. These addresses necessarily implied an approbation of the measure that was then in execution, viz. the sending of five battalions of Hanoverian troops, to replace the like number of British, in the garrisons of Gibralter and Minorca thereby to increase the force in America with the addition of the latter. The electoral regiments sailed for the places of destination the first of November.

Petitions of a contrary tendency to the addresses were presented from several places. Great bodies of American, African and West-India merchants, with a majority of the inhabitants of the cities of London and Bristol, still struggled to have matters restored to their ancient state, but to no purpose. At a numerous meeting of the freeholders of Middlesex, [Sep. 25.] after agreeing to instruct their members in behalf of public liberty, it was moved and carried, “that a letter should be addressed from the freeholders of Middlesex to those of Great-Britain.” The tenor 46of it is in favour of a reconciliation with America, and against the prosecution of the ministerial war. Four days after, (Sept. 29.) the lord mayor, Mr. Wilkes, acquainted the livery with his having received a letter from the continental congress, which was read; when it was moved and passed in the affirmative, “that a letter addressed from the livery of London to the electors of Great-Britain should be read;” which was done, and afterward published. Three days before the meeting of parliament, an event took place, which for a while engaged the public attention. Rumours of combinations in favour of the Americans, had been frequent. It was said, that they were privately abetted by the advice and correspondence, and assisted by the purses of personages of high rank and importance. These reports spread much alarm through the nation, and, exasperated those who considered the Americans as rebels. Hints and suspicions were given and taken; and at length a seeming foundation for them appeared. (Oct. 23.) Mr. Sayre, an American born, and a banker in London, was secured; and being examined before the secretary of state, lord Rochford, and confronted by his accuser, was committed to the tower for high treason, on the ridiculous charge, of a design of seizing his majesty at noon day, in his passage to the house of peers; of conveying him a prisoner to the tower, and afterwards out of the kingdom; and of overturning the whole form of government, by bribing a few sergeants of the guards, who were also to bribe their men. After a close and severe confinement of five days, an habeas corpus was granted, and he was brought before the lord chief justice of the king’s bench, who admitted him to bail, on his own security, in the trifling sum of five hundred pounds, and that of two securities in as much, for his appearance to answer the charge. No prosecution was attempted, and at the session in December it was moved to have his recognisance discharged, which was granted accordingly. The secretary will be sued for illegal imprisonment, though it is thought his conduct is justifiable in point of law.—(Oct. 26.) His majesty opened the session of parliament with a speech, which proposed sanguinary measures, and charged the American leaders with having nothing in view, but the establishment of an independent empire. It says, “I have received the most friendly offers of foreign assistance; and if I shall make any treaties in consequence thereof, they shall be laid before you.—And I have, in testimony of my affection for my people, sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, a part of my electoral troops; that a larger number of the established forces of this kingdom, may be applied to the maintenance of its authority. When the deluded multitude, against whom this force will 47be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy. I shall give authority to certain persons to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities, in such manner, and to such persons, as they shall think fit, and to receive the submission of any province which shall be disposed to return to its allegiance. It may also be proper to authorise the persons so commissioned to restore such province, so returning to its allegiance, to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same protection and security as if such province had never revolted.” When an address to his majesty in answer to the speech, had been moved and seconded in the house of commons, lord John Cavendish moved for an amendment; which occasioned a long debate, that was carried on with the utmost eagerness and unceasing energy on both sides. The employment of foreign troops to reduce America, was an object animadverted upon by opposition with peculiar violence and indignation.