Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 7)

A few hours more of day-light might have so animated the conquerors, notwithstanding all their fatigue, as to have produced those exertions which would have been productive of a total and ruinous defeat to the Americans. Gen. Greene is apprehensive that they lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, twelve or thirteen hundred; and that the royal army did not suffer, on their part, short of seven or eight hundred in killed and wounded. The Americans lost also ten small field-pieces and a howitzer, of which all but one were brass.

A great number of French officers were in the action. The baron de St. Ouary, serving as a volunteer, was taken. The congress will undoubtedly do all they can to obtain his release. Policy will oblige them to it, no less than a regard to his rank and merit in the French army. The marquis de la Fayette gave the first proof of his military character in this engagement, and was wounded in the leg on the spot where the effort of the enemy was greatest. The wound hower did not force him from the field, where he continued his endeavors to rally the Americans, as well by his words as example. Count Pulaski, a Polish nobleman, with a party of light-horse, rode up to reconnoitre the enemy, within pistol shot of their front; and on the fourth day after the action, was elected by congress a commander of the horse, with the rank of brigadier. Captain Louis de Fleury’s horse was killed under him. He showed much courage, and was so useful in rallying the troops, that congress, within two days, ordered him to be presented with another horse, as a testimonial of the sense they had of his merit. Considering that general Washington had to fight the British army with an inferior number of raw troops, and how the attack upon him was circumstanced, through the false intelligence he received, he may be thought to have suffered less than could have been expected. He discovered a true magnanimity 227of mind, in that (though he attributed the misfortunes of the day principally to the information of major Spears) he never blamed general Sullivan for conveying it, but declared that he should have thought him culpable had it been concealed. He retreated after the action to Chester, and the next day to Philadelphia.

The evening after the battle, a party of British was sent to Wilmington, who took the governor of the Delaware state, Mr. M’Kinley, out of his bed, and possessed themselves of a shallop lying in the creek, loaded with the rich effects of some of the inhabitants, together with the public records of the county, a large quantity of public and private money, all the papers and certificates belonging to the loan-office and treasury-office there, articles of plate, &c.

General Greene has been rather dissatisfied with gen. Washington’s omitting to take special notice of Weedon’s brigade in general orders, for its bravery. But the commander in chief, considering that there was a prevailing apprehension that Greene was his favorite, and that the Virginians were his own state troops, declined it, that so he might not excite a disagreeable jealousy, and give offence to the troops of other states.

[Sept. 15.] A letter from Mons. du Coudray to Mr. Chase, was laid before congress and read, “wherein he requests for himself and sundry gentlemen who accompanied him to this country from France, to have an opportunity of fighting in the American army without running the risk of not being subjects of exchange, should they by the fortune of war be made prisoners; mentions that any rank which congress may think proper to give him and them, will be acceptable; and asks for him only the rank of captain, for the commissioned officers who accompanied him, the rank of lieutenants, and for the non-commissioned, the rank of ensigns; whereupon it was resolved, that his request be complied with, and that commissions be made out accordingly.”

The same day gen. Washington left Philadelphia, and re-crossed the Schuylkill, with a firm intent of giving Sir. W. Howe battle wherever he could meet him; he accordingly by the next day had advanced as far as the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. Mons. du Coudray, with a number of French gentlemen, set off to join the army as volunteers [Sept. 16.] about twelve o’clock. He rode a young mare, full of spirits, into the flat-bottomed boat used for ferrying across the Schuylkill, and not being able to stop her career, she went out at the other end into the river, with her rider on her back. Coudray disengaged himself 228from her, but was drowned, notwithstanding all the attempts made to save him.

General Howe, while marching the army in two columns, toward Goshen, heard that the Americans were within five miles of it, and immediately determined to push forward and attack them. Intelligence was brought [Sept. 17.] to general Washington, of his approach. Gen. Sullivan was directed to draw up the American troops in order of battle. Gen. Greene observed, that at a little distance in their rear, was a large piece of water, extending their whole length, and which, in case of a defeat, would prevent their retreating. He rode to gen. Washington, acquainted him with what he had noticed, and asked whether he meant that the troops should fight in that situation. He was desired to arrange them differently. Mean time gen. Wayne, with the advance, was engaged with the enemy a considerable distance off. While Greene was removing the army to a new position, it began to rain. Soon after it poured like one incessant thunder shower. It continued raining till the next day. Thus both parties were rendered equally and totally incapable of action. The Americans have reason to be thankful for this providential interposition, as it is highly probable that an engagement with troops flushed with the preceding victory, better disciplined and more experienced, would have determined greatly to their disadvantage. On examining their arms on the 18th, they were found to be much impaired. Beside, all the ammunition in the cartouch boxes was entirely ruined. General Washington therefore withdrew the army to a place of security, and filed off toward Reading.

Gen. Greene, in company with col. Tilghman, one of Washington’s aids, reconnoitred for a position, and fixed upon the range of mountains from Valley Forge toward the Yellow Springs. He considered the ground as strong, difficult of access, and yet allowing of an easy descent; and as favorable for partial actions without admitting of any very decisive. Gen. Wayne being in the rear of Sir William Howe, Greene concluded that the position would bring all the American force partly upon Sir William’s flank and rear, and within striking distance of him, if he attempted crossing the Schuylkill, and would oblige him to fight the Americans on their own terms. He thought also, that the position would afford them the probability of beating him; or at least of so crippling him, as that he would not venture to possess himself of Philadelphia; and that in case of their being beaten, it would afford them a safe retreat. He transmitted his sentiments to the commander in chief by letter, but not before hearing from him that it had been determined in council, to 229cross the Schuylkill above French-creek, and take a position in front of gen. Howe.

On the 19th gen. Washington wrote to Wayne—“By the advice of the general officers, I have determined that the army under my immediate command, cross the Schuylkill at Parker’s Ford, and endeavor to get down in time to oppose the enemy in front, whilst the corps under your command, in conjunction with general Smallwood and colonel Gist, act to the greatest advantage in the rear.”

General Howe, upon intelligence that Wayne was lying in the woods with a corps of 1500 men and four pieces of cannon, in the rear of the left wing of his army, detached general Grey, on the 20th, late at night, with two regiments and a body of light-infantry, to surprise him. [Sept. 21.] Grey gained Wayne’s left about one o’clock in the morning. Some out sentries were early missed by an American officer going his rounds, and an alarm was given in time for the men to turn out; but unhappily for them, Wayne paraded them in the light of their fires, instead of withdrawing them to the back of their encampment. Thus the British were directed where to rush with their bayonets, as ordered by their commander, without firing a gun. They did great execution, killing and wounding near 300 on the spot. They took between 70 and 80 prisoners, including several officers, a great many arms, and eight waggons loaded with baggage and stores; and had only one captain of light-infantry and three privates killed, and four men wounded. The darkness of the night, and some prudent dispositions of Wayne’s, prevented their further success.

In the afternoon of the 22d, Sir William Howe having by various manœuvres drawn gen. Washington 30 miles from Philadelphia, instead of attacking him upon the right, agreeable to the idea he had seemingly affected to impress, ordered the grenadiers and light infantry of the guards to cross the Schuylkill at Fat Land Ford, and to take post, and the chasseurs to do the same at Gordon’s Ford, both below the left of the Americans. At midnight the army moved, and crossed the river at Fat Land Ford without opposition; the rear-guard, with the baggage, passed it before two in the afternoon, and the whole were encamped by night of the 23d. This event was not expected by the American commander. Advice was received in the night of the enemy’s having crossed the river at Gordon’s Ford, which was afterward contradicted. This last information was credited, so that when the gentlemen at head-quarters were assured the next morning that Howe’s army had crossed the Schuylkill and was marching toward Philadelphia, every one was astonished.

230The congress had before hurried away in the night of the 18th. After the adjournment of that day, the president received a letter from colonel Hamilton, one of general Washington’s aids, intimating the necessity of their removing immediately from Philadelphia; whereupon they left the city, and agreeable to a resolve of the fourteenth, repaired to Lancaster. The letter, the immediate hurry, and the alarm of the enemy’s being at Sweed’s Ford, threw the city into the utmost confusion, and at the same time roused all who wished to quit it, into a preparation for a speedy removal.

On the 26th Sir William Howe made his triumphal entry into Philadelphia, with a very small part of his army, where he was most cordially received by the generality of the Quakers and a few other royalists; the bulk of his troops were left in and about Germantown, a village forming one continued street for near two miles. Gen. Washington’s army was encamped near Shippach-creek, about eighteen miles from thence.

[Sept. 30.] The congress removed to York-town by the end of the month. Before they had quitted Philadelphia they had elected baron de Kalb major-general; and had entered upon their journals—“Whereas Mons. du Coudray, colonel-brigadier in the service of his most christian majesty the king of France, and commander in chief of the artillery in the French colonies in America, gallantly offered to join the American army as a volunteer, but in his way thither was most unfortunately drowned in attempting to cross the Schuylkill—Resolved, That the corpse of the said Mons. du Coudray be interred at the expence of the United States, and with the honors of war.” They also resolved, “That gen. Washington be authorised and directed to suspend all officers who shall misbehave, and to fill up all vacancies in the American army, under the rank of brigadiers, until the pleasure of congress be communicated; to take, wherever he may be, all such provisions and other articles as may be necessary for the comfortable subsistence of the army under his command, paying or giving certificates for the same; to remove and secure, for the benefit of the owners, all goods and effects which may be serviceable to the enemy; provided that the powers hereby vested, shall be exercised only in such parts of these states as may be within the circumference of 70 miles of the head-quarters of the American army, and shall continue in force for the space of 60 days, unless sooner revoked by congress.”

Lord Howe, after the affair of Brandywine, took the most speedy measures for conducting the fleet and transports round to the Delaware; which when arrived, were anchored along the Pennsylvania shore, from Reedy-Island to Newcastle; the passage near 231Philadelphia being yet impracticable. When the British troops had taken possession of the city, their first object was the erecting of batteries to command the river. The day after, the American frigate the Delaware, of 32 guns, anchored within 500 yards of the unfinished batteries, and being seconded by another frigate with smaller vessels, they commenced a heavy cannonade, both upon the batteries and town. Through inattention the Delaware was suffered to ground upon the falling of the tide, and could not be got off, (say the British) which being perceived by the grenadiers, they brought their battalion field-pieces to play upon her with such effect, that she soon struck her colours; but the Americans say, the crew rose, confined the captain, and purposely ran the ship ashore. The whole fire of the battalion guns was afterward directed against the other vessels, which were compelled to retire with the loss of a schooner driven ashore.

The Pennsylvanians had, at a vast labor and expence, constructed great and numerous works, to obstruct the passage up to Philadelphia, some of which have been already mentioned.——They had erected works and batteries on Mud-Island, and called the whole Fort Mifflin, in honor to general Mifflin.——On the opposite shore, at a place called Redbank, they had formed a fort or redoubt, covered with heavy artillery. In the deep navigable channel, under the cover of these batteries, they had sunk several ranges of chevaux-de-frize, before described. It was equally difficult to weigh or cut through them; but no attempt could be made for raising them, or for opening the main channel, till the command of the shores was obtained. About three miles lower down they had sunk other ranges of these machines, and were constructing works for their protection, at a place on the Jersey side called Billing’s-point. These works and machines were further supported by several gallies mounting heavy cannon, together with two floating batteries, a number of armed vessels, small craft of various kinds, and some fire-ships.

Upon the representation of capt. Hammond of the Roebuck (lying off Chester 15 miles below Philadlphia) who had arrived before lord Howe, the general detached two regiments, under col. Stirling, to dislodge the enemy from Billing’s-point. The detachment having crossed, [Oct. 1.] the enemy heard of their approach, immediately spiked their artillery, set fire to the barracks, and abandoned the place with precipitation. This success, enabled capt. Hammond to cut away and weigh up so much of the chevaux-de-frize, notwithstanding the great opposition he met with, as opened a narrow passage for large ships through the lower barrier.

232General Washington, having been reinforced by 1500 men from Peek’s-kill, and 1000 from Virginia, and having received intelligence through two intercepted letters, that gen. Howe had detached a part of his force for the purpose of reducing Billing’s-point works and the forts on the Delaware, entertained the thought of attacking the main body as it lay at German-town. The line of encampment crossed the town at right angles about the centre: the left wing extended to the Schuylkill. It was covered in front by the mounted and dismounted chasseurs: a battalion of light-infantry, and the queen’s American rangers were in the front of the right: and the 40th regiment, with another battalion of light-infantry, were posted at the head of the town, upon Chesnut-hill road, three quarters of a mile in advance. Lord Cornwallis lay at Philadelphia with four battalions of grenadiers. When gen. Washington had communicated to his council of war the account he had obtained, the general officers unanimously agreed upon an attack, and to its being made in several places, to produce the greater confusion and distraction, and to hinder the several parts of the enemy’s forces affording support to each other. It was to be sudden and vigorous, in expectation of carrying the point speedily, from an apprehension that the Americans would not persevere in a prolonged attack, for want of better discipline and more acquaintance with military service. Was it found that they could make no impression upon the enemy, they were after a while to make an expeditious retreat. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway’s brigade, were to enter the town by way of Chesnut-hill; while Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, got upon the enemy’s left and rear. Col. Thomas Conway, knight of St. Louis, had been elected so early as May, a brigadier gen. upon the recommendatory letters he brought from France. The divisions of Greene and Stephens, flanked by M’Dougall’s brigade, were to enter by taking a circuit, at the market-houses, and to attack the right wing; and the militia of Maryland and Jersey, under generals Smallwood and Freeman were to march by the old York road, and fall upon the rear of the right. Lord Stirling, with Nash’s and Maxwell’s brigades, were to form a corps de reserve.

They begin their march about seven o’clock in the evening of October the third. Gen. Washington is with the divisions of Sullivan and Wayne. He expects, that if the enemy has gained timely intelligence of his march, they will wait for him on Chesnut-hill, and receive him as he comes out of the woods.—When arrived on the hill without any appearance of opposition, he is congratulated upon the persuasion that the British will be 233completely surprised. About sun-rise on the fourth the attack is begun on the 40th regiment, and the battalion of light-infantry which accompanies it. These corps are overpowered and pursued. In this exigence lieutenant colonel Musgrave throws himself with six compananies of the fortieth regiment, into Mr. Chew’s stone house, lying full in the front of the Americans.—These halt. A discourse ensues between generals Knox and Reed in the presence of the commander in chief, whether or not to advance without first reducing the house. Knox urges, that it is contrary to all military rule to leave a fort possessed by an enemy in their rear. Reed exclaims—“What! call this a fort, and lose the happy moment!” Conway is inquired after to give his judgment but cannot be found. It is agreed to send a flag to the house and summons the British officer to surrender. A young person undertakes to carry it. He approaches, is fired upon, and killed. Mean while gen. Greene gets up with his column, and attacks the right wing of the enemy. The morning being exceeding foggy, prevents the Americans from fully improving the advantages they gain. Col. Matthews of Greene’s column, attacks with uncommon spirit, routs the parties opposed to him, kills a great number, and makes 110 prisoners; but, through the fog, loses sight of the brigade he belongs to, is separated from it, and is taken prisoner with his whole regiment, accampanied with the release of all whom he had captured. A number of Greene’s troops are stopped, by the halt of the division before Chew’s house, where near or quite one half of gen. Washington’s army remains some time inactive. During this inactivity, gen. Gray, bringing the front of a great part of the left wing by a timely movement to German-town, leads on three battalions of the third brigade and attacks with vigor, being supported by gen. Agnew at the head of the fourth brigade. A warm engagement ensues. At the same time two British regiments attacks on the opposite side of the town; while general Grant moves up the 49th regiment, to the aid of the 4th, which is employed in supporting the troops engaged with Greene’s column. The fog is so great that at times you cannot see twenty yards before you, and frequently not more than fifty. It occasions the American parties mistaking each other for the enemy, and prevents their observing the true situation of the latter. Owing hereto in a great measure, the Americans quit every part of the town: and when gen. Grey, having passed it, advances with the British right wing upon their left, they leave the field hastily and entirely, in spite of every effort that can be made to rally them. Lord Cornwallis arrives with a squadron of light-horse just in season to join in the pursuit. Greene with his own and 234Stephen’s division, happens to form the last column of the retreating Americans. Upon coming to two roads, and thinking it will be safest, and may prevent the enemy’s advancing by either so as to get a head of him; and that the divisions may aid each other upon occasion, he marches one division on the one road, and the second on the other. While continuing his retreat, Pulaski’s cavalry who are in his rear, being fired upon by the enemy, ride over the second divison, and throw them into the utmost disorder as they know not at first but that they are the British dragoons. The men run and scatter, and the general is apprehensive that he shall loss his artillery. He cannot collect a party sufficient to form a rear guard, till he hits upon the device of ordering the men to lay hold of each other’s hands. This answers. He collects a number, and by the help of the artillery, brings the enemy to give over the pursuit, after having continued it near five miles. The Americans then proceed in their march back to Shippach-creek without further disturbance.

The British officers acknowledged soon after this affair, that it was the severest blow they had met with; that it was planned with judgment and executed with spirit; and that they were at a lost for its not being followed up, unless it was for want of ammunition. The Americans lost in killed 25 continental officers commissioned and non-commissioned—wounded 102, and an equal number missing. The militia officers were, 3 killed—4 wounded and 11 missing. Of rank and file, continentals, 109 were killed, and 378 wounded—militia, 7 killed and 19 wounded. They had artillery officers, 2 killed and 11 wounded; and matrosses 6 killed and 7 wounded. The total of their killed was 152; and of their wounded 521.^[58] Upward of 400 were made prisoners, among whom were 54 officers. The number of missing among the Americans is no rule by which to judge of the number captured by the enemy, as many of the missing, who do not return to their colours, go home. Gen. Nash of North-Carolina was among the slain, and will be honored by congress with a monument the same as other generals who have fallen in action, bravely contending for the independency of the United States.

The loss of the royal army, including the wounded and a few prisoners, amounted by their own acknowledgment, to 535; but the slain scarcely exceeded 70. Among these however were some distinguished officers, particularly gen. Agnew, and lieut. 235col. Bird. They suffered probably more than they allowed.^[59] The battle, by general Knox’s watch, held two hours and forty minutes.

General Washington is of opinion that the Americans retreated at an instant when victory was declaring in their favor. The royal army was indeed completely surprised; and appearances in the beginning were evidently on the side of the former. But it is said that a certain colonel, not being sufficiently experienced, instead of pressing with fixed bayonets on the enemy whom he had driven, kept ordering his men, as they advanced, to load and fire, by which they expended their ammunition; and that, instead of halting on the ground till furnished afresh, he ordered his regiment to retreat. This retrogade manœuvre enabled and encouraged the enemy to recover themselves, while the other Americans, who were advancing, were disheartened and disconcerted by the retreating regiment, not knowing the occasion of such retreat. It is admitted however, that the colonel behaved boldly, by keeping himself in the rear, next to the enemy. Gen. Stephen was guilty of un-officer like behavior in the retreat, owing to inattention or want of judgment, which might occasion a whisper to be circulated unfavorable to gen. Greene. But upon gen. Reed’s asking the commander in chief whether he was dissatisfied with Greene’s conduct, he candidly answered “No, not at all; the fault lay with ourselves;” referring to the column with which he was, and their stopping to attack Chew’s stone house. Several causes might co-operate to effect the precipitate retreat of the American army. And yet had that column advanced without delay, leaving only a sufficient corps, with a couple of field-pieces, to guard the house, the obstacles to success that afterward offered, might have been removed or prevented, and Howe’s army have been totally defeated, unless the superiority of their discipline and bravery could have hindered.

A general who was in the action, wrote some time after to his correspondent—“At German-town fortune smiled on our arms for hours. The enemy were broke, dispersed and flying on all quarters; we were in possession of their whole encampment, together with their artillery park, &c. A wind-mill attack was made on a house into which six light companies had thrown themselves to avoid our bayonets—this gave time to the enemy to rally—our troops were deceived by this attack; taking 236it for something formidable, they fell back to assist in what they deemed a serious matter. The enemy finding themselves no further pursued, and believing it to be a retreat, followed.——Confusion ensued, and we ran away from the arms of victory ready to receive us.”

Let us turn our attention for a moment to South-Carolina. The successes of the preceding year had humbled the Cherokees most completely. The Carolinians had built, held and continued to occupy Fort Rutledge, at Seneca, quietly and unopposed. The Indians, finding themselves thus vanquished, sued in the most submissive terms for peace. A treaty between them and South-Carolina took place, at which commissioners from Georgia attended, who concurred in and signed the articles of pacification on the 20th of May. By this treaty the Cherokees ceded a considerable part of their land to South-Carolina. By the eighth and last article, it is agreed—“The hatchet shall be for ever buried, and there shall be an universal peace and friendship re-established between South-Carolina, including the Catawba and Georgia, on the one part, and the Cherokee nation on the other; there shall be a general oblivion of injuries; the contracting parties shall use their utmost endeavors to maintain the peace and friendship now re-established, and the Cherokees shall at all times, apprehend and deliver to the commanding officer at Fort Rutledge, every person, white or red, who in their nation or settlements, shall by any means endeavor to instigate a war by the Cherokee nation, or hostility or robbery by any of their people, against or upon any of the American states, or subjects thereof.”

Before we resume the narrative of military operations, let me mention that the New-York convention, authorised for that purpose the 20th of last April, have established the constitution of that state. When this was done, the freeholders chose for their governor, gen. George Clinton, a gentleman excellently well qualified to be at the head of the state at so interesting and perplexed a period. His namesake, Sir Henry, made an incursion into Jersey, from the 12th to the 16th of September, chiefly to collect cattle. He brought away 400 head, including 20 milch cows, 400 sheep and a few horses; in effecting it, he had 8 rank and file killed, 17 wounded, together with a lieutenant, 9 missing, beside a drummer, and 5 taken prisoners by the different parties of Americans that opposed him. The expedition contributes nothing toward subduing the country. The loss of the inhabitants will be the less felt on account of the uncommonly good crops of Indian corn with which they have been this year favored. It is surprising to find that country in so good 237order already. The harvest has been truly plentiful. Lest it should be forgotten, let me mention that most of the damage which the college building at Princeton sustained, must be charged to the American troops, who destroyed also the leaden pipes for the organ (which had been spared by the royal army) in order to supply themselves with a few bullets to fire at the enemy.

Now let us return to the northern department.

Lieut. col. St. Leger, whom gen. Burgoyne had early sent off toward the Mohawk river, after combating all the difficulties, natural and artificial, which offered on his way, invested Fort Stanwix, now Fort Scuyler, on the third of August. It was in so poor a state of defence, that an immediate attempt to drive off the enemy and relieve it, was absolutely necessary. Gen. Herkimer, a leading person in Tryon county, marched with more than 800 militia, on this service. St. Leger had with him about 700 Indian warriors, who with their wives, children, other men and women, made up near 1400. He detached Sir John Johnson, with some troops and the Indians, to lie in ambush in the woods and intercept the militia. [August 6.] Herkimer fell into the snare, and was surprised; but several of the chief Indians fell by the first fire he gave them; soon after which the battle was a scene of confusion beyond any thing the Indians had ever seen. The white people, consisting of the militia and Sir John Johnson’s tory troops, as his own corps is called, got together in parties of twenty or thirty, so that they could not fire, but pulled and hauled, drew their knives and stabbed each other. The Indians, who consisted of Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas, and others, after a while conjectured, from their own loss and the confusion which prevailed, that both Sir John’s people and Herkimer’s intended to destroy them; at length some of their chiefs told the young warriors, that it was a plot of the white people to draw them into a scrape and cut them off; and then ordered them to kill all white people whatever. It is thought that near as many of Sir John’s tory party were killed by the Indians as by the militia. A number of Herkimer’s ran off; about a hundred were so surrounded that they could not get away; but they possessed themselves of an advantageous post behind logs, &c. where they continued fighting the Indians with great bravery, till Sir John drew off his men, fearing that the garrison would sally out and fall upon him; near upon seventy of the hundred by this mean escaped. Two hundred and fifty men, under lieutenant-colonel Willet, sallied out about that time, and routed two of the Indian and tory encampments, destroying their provisions and carrying off kettles, blankets, muskets, tomahawks, 238spears, clothing, deer skins, a variety of Indian affairs, and five colours; which on their return to the fort were displayed under the continental flag. The loss on the side of the militia was 160 killed, beside the wounded. Gen. Herkimer was among the slain; congress have resolved to honor him with a monument. Many of the principal leaders on the American side, were either killed or wounded, so that all expectation of further attempts to relieve the fort by the assistance of militia, was at an end. The Indians however, were greatly disgusted. St. Leger had brought down with him a number who were neutral, to be spectators of the British conquering the Americans; and had engaged to them and the others, that he and his troops would clear the way for them to Albany. The victory gained had been purchased exceeding dear, according to their ideas; for they had more than seventy killed, and among them several of their most distinguished and favorite warriors. St. Leger left no mean untried to make the most of his victory. On the 8th he sent a flag to the fort, and endeavored to intimidate the garrison by magnifying his own strength; telling them that Burgoyne, after destroying every thing in his way, was at Albany; and declaring that the Indians were determined, if they met with further resistance, to destroy all the men, women and children on the Mohawk river, and as soon as they got into the fort, to kill every man belonging to it. Colonel Gansevoort, the commandant, refused making any answer, or to listen to any proposals unless made in writing. The next day St. Leger tried the same scheme by letter, and receiving for answer, that the colonel being entrusted with the charge of the garrison by the United States of America, he would defend the fort at every hazard, and to the utmost extremity. It was shrewdly remarked by those who were within, that not half the pains would have been taken to have displayed the force immediately without or the success at a distance, if they were any wise proportionable to the representation. The night before the letter was sent, col. Willet and lieut. Stockwell, a good woodsman (as they stile him who can steer his wished for course through the shady and pathless woods with a degree of certainty and readiness) undertook to attempt conveying intelligence down into the country, of the danger the fort was in, and of the necessity of relieving it. They left it at night, and crept upon their bellies for near half a mile, ere they could reach the Mohawk river. After passing it, they had to cross the path from the Indian camp, on which the Indians were continually going forward and backward; for a long time they had the Indian yells sounding in their ears on each side of them. They escaped eveery danger, and after travelling thirty miles, breakfasted the next 239morning upon blackberries, and pursued their journey about twenty miles further to German-flats. Gen. Scuyler, upon receiving the information at Stillwater, forwarded a continental brigade under gen. Learned; when to his great satisfaction Arnold offered to go and conduct the military operations in Tryon county, for the relief of the fort. After Herkimer’s battle, a nephew of his, Mr. Jost Cuyler, was taken and secured on suspicion of being a spy. A scheme was laid to make him serviceable to the business going forward. He was brought to Arnold, and it was settled, that if he would go and alarm the enemy, with representations of great numbers being on their march against them, so as to occasion their retreat, he should be liberated, and have his estate, which was very large, secured to him. He undertook it, being well qualified from his acquaintance with the Indian language and manners, and his possessing a good share of subtilty. The mode of procedure was settled in concert with some friendly Indians; by advice of one of their head men, Cuyler’s coat was shot though in two or three places, that so the tale he had to relate might be the more readily believed. The necessity of aggravating the numbers marching to the relief of Fort Scuyler was apparent, for when gen. Arnold had got to German-flats, he was convinced from the intelligence procured of the enemy’s strength, that it was much superior to his own; so that on the 21st he wrote to gen. Gates, who arrived at Stillwater and re-assumed the command of the northern department on the 19th, to send him a reinforcement of 1000 light troops. Cuyler proceeded immediately to the Indian camp, informed their warriors that vast numbers were coming against them; that major Butlar was taken, (which was a truth) and that several shot passed though his coat though he got off unhurt. When the Indian camp was thoroughly alarmed, one of the American friendly Indians arrived, an hour or two after Cuyler, with a belt, waited upon the chiefs, and confirmed the intelligence, adding, that the Americans did not want to hurt one of them—all they desired was to fall upon the British. An Indian in camp, unknown to Arnold, was secretly prevailed upon to aid the project, by going off unobserved, taking a circuit, and then coming into that part of the camp, where were those Indians who were most inimical, with a similar story to that of Cuyler’s. The Indians were completely frightened, and determined to go off. St. Leger in vain used every art to prevent it. He attempted making them drunk with rum, and then getting them to alter their resolution. Fond as they are of rum, they would not be taken in at this season of apprehending danger. He then would 240have prevailed with them to keep in the rear, while the other troops retreated. Neither would they do that; but told him—“You mean to sacrifice us. When we marched down, you told us there would be no fighting for us Indians; we might go down and smoke our pipes; whereas numbers of our warriors have been killed.”—Nothing could change their determination. They went off, and St. Leger was obliged to decamp, about noon of the 22d, in such hurry and confusion, as to leave his bombardier asleep in the bomb battery. His tents, with most of the artillery and stores, fell into the hands of the garrison. Some of the Indian Sachems, who were highly disgusted with him, concluded to play upon him, and divert themselves at his expence. In the evening, the flying troops came to a clay soil, pretty soft. St. Leger and Sir John Johnson were in an altercation, St. Leger reproaching Sir John about his Indians, and Sir John blaming St. Leger for not carrying on the siege differently. A couple of Indian chiefs upon a rising hill at a small distance, with light enough to observe their situation, and near enough to notice their wranglings which proceeded almost to fighting, directed an Indian to withdraw some considerable way behind them and then to run after them, crying out with all imaginable earnestness in the Indian language, they are coming, they are coming and to continue it. St. Leger and Sir John, upon hearing the dismal note, made off as fast as they could, but often tumbled into the dirt. The men threw away their packs, and pushed off in the greatest hurry. The Indians renewed the joke; and continued thus and in the like ways to divert themselves, till the royalists arrived at the Oneida lake. The animosity between the two commanders rose at last to such height that they drew upon each other, meaning to settle the contest by the point of the sword. The Indians being fully satisfied that they had carried the jest far enough, and not being in a blood-thirsty humor, approached the parties with much gravity and friendship, interposed their good offices, recommended peace, made them friends, and carried off the secret of their own management, wherewith to entertain themselves and favorites in future^[60]. Considering the predominant disposition of the Indians while retreating in consequence of the ill success that had attended St. Leger, and the loss they had sustained, it was not in the least surprising that they plundered several of the boats belonging to the army, and took even from the baggage of the officers what they fancied.

241When gen. Washington perceived from events in the north, that a proper officer must be chosen to command the eastern militia, he sent on gen. Lincoln, having learned that he had influence over them, and that they confided in him. He arrived at Manchester, from the southward, on the 2d of August, and found about 600 militia there, including 250 that arrived a few days before from New-Hampshire. Lincoln wrote to the Massachusetts council, that a body of troops in that part would not only cover the eastern states, but being in the rear of Burgoyne, oblige him to leave so considerable a part of his army at the different posts he possessed, as would weaken him. Scuyler, attending mainly to making head against Burgoyne’s front, wrote to Lincoln on the 4th, to march his whole force, except Warner’s regiment, and join him with all possible dispatch. On the 6th Lincoln had not been joined by any of the Massachusetts militia, saving a man or two; but was the same day reinforced by the arrival of brigadier gen. Stark, with about 800 more men, from New-Hampshire. That state had been applied to for a large body of militia. Stark, who was one of their brigadier generals, had considerable influence among them; but he was exceedingly secured, thought himself neglected, and that he had not had justice done him by the congress. He had fought courageously at the battle of Breed’s Hill; and shewn himself to be a soldier of sterling courage. He had also no particular liking for Scuyler. When, therefore, he was to be entrusted with the New-Hampshire militia, he would not take the command, but upon the condition of being left at liberty to serve or not under a continental commander, as he pleased; and he determined not to join the continental army till the congress gave him his rank in it. He had about 1400 brave men under him, well officered. Many of them had been in service the two preceding campaigns, and were not raw militia. Scuyler urged him repeatedly to join him; but he declined complying. He was induced so to do, not only from the forementioned reasons, but from considering that Burgoyne would not care what number of enemies he had in front, if he had none in his rear, and the country was open to his incursions. Stark resolved therefore to hang upon his rear, and neglected Scuyler’s application. The matter was brought before congress, so that on the 19th they resolved, “That the council of New-Hampshire be informed, that the instructions which gen. Stark says he has received from them, are destructive of military subordination, and highly prejudicial to the common cause at this crisis; and that therefore they be desired to instruct gen. Stark to conform himself to the same rules which other general officers of the militia are subject to, whenever they are called out 242at the expence of the United States.” But before this resolve, Stark had assured Scuyler, that he would do every thing to promote the public good, but was not for doing any thing that might prove inconsistent with his own honor; however, if it was thought best that he should march immediately to the camp, he would acquiesce. On the 13th he wrote, that he should throw away all private resentment when put in balance with the good of his country. Gen. Washington did not approve of Scuyler’s apparent intention of uniting all the militia and continental troops in one body, and of making an opposition wholly in front. He was of opinion, that a sufficient body of militia should alway be reserved to fall upon Burgoyne’s flanks or rear, and to intercept his convoys. Stark however had concluded, on the day last mentioned, upon marching from Bennington to meet Lincoln at a certain appointed place, and to proceed with him and join Scuyler; but while writing to the former, he received information that the enemy were on their march to Cambridge.

Gen. Burgoyne’s progress toward Albany was delayed through the want of a speedy and sufficient supply of provisions. He considered in what way the difficulty was to be surmounted. According to information, the Americans had a great deposit of corn, flour and store cattle at Bennington, which was guarded only by militia. Every day’s account confirmed the persuasion of the loyalty of one description of the inhabitants in that part of the country, and of the panic of the other. He therefore entertained the design of surprising the stores at Bennington, and of sending a very large detachment upon the expedition; but was diverted from the latter (as supposed) by major Skeen, who assured him, “The friends to the British cause are as five to one, and they want only the appearance of a protecting power, to show themselves.” Relying upon their attachment, the gen. sent the German lieut. col. Baum, with only about 500 men and 100 Indians, who carried with them two light pieces of artillery. To facilitate the operation, the army moved along the east shore of Hudson’s-River, and encamped nearly opposite to Saratoga; and a bridge of rafts being thrown over, the advance corps passed to that place. Lieut. col. Breymen’s corps, consisting of the Brunswick grenadiers, light-infanty and chasseurs, were posted at Batten-kill, in order, if necessary, to support Baum. Stark hearing that a party of Indians was at Cambridge, sent lieut. col. Gregg, with 200 men to stop their progress. Toward night he was informed by express, that there was a large body of regulars in the rear of the Indians. On that he drew together his brigade and the militia who were at hand, in order to stop their march; sent to Manchester for col. Warner’s regiment, and forwarded 243expresses to the neighbouring militia to join him with all speed. He then marched, in the morning of the 14th, with colonels Warner, Williams and Brush, and the men present, and in about seven miles met Gregg retreating, and the enemy within a mile of him. The troops drew up in order of battle; and the enemy, upon coming in sight, halted upon a very advantageous piece of ground. Baum perceiving that the Americans were too strong to be attacked by his present force, sent an express to Burgoyne with an account of his situation; and Breymen was immediately dispatched to reinforce him. Mean while small parties of the Americans skirmished with the enemy, killed and wounded 30 of them with two Indian chiefs, without any loss to themselves, which had a good effect upon their courage. The ground Stark occupied, not being suitable for a general action, he retreated about a mile and encamped. In a council of war it was agreed, to send two detachments into the enemy’s rear, while the rest of the troops attacked in front.

[Aug. 15.] It rained all day, which retarded the intended assault, however there were frequent skirmishings in small parties. The heavy rain, together with the badness of the roads, prevented also Breyman’s advancing to Baum’s assistance with dispatch. The next day, [Aug. 16.] Stark being joined in the morning by colonel Seymonds from Berkshire, pursued his plan. Baum in the mean while had intrenched and rendered his post as defensible as time and its nature would admit. Stark detached col. Nichols with 200 men to the rear of his left: col. Henrick, with 300 men, was sent to the rear of his right: they were to join, and then attack. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with 200 were ordered still further on his right. A hundred men were also advanced toward his front to draw his attention that way. About three o’clock in the afternoon all were ready for the attack. Before Nichols and Henrick could join, the Indians pushed off between the two corps, but receiving a fire as they passed, had three killed and two wounded. Nichols then began the assault upon Baum, and was followed by the rest; those in front pushing forward. In a few minutes the action became general and lastsed about two hours, with one continued noise like the ruffling of a drum. Baum made a brave defence; and the German dragoons kept together after having expended their ammunition, and led by their colonel charged with their swords, but were soon overpowered. The whole detachment, though well enclosed by two breast works, were forced to give way to the superior number and courage of the Americans, who with their brown firelocks, scarce a bayonet, little discipline, and not a single piece of cannon, ventured to attack 500 well-trained regulars, 244furnished with the best and completest arms and accoutrements, having two pieces of artillery, being advantageously posted, and accompanied by 100 Indians. When the militia had gained the victory, they dispersed to collect plunder, which they were very desirous of securing. This nearly proved fatal to them. While thus busied, Stark received information, that the reinforcement under Breyman was within two miles of him. Happily at that instant, Warner’s continental regiment, which had been sent for from Manchester, came up fresh, marched on and began to engage; mean while the militia collected as fast as possible, and pushed on to its assistance. The action became general; and the battle continued obstinate on both sides till sunset, when the Germans gave way partly through a failure of ammunition, leaving their two pieces of artillery behind them, and a number of prisoners. They retreated in the best manner they could, improving the advantage of the evening and of the night.

The Americans took four brass field-pieces, twelve brass drums, two hundred and fifty dragoon swords, four ammunition waggons, and about 700 prisoners, among whom was lieut. col. Baum. Three hundred dead are said to have been found upon the spot: but if so surely the slain on each side must have been included. The Americans lost but about 100 killed and wounded. The courage of the men was sharpened by the prospect of advantage, for in gen. Stark’s orders they were promised all the plunder that should be taken in the enemy’s camp. The royal officers were astonished to see how undauntedly they rushed on the mouths of the cannon. Both men and officers are entitled to much honor for their gallant behavior. Colonels Warner and Henrick’s superior skill in military matters was of service to the general, who was less conversant with them than they; but his rank in the army of the United States was afterward given him by congress, on the 4th of October, when they “resolved, That the thanks of congress be presented to gen. Stark of the New-Hampshire militia, and the officers and troops under his command, for their brave and successful attack upon, and signal victory over the enemy in their lines at Bennington: and that brigadier Stark be appointed a brigadier general in the army of the United States.” Never were thanks more deservedly bestowed. This was the first turn of affairs in favor of the Americans in the northern department after the death of gen. Montgomery. It raised the spirits of the country and made the militia willing to turn out beyond what would otherwise have been done. When gen. Gates wrote to the commander in chief some days after his arrival at Stillwater, he thus expressed himself—“Upon my leaving Philadelphia, 245the prospect this way appeared most gloomy, but the severe checks the enemy have met with at Bennington and in Tryon county, has given a more pleasing view of public affairs. I cannot sufficiently thank your excellency for sending col. Morgan’s corps (of riflemen.) They will be of the greatest service to the army; for until the late successes this way, I am told it was quite panic struck by the Indians, and their tory and Canadian assassins in Indian dress. Few of the militia demanded are yet arrived, but I hear of great numbers on their march.” Stark’s victory gave reputation to the militia, as well as increased their courage. They found that neither British nor German regulars were invincible; but that they could beat both. The artillery and other trophies excited their hope and confidence. While the Americans were exulting upon the occasion on the one side, the royal army under Burgoyne experienced a degree of depression on the other; especially as the disaster at Bennington not only added to their delay, but gave Gates the opportunity of strengthening himself, by the arrival of the militia, who were upon their march to reinforce him. When he was upon his journey to take the command, he was much dejected, no less than the troops which were to be under him; but the Bennington affair put them both in better spirits, and afforded them some promising expectations. They relied on his abilities, so that his appearance at camp, and his mode of conducting military business, at once filled them with courage and resolution; and in a few days they faced about and advanced toward Burgoyne.

On the 30th of August, the British commander had occasion to write to him; and in his letter complained of inhumanity exercised toward the provincial soldiers in the king’s service after the affair of Bennington; and then hinted a retaliation. Gen. Gates, in his answer of September the 2d, invalidated the charge, and then retorted the Indian cruelties, which he imputed to Burgoyne, saying, “Miss M’Rea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your army, was with other women and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shocking manner. Two parents with their six children, were all treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly residing in their once happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M’Rea was particularly aggravated, by her being dressed to receive her promised husband, when she met her murderer employed by you. Upward of 100 men, women and children, have perished by the hands of the ruffians, to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood.” General Burgoyne, in his reply of the 6th of 246Sept. vindicated his own character; showed that Miss M’Rea’s death was no premeditated barbarity; and declared that instance excepted, Gates’s intelligence, respecting the cruelties of the Indians, was false. It might be erroneous in point of numbers and other circumstances; but Burgoyne was undoubtedly mistaken in pronouncing it all false, with only a single exception. The number of Indians that joined him was 500. The first party sent out paid attention to the restrictions he had laid them under, in his speech of June the 21st, near Crown-Point; and when they had made several of the Americans prisoners in the heat of the action, treated them with European humanity. But they could not long brook such restraints. They grew uneasy, and reverted to their cruelties and habits of plunder; and several persons became victims to their mode of war. My account of Miss M’Rea’s death will differ only circumstantially from Burgoyne’s. Mr. Jones, her lover, anxious on her account, engaged some Indians of two different tribes to convey her away from among the Americans for the purpose of security. He might fear for her on account of her father’s being interested in the royal cause and of her attachment to himself. He promised to reward the person, who should bring her safe to him, with a barrel of rum. The two who took her and carried her to some distance, disputed who of them should convey her to Mr. Jones. Each was anxious for the reward; and that the other might not receive it, one of them struch his tomahawk into her skull and killed her.^[61] As no whisper contrary to her being of an unblemished character ever reached me, in any place or company; be it far from any future European writer to tomahawk her reputation.^[62] Upon the first intelligence of what had happened, Burgoyne obliged the Indians to deliver up the murderer, and threatened to put him to death. Many thought the threat would have been executed; but he was pardoned, upon the Indians agreeing to terms enjoined them by Burgoyne, which the general thought would be more efficacious, than an execution to prevent similar mischiefs. He told their interpreter, that he would lose every Indian rather than connive at their enormities, or to that effect.^[63] They were not however satisfied and to his astonishment some of the tribes told him, at a council held the beginning of August, that they intended to return home, and demanded his concurrence and assistance. The general was convinced, 247that a cordial reconciliation was only to be effected by a renunciation of all his former prohibitions, and an indulgence in blood and rapine; but he firmly adhered to the controuls he had established; and the speech he made to them seemed to have the desired effect. But a desertion took place the next day, and they went off by scores, loaded with what plunder they had collected.

The murder of miss M’Rea exasperated the Americans; and from that and other cruelties, occasion was taken to blacken the royal party and army. The people detested that army which accepted of such Indian aid, and loudly reprobated that government which could call in such auxiliaries. General Gates was not deficient in aggravating, by several publications, the excesses which had taken place; and with no small advantage to his own military operations.

General Lincoln, about this time marched from Manchester to Pawlet, with the few militia that had joined him. Having received some reinforcement, in order to divide and distract the royal army, he sent off, with the advice of his officers, on the 13th, colonel Brown and five hundred men, to the landing at Lake George, to release the prisoners and destroy the British stores there; and the same number of men under colonel Johnson, to Mount Independence. The latter was to give a diversion to the enemy, while the former executed his command; and if an opportunity offered without risking too much, to push for Mount Independence, while col. Brown attempted Tyconderoga. Further to amuse and divide the enemy, by attacking the out-posts, &c. a like number of men were sent under col. Woodbridge, to Skeensborough, thence to Fort Anne, and so on toward Fort Edward. He doubted not but that these movements would meet with general Gates’s approbation, though made without his knowledge. He would have mentioned the design, and not have put the plan into execution without his advice, could he have been sure that the information would not have fallen into the hands of the enemy.^[64]

Colonel Brown conducted his operations with such secrecy and address, that he effectually surprised all the out-posts [Sept. 18.] between the landing at the north end of Lake George and the body of the fortress at Tyconderoga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the French lines and a block-house, with 200 batteaux, an armed sloop, and several gun-boats, were almost instantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers and crews of the 248vessels, amounting in the whole to 293, were made prisoners, and 100 Americans released. Brown, beside taking a number of arms and other things, retook the continental standard left at Ty when the fort was evacuated. His loss in killed and wounded was trifling. Finding after four days trial, that he and Johnson could not master Ty and Mount Independence, they abandoned the design and returned.

While the aforementioned expedition was carrying on, gen. Burgoyne having at length obtained about thirty days provision, with other necessary stores, resolved upon passing the Hudson’s-River with the army, which having executed, he encamped on the heights and in the plain of Saratoga. He took this measure upon himself, on the supposition that he was not authorised to call any officers in council, as the peremptory tenor of his orders, and the season of the year admitted of no alternative. He then advanced along the side of the river, and encamped on the heights about two miles from general Gates’s camp, which was three miles above Stillwater. On the eighteenth the Americans marched out, three thousand strong, in order to at-attack him, but found that to be prudentially impracticable.—However, they drew up in full view of him, and there tarried till dark. Gates was careful to keep colonel Morgan’s regiment of riflemen and a large corps of light-infantry under colonel Durbin, always in advance, ready to oppose the approach of the enemy. Large scouting parties from this advanced body were continually patrolling, to prevent a surprise. The next day gen. Burgoyne put himself at the head of the British line, which composed the right wing; this was covered by by gen. Frazer and colonel Breyman, with the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, being themselves covered by the Indians, provincials and Canadians, in the front and flanks. He advanced toward the American left wing, through some intervening woods of no great extent, while the left of the royal army and artillery, under the generals Philips and Reidesel, kept along the great roads and meadows by the river side.

[Sept. 19.] Some of the American scouting parties fall in with those of the British, and with great boldness begin the attack, about one o’clock at noon. The firing is no sooner heard by gen. Philips, than he makes his way, with a part of the artillery, through the wood, and renders essential service. Each commander supports, reinforces, and orders different regiments to engage; and the battle is hot and obstinate on both sides till about half past two o’clock, when it ceases for half an hour. The American and British line, being fully formed, the action is renewed and becomes general at three. Both armies appear determined 249to conquer or die. There is one continual blaze of fire for three hours without intermission. The report of the muskets resembles an incessant roll beating on a number of drums. The Americans and British alternately drive and are driven by each other. Three British regiments, the 20th, the 21st, and the 62d, are in constant and close fire for near four hours. All suffer considerable loss; the 62d, which was 500 strong when it left Canada, is reduced to less than 60 men, and to 4 or 5 officers. The 24th regiment, belonging to Frazer’s brigade, with the grenadiers and a part of the light-infantry are brought into action. Breyman’s riflemen, and some other parts of his corps, are also of service; but only act occasionally. The American troops in action, are those under Morgan and Durbin; the first, second and third New-Hampshire regiments; the eighth, ninth and tenth Massachusetts; the second and third New-York; and a Connecticut regiment of militia. The ninth Massachusetts regiment, col. Wesson’s, is warmly engaged, and greatly distinguishes itself. Col. Scammell, of the first New-Hampshire regiment, is peculiarly active, enterprising and brave; and leads on his men close to the enemy with great undauntedness, before he suffers them to fire. Capt. Jones, with his brigade of British artillery, behaves with the utmost intrepidity. His four cannon are repeatedly taken and retaken. He is killed; other officers are wounded; and thirty-six out of forty-eight of the matrosses, are killed or wounded. Few actions have been characterized by more obstinacy in attack or defence, than is the present. The British bayonet is repeatedly tried without effect. During the engagement many Americans place themselves in high trees in the rear of their own line; and there is seldom a minute’s interval of smoke in any part of the British line, without officers being taken off by a single shot. One is aimed at Burgoyne, but passes through the arm of captain Green, aid-de-camp to Philips, while delivering a message. The British commander’s escape is owing to the captain’s having a laced furniture to his saddle, which occasions his being mistaken for the general. Toward the close of the day, gen. Gates orders out of camp to the field of battle the 10th Massachusetts regiment under col. Marshall.^[65] When he comes upon the open ground, he is perceived by a British officer, who has entered the neighboring wood with his soldiers, and is upon the point of overpowering an American regiment. The British officer quits the wood, calls out to him not to fire, for that he is a friend. Marshall suspects it, but the 250dusk of the evening prevents his distinguishing the regimentals; he therefore orders his men to make ready. He observes the officer directing his soldiers by the motion of his sword, how to form; and at length discerns the grenadier-caps, on which he calls out to his men fire. The British officer falls, and after a while the regiment seeks its safety in a retreat, which terminates the action in this quarter. In another spot, the Americans give way to the British bayonet and quit the field. Gen. Reidesel by exerting himself, brings up a part of the left wing, and arrives just in time to charge some of the Americans. But a regiment of the latter remains longest on the field of battle, by continuing upon it hours after the action totally ceases. Lieut. col. Brooks who commands the eighth Massachusetts regiment, by order of gen. Gates, goes to the left of all the American troops, so as to out flank the British, when he forms his line; but perceives troops in front of him, whom he cannot clearly distinguish because of the lateness of the evening, and the dusk being increased by the trees. They soon fire, and kill one of his men wounding others; on which he immediately engages them, and they give way. He concludes they are Germans from the brass cases on their breasts, for containing lighted match. Brooks remarking that the other American regiments are withdrawn, and that he cannot be supported in case the enemy advance upon him, and hearing them talk at a distance, changes his position, and falls back into the open road leading to the camp, and there remains. At length he sends to Gates for orders how to act, who directs him to return into camp; where it was before apprehended all the troops had collected that had been in action.—It is near upon eleven o’clock at night when he quits the ground and returns.

The British lost in this action rather more than 500 in killed, wounded and prisoners.^[66] The loss of the Americans was, officers included, 64 killed, 217 wounded, and 38 missing, in all 319.^[67] None of the right wing or centre were engaged, except Marshall’s regiment. The number that engaged was about 2500. Gates’s whole army, with the militia present was about 7000. Lincoln had not then joined him with his militia; neither was he in the action, but at or in the neighborhood of Bennington. Arnold’s division was out in the action, but he himself did not head them; he remained in the camp the whole time. The foreign officers said, that in all the engagements in which they had been, whether in Flanders or elsewhere, they never 251knew so long and hot a fire. The American army expended nearly all their ammunition and had but about forty rounds a man left them. After the action the general was under the necessity of sending not only for powder, but also to Albany for all the window leads and other lead that could be gotten for the making of bullets. He had never more than three days provision of flour at a time; but on the day of action the army had none, for it did not arrive till the 20th. It had been constantly the practice of gen. Gates, to take the precaution of having the baggage loaded every morning, and of being ready for a sudden movement; some of the British officers not knowing this was his practice wrongly inferred from his being taken the morning after the action, that he was apprehensive of being pushed, and of being obliged to give way. The royal army however discovered apprehension, by lying all the ensuing night upon their arms, at some distance from the field of battle. The next day they took a position nearly within cannon shot of the Americans, and fortified their right. The engagement answered so little to the expectation of their Indian auxiliaries, that a fresh desertion among them took place, in this season of danger and distress: while a number of other Indians repaired to the American camp. The last were attending a treaty with the American commissioners; who, finding they were inclinable to engage in a war, prepared a speech, and the next day offered them the war belt, which was immediately and solemnly accepted by warriors of the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Onondagos and Mohawks. On the 17th the war feast was prepared, at which the belt was solemnly accepted by the whole. The 18th and 19th passed in equipping them. Being informed the 19th at night, that the American army was engaged, many of the Indians marched off without delay, and with such dispatch as to reach Gates, before noon next day though the distance was very considerable, and by night the remainder arrived in camp, making in all near 150.

The proximity of the two armies induced the American general to redouble his ardor in strengthening his left. The Americans are expert beyond all other nations, in the mode of defence by intrenchment, covered with strong abbatis.^[68] From the 20th of September to the 7th of October, the armies were so near, that not a night passed without firing and sometimes concerted attacks upon the British advance pickets. No foraging party could be made by the royal troops, without great detachments to cover it. It was the American plan to harrass the enemy by constant alarms.^[69] Mean while gen. Lincoln, agreeable to the 252orders sent him, marched toward the camp. By the 29th, he joined Gates with about 2000 militia.

General Burgoyne had from the beginning, a firm hope of being powerfully succoured when wanted, and at any rate of being met and joined at Albany, by a strong force from the army at New-York. With great difficulty he received on the 21st, a letter in cypher from Sir H. Clinton, informing him, that the latter intended making a diversion on the North-River, by attacking Fort Montgomery. Though this fell short of the aid he expected, he hoped it might afford essential service by obliging Gates to divide his army. He returned the messenger; and afterward dispatched two officers in disguise, and other confidential persons, all separately by different routes, to acquaint Clinton with his exact situation and condition, and to press him urgently to the immediate prosecution of his design, and to inform him that in point of provision he could, and was determined to hold his present position, in hope of favorable events, until the 12th of October. The British commander had to encounter disappointments and difficulties; and the Americans was not exempted. The latter wrote to gen. Washington on the 5th of October, “I am sorry to repeat to your excellency the distress I have suffered for want of a proper supply of musket cartridges from Springfield, or the materials to make them.——My anxiety also on account of provisions has been inexpressible. A greater error has not been committed this war, than the changing the commissariot in the middle of the campaign.”

Sir H. Clinton’s intended diversion did not commence so soon as proposed; for the British reinforcement under gen. Robertson, amounting to near 2000 men, did not arrive from Europe till about the beginning of October. They were three months on their passage, owing partly to contrary winds, and partly to their being on board heavy sailing Dutch bottoms. Had they arrived a month sooner, the state of affairs would undoubtedly have been widely different. When they did arrive, Clinton lost no time in employing them. Numbers of them were immediately removed to proper vessels, and joined in the expedition against the forts in the highlands. The arrangements being made he proceeded up the North-River with about 4000 men; and landed on the 4th of October at Tarry-town, meaning to excite an apprehension in gen. Putnam, that his post at Peek’s-kill was the object. A thousand continental troops had been left him, therewith to defend it, but the effectives were fewer: he had made repeated application for militia from New-York state and Connecticut, but had been joined by very few, they having been called away from an expedition against the royal force on 253Rhode-Island. At eight at night he wrote to gov. Clinton, and informed him of the arrival of the British, and what he thought was their destination. The governor, upon the receipt of the letter, penetrated his namesake’s design; prorogued the assembly the next day; and hastened to Fort Montgomery, where he arrived at night. The royal troops were secretly transferred across the river, and dispositions made, for an assault upon the forts on the 6th.

[Oct. 6.] The American advanced party is attacked by the enemy at Doodle-town, about two miles and a half from Fort Montgomery. They receive the enemy’s fire and retreat to Fort Clinton. The enemy then advance to the west side of the mountain, to attack the Americans in the rear. Gov. Clinton orders out a detachment of 100 men toward Doodle-town, and another of 60 with a brass field-piece, to a very good spot on a different road. They are both attacked soon by the enemy’s whole force, and obliged to give way; but behave with spirit, and retreat with great order till they reach the fort. The governor immediately posts his men in the most advantageous manner; but it is not many minutes before his post, as well as Fort Clinton, is invaded on all sides. He is summoned when the sun is about an hour high to surrender in five minutes; but refuses. In about ten minutes after, the British make a general and desperate attack on both posts, which is received with spirit. Officers and men, as well as militia as continentals, behave well. A most incessant fire is kept up till dusk, when the assailed are overpowered by numbers, who force the lines and redoubts at both posts. Not a few of the Americans fight their way out, others mix with the enemy, and so make their escape, knowing all the avenues in the mountains, and being favored by the night. The governor, and his brother gen. James Clinton, who is wounded, but not dangerously, get off clear. The former is joined the next day by better than 200 of the garrison; and is in expectation of many more.

The whole garrison consisted of but 600 men, not one half of whom had bayonets, wherewith to oppose those of the enemy, whose repeated assaults with that weapon at length prevailed.—When it was evident that the enemy meant an attack upon these posts, application was made for a reinforcement from Peek’s-kill; but through mistake, and the treachery of the issuing commissary at Fort Montgomery, it was not sent in time: the forts were carried while it was crossing the river, which occasioned its return. A seasonable supply of 500 men might have secured them. They were no sooner lost, but Fort Constitution was demolished without the orders of the governor, and without first removing 254the artillery and stores. The Americans set fire also to two fine new frigates, and some other vessels, which with their guns and stores were all consumed. Gen. Tryon was sent off with a detachment, and destroyed a new settlement, called Continental-village, which contained barracks for 1500 men, beside many stores.

The cannon, stores, ammunition, &c. taken and destroyed by the British, were very considerable; but the main advantage obtained by them was the opening of the passage up the North-River. This had been obstructed by a boom and chain running across the river from fort Montgomery. The chain weighed above 50 ton, and the links were about 2 & 1–2 inches square. There was another inferior boom near Fort Constitution. These booms and chain cost the Americans an amazing deal of labour and more than fifty thousand pounds sterling, as is supposed, in paper continental money. The reduction of the forts put the British into immediate possession of the power of removing there obstructions, and passing up to Albany. Gen. Putnam was in such expectation of their improving this advantage, that he wrote to gen. Gates on the 8th, “I cannot flatter you or myself with the hopes of preventing the enemy’s advancing, therefore prepare for the worst.” The next day he said, “The Connecticut militia came in yesterday, and the day before in great numbers, but I am sorry to say, they already begin to run away. The enemy can take a fair wind, and with their flat-bottomed boats which have all sails, to go to Albany or Half-Moon with great expedition, I believe without any opposition.” Half-Moon is sixteen miles below where Gates was encamped. The same day a spy was brought before gov. Clinton, and confessed—“That he was charged by Sir Henry to go to Burgoyne and acquaint him, that on Monday, the 6th, he stormed and carried the forts with the loss of lieut. col. Campbell, majors Grant and Sill slain; besides a number of other officers, and upward of 300 rank and file, killed and wounded: that a number of people were employed, who were constantly from one army to the other:—That gen. Clinton intended to push up the river;—and that a capt. Campbell of Burgoyne’s army, lately arrived with dispatches to Sir Henry and set off on his return, the Wednesday morning with the news of the reduction of Fort Montgomery.” The captain however, did not get back to Burgoyne till the night before the convention was signed. The spy did not mention the death of count Grabouski a Polish nobleman, who was killed in the attack, while acting as aid-de-camp to Sir Henry Clinton.

Let us now attend the motions of generals Burgoyne and Gates. In the begining of October, the British commander 255judged it expedient to lessen the soldiers’ rations of provision, to which they submitted with cheerfulness. Things continued in this state with the royal army till the 7th, when no intelligence having been received of the expected co-operation, and four or five days for their limited stay in the camp only remaining, it was thought advisable to make a movement to the left of the Americans, not only to discover whether there was any possible mean of forcing a passage, should it be necessary to advance, or of dislodging them for the convenience of a retreat; but also to cover a forage of the army in the greatest distress by the present scarcity.

Before general Gates has gained any knowledge of this intended movement he has ordered out a party of about 300 men in the morning; soon after he directs lieut. col. Brooks to repair to head-quarters when he gives him the command of them, and desires him to call between one and two o’clock, for particular directions. The party is destined to go into the rear of Burgoyne, to drive in his out-posts, and to occasion an alarm, which Gates means to take advantage of, if opportunity offers. But unknown to him, a royal detachment of 1500 regular troops with two twelve-pounders, two howitzers, and six six-pounders, are ordered to move, being commanded by Burgoyne in person, seconded by generals Philips, Reidesel and Frazer. The guard of the camp upon the high grounds is committed to generals Hamilton and Specht; that of the redoubts and plain near the river to brigadier Gall. The force of the Americans in front is thought to be so much superior, that it is not judged safe to augment the detachment beyond the number stated.

While Brooks is waiting at the American head-quarters, a serjeant arrives with an account of the motion of the royal detachment; which is speedily confirmed. On this the party he was to have commanded is dismissed; and the officers and men present are ordered to their posts. Burgoyne’s scouting parties are driven in by col. Morgan’s riflemen and the corps of light-infantry: but his troops continue advancing, and are formed within three quarters of a mile of Gates’s left. The artillery is posted on a clear spot of ground, in a great measure surrounded by woods, the two medium twelve-pounders on a small eminence, nearly in the centre of it. The irregulars are pushed on through by-ways to gain the American rear, and to keep them in check. Gen. Arnold, who had mounted his horse, receives a message from Gates, directing him to be cautious, for that he apprehends that Burgoyne designs to make his main attack on the right. Arnold shows much displeasure at it, expresses himself 256improperly, and says, “I will be answerable for consequences.” He orders out Cilly’s New-Hampshire regiment with others, and soon follows them. About four o’clock in the afternoon, the American column approaches the royal detachment and is immediately fired upon by the twelve-pounders and the four six-pounders; notwithstanding which, the men draw up along the skirts of the woods behind trees, about 200 yards distant from the artillery. They make a very sudden and rapid attack upon the British grenadiers, who are posted to support the left wing of the line. Major Ackland at the head of them sustains this fierce attack with great resolution. General Gates having ordered out more regiments, the number of the Americans enables them soon to extend the attack along the whole front of the Germans, who are posted immediately on the right of the grenadiers. It is therefore impracticable to remove any of the Germans, for the purpose of forming a second line to the flank where the stress of the fire lies. The right it still unengaged; but it is observed that the Americans are marching a large corps round their flank in order to cut off their retreat. To oppose this bold and dangerous attempt, the light-infantry, with a part of the 24th regiment, which are joined with them at the post, are directed to form a second line, in order to cover the retreat of the troops into camp. While this movement is in process, the Americans push forward a fresh and strong reinforcement to renew the action on Burgoyne’s left which is totally overpowered and compelled to give way; on this the light-infantry and 24th regiment are obliged, by quick movement, to attempt saving that wing from being totally ruined; but in doing it gen. Frazer is mortally wounded. The situation of the detachment is now exceeding critical; but the danger to which the lines are exposed, is still more alarming. Generals Philips and Reidesel are ordered to cover the retreat; and those troops which are nearest or most disengaged, return as fast as they can for the defence of the lines. A little after five, in the height of the action, lieut. col. Brooks, by Gates’s order, quits the camp at the head of col. Michael Jackson’s regiment, and directs his march to the warmest fire. On advancing into the field, he finds the royal detachment has given way in all quarters, and Arnold pushing with Paterson’s brigade for the works possessed by the British light-infantry assisted by some of the line, who have just thrown themselves into the same, with great precipitation, by means of a circuitous retreat. The brigade has a large abbatis to cross, and many other obstructions to surmount, in the face of a brave enemy, occupying works advantageously constructed and completed, it is therefore at length compelled to 257retire. But during the contest, Jackson’s regiment passing the rear of the brigade, falls into the fire on its left, having in front two stockade redoubts occupied by some Canadians, and the left of the works, in which are the German grenadiers, under colonel Breyman. At some considerable distance on the left of Brooks, are Wesson’s regiment, Morgan’s corps, and the York troops. Paterson’s brigade failing, Arnold leaves it, and comes to Jackson’s regiment, which he orders instantly to advance, and attack the lines and redoubts in front. Brooks commands two platoons from the right to attack the stockades; they move with great rapidity, carry the point with charged bayonets, and suffer little more than the loss of two lieutenants killed. The regiment instantly makes an assault on the main lines, though manned with double its number. Arnold having given Brooks his orders, passes on to the left; and having ordered the Americans there to make a general assault, returns to Jackson’s regiment, the left of which has arrived at the works; and a small sally-port presenting, Arnold and a part of the left platoon pass through together. The enemy retire firing, and gain their tents about thirty or forty yards from the works, but finding the assault is general, they give one fire, and either retreat to the British camp or throw down their arms. By this last fire Arnold is wounded, and a sergeant of Jackson’s regiment, standing near the general, killed. Orders are given by Burgoyne for the recovery of the entrenchments of the German reserve; but they are not executed, and the Americans remain in possession of an opening on the right and rear of the royal army. The night puts an end to the action.

The heat of it, with small arms, lasted about forty minutes; but the cannonading continued after the royal detachment had given way. In the course of it, a shot passed through gen. Burgoyne’s hat, and another tore his waistcoat. A battalion of Brunswickers ran, though not one of them was killed, and would never come on again.^[70] To this misbehavior some may be ready to ascribe the want of success on the side of the British, and as a consequence of it, the loss of the whole army. Whatever such behaviour might contribute toward the event, the bravery of the Americans had certainly a very considerable share in it. The royal detachment was driven by them near upon two miles, and had scarce entered the camp when it was stormed by them with great fury; for they rushed on to the lines under one of the heaviest cannonades of artillery, grape-shot and rifle fire ever beheld, and never gave way till they met the British grenadiers. Some of 258the British officers were astonished at hearing the fire of the American musketry kept up with such vigor and constancy, after undergoing so heavy a fire of artillery.^[71] One of the bravest of them^[72] is ready to declare, that whenever he has been opposed to the Americans, they have fought with courage and obstinacy. He found it so in the above action. General Arnold was next to military mad. He appeared, in the heat of the engagement, so beside himself as scarce to know what he did. He struck several of the officers with his sword, without any apparent reason; and when they told him of it the next day, meaning to remonstrate and require satisfaction, he declared he recollected nothing at all of it, and was sorry if it was so. Some of his orders were exceedingly rash and injudicious, and argued thoughtlessness rather than courage.^[73] His attack upon the British varied so from established military maxims, that the royal officers inferred from it, that gen. Gates did not personally command in the action. Gates remained for the most part in the camp, as on the 19th of September, that he might the better guide the general operations, and give the necessary directions as they were wanted. Arnold’s left-handed variation might however contribute greatly toward obtaining the victory. The British have been at length taught by experience, that neither American attacks nor resistance, are to be despised.

Nothing could easily exceed the distress and calamity of the royal army when the day was closed. The Americans halted half a mile in the rear of them; and between twelve and one o’clock at night, gen. Lincoln (who during the action, was in the centre of the encampment, commanding within the works) marched with his division to relieve the troops that had been engaged, and to possess the ground they had gained. The situation of the British made a total change of position necessary to secure them from certain destruction. It was executed during the night with a great degree of coolness, silence, order and intrepidity. It was a general remove of the whole army, of the camp and artillery, from its late ground to the heights above the hospital; with the design, by an entire change of the front, of reducing the Americans, if possible, to the necessity of forming a new disposition. This remove was accomplished without any loss whatever. The day of action proved fatal to numbers. The officers suffered exceedingly. Several who had been grievously wounded in the former action, and disdained absence from danger, were again wounded. Beside general Frazer, Sir James Clark, Burgoyne’s 259aid-de-camp, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. Major Williams of the artillery, and major Ackland were also taken, the latter being wounded. Lieut. col. Breyman was killed when the intrenchment where he commanded was forced. The lists of killed and wounded, though avowedly imperfect, and not including the Germans are very considerable. The loss of the Americans was trifling both in men and officers. They took officers and privates, to the amount of rather more than 200: beside 9 pieces of brass artillery, and the encampment of a German brigade with all their equipage. But what was of the utmost consequence, they obtained a large supply of ammunition from among the spoils of the field, under an excessive scarcity of which they had long laboured. The same troops were engaged as on the 19th of September, with detached regiments, from generals Glover and Paterson’s brigades, together with a strong brigade of New-Hampshire militia, and Green Mountain boys, alias Vermont militia.

The royal troops were under arms the whole day of the 8th of October, in continual expectation of an action, and were connonaded during the greatest part of it; but all that happened was a succession of skirmishes, which occasioned loss on both sides. Gen. Lincoln was wounded in his leg by a random shot of the enemy, as riding in company with gen. Gates. About sun set, the corpse of gen. Frazer was brought up the hill, attended only by the officers who had lived in his family, for he desired it might be carried, without parade, by the soldiers of his corps to the great redoubt, and there buried. It necessarily passed within view of both armies; generals Philips, Reidesel and Burgoyne, standing together, were struck with the humility of the procession. Their conforming to that privacy which had been requested, might be construed into neglect. They could neither endure that reflection, nor restrain their natural propensity to pay their last attention to his remains. They followed the corpse to the grave. The incessent cannonade during the solemnity:—the steady attitude, and unaltered voice with which the chaplain officiated, though frequently covered with dust, thrown up on all sides of him by the shot:—the mute but expressive mixture of sensibility and indignation upon every countenance:—together with the growing duskiness of the evining, may be hereafter described by the pen of the British commander, as marking a character of that juncture, which makes one of the finest objects for the pencil of a master, that the field ever exhibited.^[74] But had gen. Burgoyne acquainted the American commander with the intended procession, 260the serenity would have been varied; for Gates instead of admitting the cannonade, would rather have ordered minue guns to have been fired in honor to the deceased; and could he have gained in time the knowledge of what was going forward, would undoubtedly have silenced the former.

General Gates previous to the action, posted 1400 Americans on the heights opposite the ford of Saratoga, and 2000 in the rear to prevent a retreat to Fort Edward; afterward on the 8th, he posted 1500 at the ford higher up. Gen. Burgoyne, having received intelligence of it, and apprehending that Gates meant to turn his right, which when effected would have enclosed him completely resolved on an immediate retreat to Saratoga. The army began to move at nine o’clock at night and the movement was made without loss; but the hospital with the sick and wounded, was necessarily abandoned. In this instance, as well as in every other which occured in the course of these transactions, Gates behaved with such attention and humanity, to all whom the fortune of war threw into his hands, as does honor to his character. The badness of the roads, and the starving condition of the cattle for want of forage, together with one incessent rain, like a continued thunder shower from about eight in the morning of the 9th till long after the day closed, and other difficulties, prevented the army’s reaching Saratoga though no more than about six miles distant, before night, and then worn down with excessive fatigue. During the rain a body of militia continued their march, and got in above Gates’ army, but some way below Fort Edward. Gates being informed of their arrival ordered them immediately to the fort. They arrived there the next morning early, about two or three hours before a detachment sent off by Burgoyne to possess that post could get up to it. The detachment finding it occupied by the Americans, returned much dispirited.

When the royal artillery and army had passed the fords of the Fish-kill creek, a little to the northward of Saratoga on the morning of the 10th, they found a body of Americans already arrived, who retired at their approach over a ford of Hudson’s-River, and there joined a greater force stationed to prevent the passage of the British. No hope remained, but that of effecting a retreat at last to Fort George. Artificers were sent forward to repair the bridges: but they were not long departed from the camp with a strong escort, when the sudden appearance of the Americans, on the opposite heights, with an apparent preparation to pass the Fish-kill, and bring on an engagement, rendered it necessary to recall the 47th regiment, and Frazers’s marksmen—these with M’koy’s provincials formed the escort. The workmen had only 261commenced the repair of the first bridge, when they were abandoned by their provincial guard, who ran away and left them to shift for themselves, upon a slight attack of an inconsiderable party of Americans.

On the morning of the 11th of October, gen. Gates called the general officers together, and informed them of his having received certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of Burgoyne’s army was marched off for Fort Edward with what they could take, and that a rear guard only was left in the camp, who after a while were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. On this it was concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour. The officers repaired immediately to their respective commands. Gen. Nixon’s, being the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga creek first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of brush wood, to support the post of artillery, where the others meant to make their attack. Gen. Glover was upon the point of following Nixon. Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and examined. The soldier said he had deserted, that he belonged to the bullock guard (the guard placed over the cattle) and that he was going to the Americans. Glover asked him about Burgoyne’s army. The soldier answered, It is encamped the same as days past. Glover told him—“If you are found attempting to deceive me, you shall be hung in half an hour; but if you speak nothing but the truth, you shall be protected, and meet with good usage.” He then asked him—“Have not numbers been sent off to Fort Edward?” The deserter replied—“A small detachment was sent off a day or two ago, but are returned on finding the passes occupied by the Americans, and the whole army is now in camp.” Glover, though the junior officer to Nixon, sent off immediately to him, to desist and recross the creek; and at the same time dispatched his aid-de-camp, with the deserter behind him on horse-back to Gates; who having examined the soldier, hurried away the aid-de-camp, the adjutant general and others, to countermand the former orders and prevent the attack. Gen. Nixon upon Glover’s message retreated; but before he had recrossed, the fog cleared off, and the rear of the brigade was galled by the enemy’s cannon, which killed several of his men. Before the orders from gen. Gates arrived, the British deserter’s information was confirmed by like intelligence from a German deserter.^[75] Glover’s message was received by Nixon in the critical moment; a quarter of an hour later would probably have proved fatal to his 262whole brigade, and given a turn to affairs in favor of the royal army. On incidents of this kind may depend the rise and fall of mighty kingdoms, and the far distant future transfer of power, glory, and riches, of arts and sciences, from Europe to America. Are they blind unmeaning casualties? Or are they the direct orderings of a Divine Being, for the establishment of his own purpose, by a superintending Providence, and the jarring devices of mortals?