Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 4)

[Oct. 25.] The royal army moves in two columns, and takes a position with the Brunx in front; upon which the Americans quit their detached camps, and leaving a corps near Kingsbridge, assemble their main force at White Plains, behind enintrenchments 119thrown up by the advanced corps. Every thing being prepared for bringing on an action, gen. Howe marches the troops early in the morning [Oct. 28.] in two columns toward the White Plains, the left being commanded by gen. Heister. All gen. Washington’s advanced parties being drove back to their works before noon, the army forms with the right upon the road to Marrineck, about a mile distant from the American centre, and the left at the Brunx, about the same distance from the right flank of their intrenchments. Gen. M’Dougall, with about 1600 men possesses an advantageous hill separated from the right flank of the interenchments by the Brunx, which by its windings covers the general’s troops from the left of the royal forces. Gen. Leslie, with the second brigade of British troops the Hessian grenadiers under col. Donop, and a battalion of the Hessian corps, are ordered to dislodge him. Previous to their attack col. Rall, commanding a brigade of the Hessians, on the left, passes the Brunx, and gains a post which enables him to annoy the flank of M’Dougall’s corps, while engaged with the other forces in front. Four regiments of militia, upon the approach of about 250 light horse, run away and leave the general with 600 men; who defend the hill for about an hour, against the whole fire of twelve pieces artillery, and of the musketry and cavalry, with the loss of forty-seven men killed and seventy wounded.^[25] The gaining of this post take up some considerable time, which is prolonged by the Americans supporting a broken and scattered engagement in defence of the adjoining walls and enclosure. In the evening, the Hessian grenadiers are ordered forward within cannon shot of the intrenchments, the second brigade of the British forms in the rear, and the two Hessian brigades in the left of the second. The right and centre do not quit the ground on which they have formed. In this position the whole royal army lie upon their arms during the night, expecting to attack the enemy’s camp the next day. The next day [Oct. 19.] they advance to a hill, on which col. Glover commands, and where he has one brass twenty-four, a six, and a three pounder, and three iron twelve pounders. They form a line as far as he can see from right to left, and appear to be about 12,000. They approach in four columns, the cavalry and artillery in front, and continue doing it till within about three quarters of a mile of the hill, then file off to the left to take post on a hill to the colonel’s right, which overlooks that he is posted on. They have to pass a valley. He reserves his fire till they get into it, in order to ascend the hill; he begins with the three pounder, next the six, reserving the brass twenty-four 120till the last. They are put into great confusion; however they ascend the hill with the light horse, and one piece of artillery, a three pounder, fire it four times and retreat.

Gen. Howe, observing that gen. Washington’s lines were much strengthened by additional works, deferred all further attack till the arrival of more troops from those which had been left with lord Percy, to watch the garrison of Fort Washington. He had declined bringing on a general action, the preceding day, upon observing that gen. Washington had formed a second line;^[26] but the American discipline was so defective, that had the former attacked, the superior discipline of his troops would probably have obliged the first line to have given way, which by falling back upon the second, might have occasioned a total defeat. A general engagement was expected by the Americans; and the soldiers were very desirous of coming to blows with the enemy, and wished much to engage. During the engagement with gen. Leslie’s corps, the American baggage was moving off in full sight of the enemy. The then position of the continental army, general Lee condemned as the most execrable. He was of opinion, that had the enemy attacked the centre, and brought on a general engagement, the Americans must have met with a total defeat, or have lost all there baggage, though they had now organized themselves, and had procured ox-teams and further conveniencies. On the other hand gen. Washington did not reinforce and support the right wing, for he meant that the enemy should attack the centre. The corps under general Leslie must have suffered very considerably, for from an authentic return of his own brigade, since found on the ground, it appears that the killed of it were a lieutenant colonel, 2 captains, a lieutenant, an ensign, a sergeant, and 22 privates; and that the wounded were 2 captains, 3 lieutenants, 12 sergeants, and 109 privates.^[27] The British made only 30 privates, and 4 officers and staff, prisoners at White Plains.^[28] But the Americans conjectured at first that they had suffered a much greater loss, not less than 400 in killed, wounded and missing. They were soon convinced of there mistake. A number of the militia who ran off at the sight of the light horse in the beginning and were missing for a while, were found afterward. The killed and wounded however, were probably more than given above, owing to the scattered engagements, distinct from that upon the hill. In the several skirmishes which have happened since the 121junction of Knyphausen, the Americans have taken a number of prisoners, Hessians, Waldeckers and a few British. The Germans were much afraid of being murdered as soon as they were caught, and were very agreeably disappointed on meeting with civility and kindness.

Gen. Howe, having been joined by the troops from lord Percy, made dispositions for attacking the American lines early on the last of October; but an extreme wet night and morning prevented the execution at the time appointed, and it was not attempted afterward, though the day proved fair. Gen. Washington gained intelligence of his danger, by a deserter; drew off most of his troops at night, totally evacuated his camp early in the morning of November the first; and took higher ground toward the North-Castle district, leaving a strong rear guard on the heights and in the woods of White-Plains. An order was given by the British commander to attack this corps; but the execution of it was prevented by a violent rain. Col. Austin of the Massachusetts, who commanded the guards and sentries, being heated with liquor, burnt the town on White-Plains, unnecessarily and without any orders.

The British general, perceiving that Washington meant to avoid an engagement, and that the nature of the country would not admit of his being forced, made a sudden and unexpected removal [Nov. 5.] from the several posts he had taken in the front of the Americans, and advanced toward Kingsbrigde and the North-River. Gen. Knyphausen had been sent off before, and encamped on the 2d near the bridge on New-York Island, the Americans who were in the neighbouring heights having quitted the same, and retired to Fort Washington.

An acceptible break here offers for amusing you with an anecdote or two. Gen. Lee, while at White-Plains, lodged in a small house close in with the road, by which gen. Washington had to pass when out on reconnoitring. Returning with his officers they called in and took a dinner. They were no sooner gone, than Lee told his aids, “You must look me out another place, for I shall have Washington and all his puppies continually calling upon me, and they will eat me up.” The next day Lee seeing Washington out upon the like business, and supposing that he should have another visit, ordered his servant to write with chalk upon the door—No victuals dressed here to-day. When the company approached and saw the writing, they pushed off with much good humor for their own table, without resenting the habitual oddity of the man.

It happened, that a garden of a widow woman, which lay between the two camps, was robbed at night. Her son a mere 122boy, and little of his age, asked leave for finding out and securing the pilferer, in case he should return; which being granted, he concealed himself with a gun among the weeds. A British grenadier, a strapping highlander, came and filled his large bag; when he had it on his shoulder, the boy left his covert, came softly behind him, cocked his gun, and called out to the fellow, “You are my prisoner; if you attempt to throw your bag down I will shoot you dead: go forward in that road.” The boy kept close to him, threatened, and was always prepared to execute his threatening. Thus the boy drove him into the American camp, where he was secured. When the grenadier was at biberty to throw down his bag, and saw who had made him prisoner, he was most horridly mortified, and exclaimed—“A British grenadier made prisoner by such a d——d brat—by such a d——d brat.” The American officers were higly entertained with the adventure, made a collection for the boy, and gave him some pounds. He returned fully satisfied with the losses his mother had sustained. The soldier had side arms, but they were of no use, as he could not get rid of his bag^[29].”

[Nov. 8.] Gen. Washington wrote to gen. Greene at Fort Lee, “Sir, the late passage of the three vessels up the North-River, (which we have just received advice of) is so plain a proof of the inefficacy of all the obstructions we have thrown into it, that I cannot but think it will fully justify a change in the disposition which has been made. If we cannot prevent vessels passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer, to attempt to hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be had? I am therefore inclined to think it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at Mount Washington; but as you are on the spot, leave it to you to give such orders as to evacuating Mount Washington, as you judge best, and so far revoking the order given to col. Magaw to defend it to the last. The best accounts from the enemy assure us of a considerable movement among their boats the last evening; and so far as can be collected from the various sources of intelligence, they must design a penetration into Jersey, and fall down upon your post. You will therefore immediately have all the stores, &c. removed, (from your post) which you do not deem necessary, for your defence; and as the enemy have drawn great relief, from the forage and provision they have found in the country, and which our tenderness spared, you will do well to prevent their receiving any fresh supplies 123there, by destroying it, if the inhabitants will not drive off their stock, and remove the hay, grain, &c. in time. Experience has shown that a contrary conduct is not of the least advantage to the poor inhabitants, from whom all their effects of every kind, are taken without distinction, and without the least satisfaction. Troops are filing off from hence as fast as our circumstances and situation will admit, in order to be transported over the river with all expedition.”

The next day general Greene answered—“Sir, upon the whole I cannot help thinking the garrison (at Fort Washington) is of advantage; and I cannot conceive it to be in any great danger; the men can be brought off at any time, but the stores may not be so easily removed; yet I think they can be got off in spite of the enemy, if matters grow desperate. This post is of no importance only in conjunction with Mount Washington. I was ever there the last evening, and the enemy seem to be disposing matters to besiege the place; but colonel Magaw thinks it will take them till December expires before they can carry it. If the enemy do not find it an object of importance, they will not trouble themselves about it; if they do, it is a full proof they feel an injury from our possessing it. Our giving it up will open a free communication with the country, by way of Kingsbridge, that must be a great advantage to them and injury to us.”

[Nov. 12.] Within a few days gen. Washington crossed the North-River with a part of his army, and stationed himself in the neighborhood of Fort Lee. The troops left at Northcastle, under general Lee [Nov. 14.] were 7500 strong, including the 3000 militia of general Lincoln’s division (whose time of service ended on the 17th) and 1700 of general Fellows’s brigade (whose service ended on the 1st of December.) As the dissolution of the army was approaching apace with the end of the year, gen. Washington applied to the Massachusetts for 4000 men, militia. [Nov. 16.] Gen. Lee addressed the old, under Lincoln, and conjured the officers and soldiers, as they regarded the sacred cause in which they were engaged, to continue in their present posts a few days longer, till Thursday at the most, assuring them it was of the last importance. But they were not to be prevailed upon, though their own commander urged a compliance to the utmost of his power. All except general Lincoln and about 150 privates, went off the next day. Mean while the royal army approached Fort Washington, and on the 15th general Howe summoned the commanding officer to surrender, who answered, that he would defend himself to the last extremity. General Washington received an account of the summons at Hackinsack, immediately repaired to Fort Lee, and 124had partly crossed the North-River, when he met generals Putnam and Greene, who were just returning from thence, and informed him that the troops were in high spirits, and would make a good defence; it being late at night, he returned. Now was the moment for withdrawing the garrison, and one would think, that as the attack was fixed for the next day, gen. Howe designed by the summons, that it should be taken on the approaching night, and wished by that mean to save the men that he would otherwise lose. But defence had been concluded upon.

[Nov. 16.] The royal army therefore make four attacks upon the fort the next morning; while they are advancing, generals Washington, Putnam and Greene, and col. Knox, with their aids, having crossed the river, are making up to it. Some one or other perceiving the danger of their being soon shut in, urges their returning instantly. The commander in chief is hardly persuaded, and complies with reluctance; but the company insist upon it, and prevail. The first attack, on the north side, is conducted by gen. Knyphausen, at the head of two columns of Hessians and Waldeckers. The second, on the east side, is led on by gen. Matthew, at the head of the first and second battalions of light infantry, and two battalions of guards, supported by lord Cornwallis with a body of grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. These forces advance by the East-River, and land out of flat boats, by Haerlem Creek, upon the enemy’s right. The third attack, intended chiefly as a feint, is conducted by lieut. col. Sterling, with the forty-second regiment. The last attack is made by lord Percy, with the corps he commands on the south of the island. All the attacks are supported with a numerous, powerful and well served artillery.

The Hessians under gen. Knyphausen, have a thick wood to pass, where col. Rawling’s regiment of riflemen are posted; a warm engagement commences, and is continued for a considerable time, in which the former are much exposed, and lose in killed and wounded, near upon 800 men by that single regiment. Mean while the light-infantry land; and are exposed, as before landing, to a very brisk and continual fire from the enemy, who are covered by the rocks and trees among which they are posted. The former, however, extricate themselves by clambering up a very steep and rough mountain, when they soon disperse the enemy, and make way for the landing of the rest of the troops without opposition. Lord Percy having carried an advanced work on his side, col. Sterling is ordered to attempt a landing with the forty-second regiment, upon the left of the enemy’s lines toward New-York; and two battalions of the second brigade are directed to support him. He advances his boats through 125a heavy fire, and forcing his way up a steep height, gains the summit, and takes 170 prisoners, and then penetrates across the island. The detachment from the flying camp of the Americans, having given way and quitted their station, without making a firm stand, col. Magaw leaves the lines, and throws himself into the fort, lest the royal army should get possession of it before him. Col. Rall, who leads the right column of gen. Knyphausen’s attack, having forced the enemy in the mean time, pushes forward to their advanced works, and lodges his column within a hundred yards of the fort. This done, he summons them to surrender; and upon gen. Knyphausen’s appearing, it is agreed that the troops be considered as prisoners of war, and that the officers should keep their baggage and side arms.

The number of prisoners, including officers, amounted to 2700, beside those taken by the forty-second regiment. Gen. Greene wished to have been entrusted with the defence of the fort on the day of attack, as did some other generals. He blames colonel Magaw for suffering the troops to crowd into the fort, upon their quitting the lines, instead of ordering them to the brow of the hill facing the north, where the Hessians attacked; and is of opinion, that if they had been placed there, the royal army might have keen kept off till night, when the troops might have been removed. But the capital mistake was their not being removed the preceding night.

While the attack was carrying on, a captain Gooch boldly ventured to cross over from Fort Lee, with a letter from general Washington to colonel Magaw, acquainting him, that if he could hold out till night, the garrison should be taken off. He delivered the letter, pushed through the fire of the enemy, preferring that danger to being made a prisoner, and escaped unhurt. General Washington could view several parts of the attack; and when he saw his men bayonetted, and in that way killed, while begging quarter, he cried with the tenderness of a child, and exclaimed at the barbarity that was practised. His heart has not been yet steeled by plunging into acts of cruelty. When general Lee read the letter sent by express, giving an account of Fort Washington’s being taken, resentment and vexation led him, unfeeling as he was in common, to weep plentifully. He wrote on the 19th to the commander in chief, “O! general, why would you be over-persuaded by men or inferior judgment to your own? It was a cursed affair.” He had exclaimed before, upon hearing that the defence of it was to be risked, “Then we are undone.”

From that moment it was apparent, that the British ships could safely pass up and down the North-River, in defiance of 126all the obstructions thrown in the channel, and of the forts Washington and Lee, the American commander concluded that these were no longer eligible, and that Fort Washington ought to be evacuated while it could be done; which occasioned his letter of the 8th. When he came to Fort Lee, soon after crossing the North-River, he found no measures had been taken toward such evacuation, in consequence of that letter. General Greene, of whose judgment he entertained a good opinion, decidedly opposed it; other opinions coincided with Greene’s; it was thought politic to waste the campaign without coming to a general action on the one hand, and without suffering the enemy to over-run the country on the other; every impediment which stood in their way, was judged a mean to answer these purposes, and when thrown into the scale with those opinions which were opposed to evacuation, caused that warfare in the mind of the commander in chief, and that hesitation which have ended in the loss of the garrison. The advisability of attempting to hold the post, being repugnant to his own judgment, the event which has happened fills him with the greater regret. But he will exhibit an instance of generosity and magnanimity, by submitting silently to all the censure that may be cast upon him, sooner than injure the character of those whose advice has ensnared him.

It is imagined on good grounds, that the royal army lost in the attack full 1200 men in killed and wounded. The next object that engaged their attention was Fort Lee, situated upon a neck of land about ten miles long, running up the North-River on the one side, and on the other bounded by the Hackinsack and the English Neighborhood, a branch of it, neither of which are fordable near the fort. The neck joins the main land almost opposite to the communication between the North and East-Rivers at Kingsbridge. On the 18th November, in the morning, lord Cornwallis, by means of boats which entered the North-River through this communication, landed near Closter, only a mile and a half from the English Neighborhood. His force consisted of the first and second battalions of light infantry, two companies of chasseurs, two battalions of British, and two ditto of Hessian grenadiers, two battalions of guards, and the thirty-third and forty-second regiments. The account of this movement was brought to gen. Greene while in bed. Without waiting for gen. Washington’s orders, he directed the troops to march immediately, and secure their retreat by possessing themselves of the English Neighborhood; he sent off at the same time, information to gen. Washington at Hackinsack town. Having gained the ground, and drawn up the troops in face of the enemy, he 127left them under the command of gen. Washington; and returned to pick up the stragglers and others, whom to the amount of about 300, he conveyed over the Hackinsack to a place of safety. By this decided movement of gen. Greene’s 3000 Americans escaped; the capture of whom at this period, must have proved ruinous. Lord Cornwallis’s intent was evidently to form a line across from the place of landing to Hackinsack bridge, and thereby to hem in the whole garrison between the North and Hackinsack rivers; but gen. Greene was too alert for him.—His lordship had but a mile and a half to march, whereas it was four miles from Fort Lee to the road, approaching the head of the English neighbourhood, where the other amused his lordship till gen. Washington arrived, and by a well concerted retreat, secured the bridge over the Hackinsack. But though the men were saved, some hundred barrels of flower, most of the cannon, and a considerable part of their tents and baggage, were taken: beside the trifling number of ninety-nine privates, and six officers and staff.

[Nov. 22.] General Washington retreated to Newark, where his whole force consisted of no more than 3500 men. He considered the cause as in the greatest danger; and said to col. Reed, “Should we retreat to the back parts of Pennsylvania, will the Pennsylvanians support us?” The colonel answered, “If the lower counties are subdued, and give up, the back counties will do the same.” The general passed his hand over his throat, and said, “My neck does not feel as though it was made for a halter. We must retire to Augusta county in Virginia. Numbers will be obliged to repair to us for safety; and we must try what we can do in carrying on a predatory war: and if overpowered we must cross the Allegany mountains.” The general, after tarrying near a week without being molested, obtained information of lord Cornwallis’s being in pursuit of him; he therefore marched for Brunswick, [Nov. 28.] leaving Newark the very morning that his lordship entered it. As his lordship’s van advanced to Brunswick, by a forced march on the first of December, gen. Washington retreated to Princeton, having first delayed its passing the Rariton by breaking down a part of Brunswick bridge, and so secured his troops from being harrassed. Lord Cornwallis, having orders not to advance beyond Brunswick, discontinued his pursuit; but sent an express to gen. Howe at New-York, acquainting him, that by continuing it briskly he could entirely disperse the army under gen. Washington, and seize his heavy baggage, and artillery, before he could pass the Delaware. Gen. Howe returned for answer, that he would be with 128him in person immediately,^[30] but did not join him till the sixth. General Washington hoped to have made a stand at Brunswick, but was disappointed in his expectation of the militia; on the day he quitted it, the service of the Jersey and Maryland brigades expired, and neither of them would stay an hour longer; he wrote thefore to general Lee, “hasten your march as much as possible, or your arrival may be too late.” On the 7th, lord Cornwallis’s corps marched to Princeton, which the Americans quitted the same day. The next day the corps marched in two divisions; the first advanced to Trenton, and reached the Delaware, just as the rear guard of general Washington’s army, under colonel Henly, gained the opposite shore, about twelve o’clock at night.

Lord Cornwallis, who halted with the rear division within six miles of Trenton, intended crossing a body very early the next morning, near two miles below Corriel’s ferry; and got the troops in readiness, and the artillery prepared to cover the landing; for at that place it was only eight and twenty rod to a spit of sand on the Pennsylvania side, on which a sufficient number were to have landed, and then to have marched up to Corriel’s ferry, and to have taken the boats that had been collected there by the Americans, and left under a guard of only about ten men; with them it was meant to carry over the main body. In the vicinity of this place, a large sunken Durham boat (which came down three days before, laden with flour, and which could carry 100 men) lay concealed under a bank. This had been discovered and taken away by Mr. Mersereau, so that the British were disappointed in their expectation of finding it. They hailed one Thomson, a quaker, who lived on the other side of the Delaware, and enquired what was become of the boat, and were answered it was carried off. They continued reconnoitring up and down the river till ten o’clock, but finding no boats, returned to Pennytown. Men had been employed in time for taking off all the boats from the Jersey side of the Delaware; but Mr. Mersereau’s attention would not admit of his confiding wholly in their care and prudence. He therefore went up the river to examine whether all the boats were really carried off or destroyed; upon discovering the above sunken one, which had escaped the observation of the men, and enquiring of a person in the neighborhood concerning her, he was told that she was an old one, and good for nothing; but not relying upon the information, he found her to be new, had the water baled out, and sent her off.^[31] The importance of this affair to the Americans, 129prevents the relation of it from being trifling. Had lord Cornwallis crossed into Pennsylvania as he proposed, the consequence would probably have been fatal to the Americans. Gen. Washington when he crossed, had about 2200 men; but the time of their service expiring, they left him in such a manner, that the second day after crossing he had but seventeen hundred.

The militia of Jersey had timely notice given them; and had they stept forth in season, might have enabled gen. Washington to have prevented lord Cornwallis crossing the Hackinsack; but either disaffection, or the want of exertion in the principal gentlemen of the country (through depression of spirit at the threatening appearances that existed) or a fatal supineness and insensibility of danger, increased the actual evil, and made it absolutely necessary for gen. Washington to quit the Jerseys, and seek security on the other side of the Delaware. To whatever cause it was owing, the inhabitants, almost to a man, refused to turn out, so that he could not at any time bring more of them together than 1000 men, and even on these very little dependence was to be put. The proclamation issued the 30th of November, by lord Howe and gen. Howe, as the king’s commissioners, added to gen. Washington’s difficulties. In that, they commanded all persons assembled in arms against his majesty’s government, to disband and return to their dwellings; and all general or provincial congresses, &c. to desist from all their treasonable actings, and to relinquish all their usurped power. They declared that every person who, within sixty days, should appear before the governor, lieutenant-governor, or commander in chief of any of his majesties colonies, or before the general or commanding officer of his majesty’s forces, &c. and claim the benefit of the proclamation, and testify his obedience to the laws by subscribing a certain declaration, should obtain a full and free pardon of all treasons, &c. by him committed, and of all forfeitures and penalties for the same. Numbers who had been provincial congress-men, committee-men, justices and the like, though out of the way of immediate danger, ran to take the advantage of the proclamation. Many of the whigs shifted about. Only a few of fortune stood firm to the cause. It was the middle rank of people in general that remained stedfast in the day of trial. The success of the royal army extended its influence also to Pennsylvania. Mr. Galloway, the family of the Allens, with some others, repaired to the commissioners to claim the benefits of the general pardon.

General Lee, with more than 3000 men, though repeated expresses were sent to him, continued in the rear of the royal forces, marching so slowly that Washington could not account for 130it. It at length proved fatal to his personal liberty. While he lay carelessly and without a guard at Baskinridge, some way distant from the main body, he was made prisoner. The circumstances of his situation were communicated to col. Harcourt, commanding the light horse, and who had then made a desultory excursion at the head of a small detachment, to observe the motions of that body. [Dec. 13.] The colonel conducted with such address and activity as to captivate and carry off the general. The capture was considered by the British officers as a matter of the greatest consequence. Their words were, “We have taken the American palladium;” such was the opinion they had of the general deficiency of military skill among the Americans, and the inexperience of their officers. The command of the troops, after Lee’s capture, fell to gen. Sullivan, who soon after crossed the Delaware and joined gen. Washington. The general needed this reinforcement, notwithstanding his having been joined by the Philadelphia militia. He had sent gen. Mifflin to Philadelphia, while retreating before lord Cornwallis, and on the 27th of November, there was a large and general town-meeting, when the intelligence of the probability of gen. Howe’s invading the state was communicated, as also the request of congress that the militia of the cities and counties might march to the Jerseys. Gen. Mifflin, who was detained by congress for the purpose, enforced it by a spirited, animating and affectionate address to his fellow-citizens; who expressed their approbation of the measure proposed, and soon marched forward some hundreds of militia to join the commander in chief. After that, gen. Mifflin left Philadelphia by the direction of congress, who knew of what importance his influence was, and repaired to the back counties, where his exertions were equally successful, so that they poured in their yeomanry in support of the common cause.

[Dec. 14.] The royal forces lay much scattered in the Jerseys, and to all appearance in a state of security. Gen. Washington wished to strike them; sensible that a lucky blow in that quarter would be fatal to them, and most certainly raise the spirits of the people, which were quite sunk by the late misfortunes; but prudence would not admit of it. The Pennsylvania militia were ordered to Bristol, and the remainder of the troops were cantoned along the Delaware, so as to oppose any attempts of the royalists to cross it.

Should it be true, as reported, that the American general once wept while he fled through the Jerseys, that will not prove the want of personal fortitude. He is neither less nor more than man. Agitation of mind, occasioned by the threatening state of public liberty, and a reflection on the horrid calamities that would 131follow the loss of it, to the present and future generations, might produce that event, without any mixture of private concern for his own safety.

During the royal successes in the Jerseys, gen. Clinton, with two brigades of British and two of Hessian troops, with a squadron of men of war under Sir Peter Parker, was sent to attempt Rhode-Island. The American forces, being incapable of making effectual resistance, abandoned it on his approach; so that, on the day when gen. Washington crossed the Delaware, the British took possession of it without any loss, and at the same time blocked up commodore Hopkins’s squadron and a number of privateers at Providence.

Let me now offer you a summary account of the captures made by gen. Howe and the forces under his command, during the campaign, down to the total evacuation of the Jerseys. Of privates there have been made prisoners, 4101—of officers 304—and of staff 25—in all 4430. The catalogue of ordnance and military stores stands thus—Brass ordnance, 1 thirteen inch mortar—1 ten ditto—4 five and a half inch howitzers—5 six pounders—1 three ditto. Iron ordnance—2 thirteen inch mortars—1 ten ditto—1 eight ditto—30 thirty-two pounders—6 twenty-four ditto—8 eighteen ditto—24 twelve ditto—26 nine ditto—40 six ditto—55 four ditto—16 three ditto—26 dismounted. Brass ordnance 12. Iron ditto 235. Shells empty, 210 thirteen inch—1255 ten ditto—1535 eight ditto—1908 five and a half ditto—19,071 four and two-fifths ditto—total 23,979. Shells filled, with fusees drove, 5 thirteen inch—12 ten ditto—30 eight ditto—53 five and a half ditto—35 four and two-fifths ditto—total 145. Shot—2052 thirty-two pounders—9300 twenty-four ditto—548 eighteen ditto—3979 twelve ditto—332 six ditto—911 three ditto—total 17,122. Double-headed shot of all sorts, 2684—grape quilted, 140 thirty-two and twelve pounders, besides 42 boxes—case of all sorts 813, with powder 44—muskets of all sorts 2800—cartridges 400,000—barrels of powder 16—iron frize of four hundred weight each, intended to stop the navigation of the North-River 200—bar iron 20 tons—rod 5—entrenching tools of all sorts 500—sets of armourers tools 6—breast-plates for engineers armour 35—waggons covered 4—hand-barrows 200—1 gwyn complete—2 sling carts—iron crows 6—mantelets 52—chevaux-de-frize complete 81—besides 4000 barrels of flour at forts Washington and Lee—baggage, tents, long pikes, ammunition carts, and a large quantity of other stores of various kinds. These losses to the Americans are very considerable; but to the British are of small advantage. The civil affairs of New-York may now engage our notice. On the 16th of October, the inhabitants of 132the city and island presented a petition to lord Howe and gen. Howe, signed by David Horsemanden, Oliver Delancy, and 946 others, declaring their allegiance, and their acknowledgment of the constitutional, but not absolute supremacy of Great-Britain over the colonies, and praying that the city and county may be restored to his majesty’s peace and protection. This petition was followed by another to the same purpose, from the freeholders and inhabitants of Queen’s county, on Long-Island. It is observed of these petitions, that they are guardedly expressed, all mention of parliament being omitted, and the great, question of unconditional submission left totally at large. Let it be remarked, that though the inhabitants of York island and Queen’s county, have given every testimony of their loyalty, their petitions have not been attended to, nor they restored to the rights expected in consequence of the declarations, as well as of the law for the appointment of commissioners.

Let us pass to the southern states; and from thence travel northward, gathering up as we return, all the intelligence that offers.

In the month of July an invasion of East-Florida was projected, with the double view of securing Georgia and South-Carolina from the depredations of their more southern neighbors, and of drawing the attention of the British from their northern conquests. General Lee was entrusted with this business soon after the repulse of the British under Sir Peter Parker. After the troops had proceeded as far as Ogeechee, in Georgia, the general received orders to join the northern army, on which the expedition was given up.

While the general was at Savannah, he wrote a letter, on the 28th of August, to the French minister, which was committed to Sieur de la Plaine. In that letter he held up these ideas—That it was the exclusive commerce of the colonies which empowered Great-Britain to cope with France—gave to her a decided superiority in the marine department, and of course enabled her, in the frequent wars between the two nations, to reduce her rival to the last extremity—that if France can obtain the monopoly, or the greatest part of this commerce, her opulence, strength and prosperity, must grow to a prodigious height, and that if America is enabled to preserve the independence she has now declared, the greatest part of this commerce must fall to the share of France—that without the colour of injustice, but on the contrary, only assuming the patronage of the rights of mankind, France has it now in her power to become not only the greatest, but the most glorious monarchy which has appeared on the stage of the world—her possessions in the islands will be secured against 133all possibility of attack—the royal revenues immensely increased—her people eased of her present burdens—an eternal incitement be presented to their industry—and the means of increase, by the facility of providing sustenance for their families, multiplied—in short, there is no saying what degree of eminence, happiness and glory, she may derive from the independence of this continent—that some visionary writers have asserted, that could this country once shake off her European trammels, it would soon become more formidable alone, from the virtue and energy natural to a young people, than Great-Britain can be with her colonies united in a state of dependency—but the men who have built such hypotheses must be utter strangers to the manners, genius, disposition, turn of mind, and circumstances of the continent. As long as vast tracts of land remain unoccupied, to which they can send colonies (if I may so express it) of their offspring, they will never entertain a thought of marine or manufactures—their ideas are solely confined to labor, and to plant for those nations who can, on the cheapest terms, furnish them with the necessary utensils for laboring and planting, and clothes for their families; and till the whole vast extent of continent is fully stocked with people, they will never entertain another idea—that this cannot be effected for ages, and what may then happen is out of the line of politicians to lay any stress upon; most probably they will be employed in wars among themselves before they aim at foreign conquests—that it is worthy of attention, what will be the consequence should Great-Britain succeed in the present contest—America will be wretched and enslaved—but a number of slaves may compose a formidable army and fleet, and the proximity of situation, with so great a force entirely at the disposal of Great-Britain, will put it into her power to take possession of the French islands on the first rupture—that it is for the interest, as well as the glory of France, to furnish the Americans with every mean of supporting their liberties, to effect which they only demand a constant, systematic supply of the necessaries of war, small arms, powder, field-pieces, woollens and linens to clothe their troops, with drugs, particularly bark, in return for which every necessary provision for the French islands may be expected, as corn, rice, lumber, &c. If indeed the French could spare a few able engineers and artillery officers, they may depend upon an honorable reception and comfortable establishment.

The Carolinians have been engaged in a successful war with the Cherokees, for the origin of which we must go back to the year 1775. John Stuart, esq. an officer of the crown, and wholly devoted to the royal interest, had for years the exclusive management of both them and the Creeks. When the appearance 134of a rupture between Great-Britain and the colonies took place, he conceived himself under obligations to attach the Indians to the royal interest. The state of public affairs in the colonies, furnished him with many arguments subservient to this design. It was easy for him to persuade them that the colonists had, unprovoked by Britain, adopted measures which prevented the Indians from receiving their yearly supply of arms, ammunition, and clothing. He might also insinuate, that if the colonists succeeded in opposing Britain, they would probably aim next at the extirpation of the Indians. A plan was at length settled by Mr. Stuart, in concert with the king’s governors and other royal servants, to land a British army in Florida, and to proceed with it to the western frontiers of the southern colonies, and there, in conjunction with the tories and Indians, to fall on the friends of congress at the same time that a fleet and army should invade them on the coast. Mr. Moses Kirkland, who has already been mentioned, was confidentially employed by Mr. Stuart, governor Tonyn and other royalists to the southward, to concert with gen. Gage the necessary means for accomplishing the above plan. The whole was fully detected by the providential capture of the vessel which was conveying Kirkland to Boston toward the close of 1775. The publication of the letters found in his possession, produced conviction in the minds of the Americans, that the British administration meant to employ the Indians for the effecting of their schemes. The discovery of the ministerial designs, made it necessary for congress to attend to such measures as might effectually counteract the influence of Mr. Stuart. A meeting of their Indian commissioners with the Cherokees, was appointed at Fort Charlotte, in South-Carolina, and took place on the 22d of April, when about 630 were present. The Cherokees complained heavily of sundry encroachments made on them by the white people, which gave them the greatest uneasiness. When the commissioners came to make their presents, the Indians were displeased at the small quantity of goods and ammunition delivered to them. The commissioners pleaded, that they did not expect to meet with so great a number; and promised, that if the presents were received, they would try and purchase a few more and send them. The Cherokees were not satisfied with the proposal. The commissioners, without goods, were little more than cyphers. Talks alone, if ever so flattering, do not answer. Foreign manufactures were to the Indians indispensably requisite; and it was not to be thought that they could prefer American friendship, naked and hungry, to British, attended with all the necessaries and comforts of life. The British had carried great quantities or goods even to their towns. On the 27th, the congress commissioners 135met at Augusta, in Georgia, in expectation of the Creeks, who did not attend till the 16th of May, and then amounted to about 350, when a few presents were given them. They were either satisfied, or stifled their resentments, from political principles, so as to decline hostilities. But the Cherokees being disgusted, and abandoned to the full operation of the royal superintendant’s influence, began their massacres at the very time Sir Peter Parker attacked the fort on Sullivan’s-Island. The speedy departure of the fleet from the sea-coast, after his unsuccessful attack, gave an opportunity for uniting the whole force of South-Carolina against the invaders of the country. Though the British plan of a co-operation with the tories and Indians was for the present frustrated; yet the probability that it would be again resumed, determined the popular leaders to make a vigorous expedition into the country of the Cherokees. A joint attack on their settlements over the mountains was agreed upon by the southern states. Col. Williamson of the district of Ninety-Six, was chosen by the government of South-Carolina to command their forces on this occasion. The sixth regular regiment, part of the third, and a large body of militia, were appointed to serve under him. About the same time, and on the same business, gen. Rutherford, with upward of 1900 men from North-Carolina, crosses the Apalachian mountains. In their passage through the Indian country, the forces under col. Williamson were two or three times briskly attacked, but finally repulsed the Indians. The Americans upon this occasion traversed their whole country, and laid waste their corn fields. Above 500 of the Cherokees were obliged for want of provisions, to take refuge with Mr. John Stuart, in West-Florida, where they were fed at the expence of the British government. The Indian settlements to the northward were at the same time invaded by a party of Virginia militia, commanded by col. Christee, and to the southward by the Georgia militia under colonel Jack. Dismal was the wilderness through which the Americans had to penetrate. Many were the dangers they were exposed to from dark thickets, and rugged paths. They were frequently obliged to pass through narrow defiles, in which small parties might harass the bravest and most numerous army. They had to cross rivers, fordable only at one place, and overlooked by high banks, from whence an enemy might attack with advantage, and retreat with safety. They could have no accommodations, but a few plain necessaries carried on pack-horses. They, for the most part, slept in open air, and experienced all the inconveniences of a savage life.

None of all the expeditions before undertaken against the Indians had been so successful as this first effort of the new-born 136commonwealth. In less than three months, viz. from the 15th of July to the 11th of October, the business was completed, and the nation of the Cherokees so far subdued, as to be incapable of annoying the settlements. The whole loss of the Americans did not exceed fifty men.

The means adopted by the British to crush the friends of congress, have been providentially over-ruled, so as to produce the contrary effect. Their exciting Indians to massacre the defenceless frontier settlers, promoted the unanimity of the inhabitants, and invigorated their opposition to Great-Britain. Several who called themselves tories in 1775, have become active whigs, and cheerfully taken up arms in the first instance against Indians, and in the second against Great-Britain, as the instigator of their barbarous devastations. Before this event, some well-meaning people could not see the justice of contending with their formerly protecting parent state; but Indian cruelties, excited by ministerial artifices, soon extinguished all their predilection for the country of their forefathers^[32].

The delegates of Maryland, assembled in full convention the 14th of August, have agreed upon the constitution and form of government for that state; to which they have prefixed a declaration of rights. The convention of the Delaware state, formerly stiled “The government of the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex upon Delaware,” after a declaration of rights resolved upon their constitution in September. When the deputations, from the committees of the several counties, met in Philadelphia, they agreed upon the number the general convention should consist of, the time they should meet, and the manner in which they should be elected. No person was excluded from voting: many however, as must have been expected, chose to exclude themselves, as they would not appear by voting to countenance the establishment of a new mode of government. The convention met the 15th of July, and continued by adjournments to the 28th of September, during which period the constitution was settled by a declaration of rights and a frame of government.

Great numbers in Pennsylvania are not satisfied with their constitution, apprehending that it possesses too great a proportion of democracy; and that the state is not sufficiently guarded against either the evils which may result from the prevalency of a democratic party, or the dangerous influence of demagogues. Mr. Samuel Adams has been thought, or known to have concerned himself so unduly in the business, as to have provoked 137some drop distant hints of an assassination. While the constitution was forming, a motion was made to add a second assembly to the legislative body, under the name of a senate or council. It was urged by several members, some for the affirmative, and some for the negative. Before the question was put, the opinion of the president, Dr. Franklin, was requested. He rose and said, that “Two assemblies appeared to him like a practice he had somewhere seen, of certain waggoners, who, when about descending a steep hill, with a heavy load, if they had four cattle, took off one pair from before, and chaining them to the hinder part of the waggon, drove them up hill; while the pair before, and the weight of the load, overbalancing the strength of those behind, drew them slowly and moderately down the hill.” The simile drew the generality of the convention into an opinion, that the doctor was for a single assembly, and it wrought accordingly. Some imagine however, that the answer was designedly that of a Delphic oracle, to be taken either way, as inclination might dictate the interpretation. “The real force of the simile was certainly misunderstood; if there is any similitude or any argument in it, it is clearly in favor of two assemblies. The weight of the load itself would roll the waggon on the oxen, and the cattle on one another, in one scene of destruction, if the forces were not divided and a balance formed; whereas by checking one power by another (as was the wish of those who were for a second assembly) all descend the hill in safety, and avoid the danger.”^[33]

We cannot quit Philadelphia without making mention of the acts of congress. It has been resolved to confiscate the property of the subjects of Great-Britain, taken on the high seas, or between high and low water mark, but the inhabitants of the Bermudas, and Providence or Bahama Islands are excepted. General Washington has been empowered to agree to the exchange of governor Skeen for Mr. Lovell, who was made close prisoner at Boston by order of general Howe; and to whose inflexible fidelity to his country, congress bore testimony the beginning of January. Mr. Lovell contrived to send out intelligence to the Americans, while investing Boston; and the reasonable suspicion of it, without positive proof might occasion his confinement. Commodore Hopkins, has been censured for not paying a regard to the tenor of his instructions, which directed him to annoy the enemy’s ships upon the coasts of the southern states; and his reasons for not going from Providence immediately to the Carolinas, have been declared by no means satisfactory. To prevail on the foreign officers, if possible, to quit the royal 138army, congress have proposed, upon their choosing to become citizens of the states, to give to them and their heirs in absolute dominion, unappropriated lands in the following proportions: to a colonel, 1000 acres; to a lieutenant-colonel, 800; to a major, 600; to a captain, 400; to a lieutenant, 300; to an ensign, 200; and to every non-commissioned person, 100. They complied with general Howe’s proposal of exchanging general Sullivan for general Prescot, and lord Stirling for gen. M’Donald, on the 4th of September.

[Sept. 16.] They resolved upon raising eighty-eight battalions to serve during the war, and agreed upon bounties to all who enlist during that term, unless sooner discharged. The enlistment is further encouraged by a proposal for granting lands; each non-commissioned officer and soldier is to have 100 acres; a colonel 500; and the other officers in proportion. The congressional offer of lands, whether to foreigners or natives, is no present actual expence, as the event of the war must determine whose they will be; but the proposal may counteract the effect of a similar measure adopted by the British government, which has engaged to grant large tracts of vacant lands, at the close of the troubles, to the highland emigrants, and other new troops raised in America, as a reward for their expected zeal and loyalty in the reduction of the country. It may also destroy the influence of intimations thrown out to the mercenaries, of their being to be rewarded in like manner. The appointment of all officers in the battalions, and filling up vacancies (except general officers) is left to the governments of the several states; every state has its respective quota assigned, which it is to furnish with arms, clothing and every necessary. The quotas will never be answerable in the numbers of men to the numbers of the battalions, so that the actual strength of the continental forces will be far short of the appearance.

[Sept. 26.] It being resolved to appoint three commissioners to the court of France, congress balloted, and elected Messrs. Franklin, Deane and Jefferson. Dr. Franklin, notwithstanding his great age, was unanimously elected. Dr. Rush sat next him when the choice was announced, and was the first in congratulating him; the reply was, “I am old and good for nothing, but as the shop keepers say of their fragments of cloth, you may have me for what you please.” Mr. Deane was so little in the good graces of his own state, that it was the only one out of the thirteen that declined voting for him. He had been before appointed by the secret committee, commercial agent with Mr. Thomas Morris, and moveover political agent; and had arrived in France so long back as in June. This appointment was a natural 139introduction to his being elected one of the commissioners. Mr. Jefferson having declined through a present incapacity for going, Mr. Arthur Lee has been chosen in his room.

Congress may have been encouraged to this measure, by a letter of last June to Dr. Franklin, wherein his correspendent writes, “I have been at Versailles to see the ministers, and every thing which approaches them. I have obtained among other things, under the name of Mr. de la Thuillerie, the undertaker of a manufactory of arms, that there shall be delivered to him immediately, from the kings arsenel, fifteen thousand muskets for the use of infantry, to be employed in his commerce, on condition that he replaces them in the run of a year. I hope your brave soldiers will be pleased with them; but you must caution not to trust to the ordinary muskets of commerce, which are called muskets for exportation, that are almost as dangerous to friends as to enemies.” But without such or any other direct encouragement, they must have adopted the measure through the urgency of their affairs. The commissioners are to arm and fit for war any number of vessels not exceeding six, at the expence of the United States, to war upon British property, provided it will not be disagreeable to the court of France. There has been approved in congress a plan of a treaty with his most christian majesty, which has been delivered to the commissioners with instructions to the following purport:——

“You are to use every means in your power for concluding a treaty conformable to the plan you have received. If you shall find that to be impracticable, you are hereby authorised to relax the demands of the United States, and to enlarge the offers agreeable to the subsequent directions. The eighth article will probably be attended with some difficulty. If you find his most christian majesty determined not to agree to it, you are empowered to add to it as follows: “That the United States will never be subject, or acknowledge allegiance, or obedience to the king, or crown, or parliament of Great-Britain, nor grant to that nation any exclusive trade, or any advantages, or privileges in trade, more than to his most christian majesty, neither shall any treaty for terminating the present war between the king of Great-Britain and the United States, or any war which may be declared by the king of Great-Britain, against his most christian majesty, in consequence of this treaty, take effect until the expiration of six calendar months after the negociation for that purpose shall have been duly notified, in the former instance by the United States to his most christian majesty, and in the other instance by his most christian majesty to the United States, to the end that both these parties may be included in the peace if they think proper.” If 140his majesty should be unwilling to agree to the 16th and 26th articles, you are directed to consent, that the goods and effects of the enemy on board the ships and vessels of either party, shall be liable to seizure and confiscation. You will solicit the court of France for an immediate supply to twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large supply of ammunition, and brass field-pieces to be sent under convoy by France. The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery and ammunition, and to endemnify France for the expence of the convoy. It is highly probable that France means not to let the United States sink in the present contest; but as the difficulty of obtaining true accounts of our condition, may cause an opinion to be entertained, that we are liable to support the war on our own strength and resources longer in fact than we can do, it will be proper for you to press for the immediate and explicit declaration of France in our favor, upon a suggestion that a re-union with Great-Britain may be the consequence of a delay. Should Spain be disinclined to our cause, from an apprehension of dangen to her dominions in South-America, you are empowered to give the strongest assurances, that that crown will receive no molestation from the United States in the possession of these territories.”

“You will transmit to us, the most speedy and full intelligence of your progress in the business, and of any other transactions that it may import us to know. You are desired to get the best and earliest information that you possibly can, of any negociation that the court of London may be carrying on for obtaining foreign mercenaries to be sent against these states the next campaign: and if any such design is in agitation, you will endeavor to prevail with the court of France to exert its influence, in the most effectual manner, to prevent the execution of such designs. You are desired to obtain as early as possible, a public acknowledgment of the independency of these states on the crown and parliament of Great-Britain by the court of France.”

“In conducting this important business, the congress have the greatest confidence in your address, abilities, vigilence, and attachment to the interests of the United States, and wish you every success.”

Though it has not been already mentioned, yet as far back as July, the congress refused to ratify the cartel settled between gen. Arnold and capt. Forster, at the Cedars. They declared gen. Arnold’s agreement to be no more than a sponsion, subject to be ratified or annulled, at their discretion, he not being invested with powers for the disposal of prisoners not in his possession, 141nor under his direction; and refuse to deliver the prisoners to be returned on their part, till the British commander in Canada delivered into their hands the authors and abettors of the murders committed on the American prisoners, and made indemnification for the plunder at the Cedars, taken contrary to the faith of the capitulation. Thus the hostages have been left in Canada unredeemed. Capt. Sullivan has written to his brother the general, from Montreal, August the 14th, and expressed his surprise at hearing that congress, instead of redeeming him and the other hostages according to the cartel, had demanded capt. Forster to be delivered up; and declared in the most solemn manner, that not a man living could have used more humanity than capt. Forster did, after the surrender of the party to which he belonged. Such gentlemen of the army as speak of it at head-quarters, seem to wish the treaty had been ratified rather than disallowed; and the commander in chief appears to be like minded.

[Oct. 1.] General Mifflin was requested to resume the office of quarter-master-general, and it was resolved that his rank and pay as a brigadier should be continued. Congress determined upon borrowing five millions of continental dollars for the use of the United States, and the faith of the states is pledged for the payment of principal and interest. To encourage gentlemen of abilities to engage as commission-officers in the battalions to be raised, the pay, from the colonel to the ensign is to be increased. It has also been recommended to the respective states, to use their utmost endeavors, that all the officers to be appointed, be men of honor and known abilities, without a particular regard to their having before been in the service.

[Oct. 17.] Mr. Duche having by letter informed the president that the state of his health (probably influenced by the bad aspect of the American cause) and his parochial duties were such as obliged him to decline the honor of continuing chaplain to congress, they resolved that the president return the thanks of the house, for the devout and acceptable manner in which he discharged his duty during the time he officiated; and that 150 dollars be presented to him as an acknowledgment of his services. In about a fortnight he expressed his obligations to congress, in a polite letter, and requested, as he accepted their appointment from motives perfectly disinterested, that the money voted him, might be applied to the relief of the widows and children of such of the Pennsylvania officers as have fallen in the service of their country. Several French officers have been commissioned; the chevalier Matthias Alexis Roche de Fermoy, upon applying to be employed, was appointed a brigadier general. Dr. Franklin sailed for France on the twenty-seventh.

142[Nov. 18.] Congress agreed upon the scheme of a lottery by which they mean to raise a sum of money for defraying the expences of the next campaign. The recuiting service proving very unsuccessful, they resolved, [Nov. 21.] that each state be at liberty to direct their recruiting officers to enlist their men either for the war, or three years. The reduced state of the army, together with the successes and superiority of the enemy put congress upon ordering the president to write to the four New-England governments, and request them to use their utmost influence in raising their respective quotas, and to hasten their marches with all possible diligence to the places of rendezvous. The Massachusetts assembly have ordered a fourth of the militia to be raised for the reinforcement of the army to the southward, and proposed paying a bounty of 15l. sterling a man to those of their state who will enlist for three years or during the war. This proposal however congress could not assent to; as it tended to excite an expectation of the same bounty in the rest of the troops.

[Dec 10.] The probability of the enemy’s advancing to Philadelphia, induced congress to direct gen. Putnam, who was stationed in the city, immediately to parade the several recruits and other continental troops in it, and to proceed without delay to make the proper defences for its security. The next day, they recommended to all the United States as soon as possible to appoint a day of fasting and humiliation. It is left to each state to issue out proclamations, fixing the day that appears most proper within its own bounds. On the 12th, generals Putnam and Mifflin being called to a conference, and having by strong arguments urged the necessity of the congress’s retiring, it was thereupon resolved to adjourn to Baltimore in Maryland, to meet on the 20th inst. inasmuch as the movements of the enemy had rendered the neighbourhood of Philadelphia the seat of war.—Till congress should otherwise order gen. Washington was to possess full power to direct all things relative to the department, and the operations of war.

It remains, that we take a survey of what has been doing to the northward, and under gen. Gates.

Toward the latter end of July, one lieutenant Whitcomb, a green mountain boy, who was out with a scouting party, was guilty of a most base, and villainous action, from no other principle, than a desire of plunder. He wanted a sword and a watch; and in order to supply himself shot general Gordon as he was riding unarmed from St. John’s toward Chamblee. The general died a few days after. This, as was natural, raised the resentment of Sir Guy Carleton’s army. It is a pity, that he could not 143have been delivered up instantly to Sir Guy; but through the weakness of government and military discipline, he will escape deserved punishment. Colonel Beedle and major Butterfield, instead of being shot for their cowardly conduct in the business of the Cedars, are only cashiered, and rendered incapable of bearing any commission in the army of the United States. The new articles of war, agreed upon in September, will subject men to deserved punishment for the future.

When general Arnold had reached Crown-Point with the army and the goods he had brought from Montreal (which he was careful to keep with, all he could) persons soon followed with invoices, and claimed pay for them. Silks and other valuable articles were missing. General Arnold upon this brought col. Hazens before a court-martial. He was tried on a charge, that the packages had been pillaged, and the goods lost, through his refusing to take care of them. The colonel was honorably acquitted; but such was the behavior of the general before the court, in challenging every man of them, and abusing them all, that they demanded of general Gates his being put under arrest; the moment the demand was made, general Gates thought himself obliged to act dictatorially, and to dissolve the court; that so the United States might not be deprived of the services of one whom he viewed as an excellent officer, at an important period, when they were much wanted. The court however, did not dissolve till they had finished their other business, and given judgment; and had prepared the account of the trial, and put it in the way to be forwarded to general Washington or the congress. Gates had fixed upon Arnold to command the American fleet to be opposed to the British, on Lake Champlain, and therefore would pay no attention to any charges brought against him. Colonel Brown complained of him, for accusing him of plundering the officers baggage taken at Sorel, contrary to the articles of capitulation, and praying that he might be put under arrest and brought to trial; but it was to no purpose. The command for which Arnold was destined, superseded all other considerations for the present.

The utmost efforts were made on the side of Canada by the British, for obtaining a superiority on the lake, and for the reduction of Tyconderoga and Mount Independence. A fleet of above thirty fighting vessels, of different kinds and sizes, had been little less than created; though a few of the largest were re-constructions, having been first framed in Great-Britain, then taken to pieces and sent over. Add to this, that a gondola weighing thirty tons, with above four hundred batteaux, had been dragged up the rapids near Chamblee. The objects in view were answerable 144to all these exertions. If the royal army under Sir Guy Carleton could have forced their way down to, and possessed themselves of Albany before the severity of the winter set in, the northern states would have been exposed in their most defenceless parts, and have had the communication with the southern cut off, while one between generals Carleton and Howe would have been established; and thus Carleton’s army would have had a principal share in the honor of bringing the war to a speedy conclusion.

The Americans had not equal advantages with the British for the construction of vessels. They labored under immense difficulties; and had to bring ship-builders, artillery, and most of the materials for a naval equipment from a great distance. But by an assiduity, perseverance and spirit, which did not fall short of what was employed against them, they had by the 18th of August, at Crown-Point, 1 sloop, 3 schooners and 5 gondolas, carrying 55 guns, twelve, nine, six and four pounders, beside 70 swivels, and 395 men; and completely fitted for action. With some or all of these, gen. Arnold sailed down the lake to reconnoitre and gain intelligence. He wrote to gen. Gates, “This morning [Sept. 16.] at one o’clock, Antonie Gerouse, (his real name was Girard) a Frenchman, whom I sent to St. John’s, returned, and gives the following account, viz.—that at Isle-aux-Noix there are three thousand troops encamped, and forty pieces of cannon mounted on their lines—at St. John’s three thousand men, one hundred and fifty batteaux, and he was told that two hundred were at Chamblee—that two schooners are completed and manned, one mounting twelve, and the other fourteen brass twelve pounders—small vessels on the stocks to carry three guns each—one gondola taken from us, and three new ones built, these to mount three guns each—a number of flat-bottomed boats, to carry one gun each, and a floating battery with two masts, nearly done, to carry twenty-four eighteen pounders and two mortars. He imagines the whole will be completed in a fortnight. I think him placed as a spy on us; have sent him to you to be disposed of as you think proper. From the accounts of the two men who have viewed Isle-aux-Noix, the account of this Frenchman must be false, and a story formed for him by the English officers.” The poor Frenchman was put in irons, and sent to Albany. The two men never went to the isle, but made up a story to screen their own baseness: a close and separate examination of them might have detected the imposition. When by their unremitting industry the British entered the lake about the time the Frenchman conjectured, the fleet consisted of the ship Inflexible, which had been re-constructed at St. John’s, 145from whence she sailed in twenty-eight days after laying her keel, and mounted with 18 twelve pounders—the Maria schooner, mounting 14 six pounders—the Carleton, 12 ditto—the Thunderer, a flat-bottomed radeau, carrying 6 twenty-four pounders and 6 twelve, beside two howitzers—some gondolas, one having 7 nine pounders—twenty gun-boats, carrying each a brass field-piece, from 9 to 24 pounders, and some with howitzers—and four long boats, with each a carriage gun, serving as armed tenders. These were all designed for, or appertained to battle, and were attended with a vast number of vessels, batteaux and boats destined for the transportation of the army, with its stores, artillery, baggage and provisions. The armament was conducted by capt. Pringle, and the fleet navigated by about 700 prime seamen, of whom 200 were volunteers from the transports, who boldly and freely partook with the others in the danger of the expedition. The guns were worked by detachments from the corps of artillery. The equipment was well appointed and amply furnished with every thing necessary.

The Americans went on with the greatest possible dispatch, and, before any action could commence, had reinforced gen. Arnold with a cutter, 3 gallies and 3 gondolas, carrying from 4 to 18 pounders. The American force was in no degree equal to the British, either as to the goodness of the vessels, the number of guns, the weight of metal, or other furniture of war. Gen. Arnold had only two schooners with him, and so but 15 vessels, when Sir Guy Carleton proceeded up the lake, and found him forming a strong line to defend the passage between Valicour-Island and the western main. A warm action ensued [Oct. 11.] and was vigorously supported on both sides for some hours; but the wind being unfavorable, the Inflexible, with some other vessels of force, could not be worked up, so that the weight of the action fell upon the schooner Carleton and the gun-boats, which (say the British) they sustained with the greatest firmness, men and officers displaying such extraordinary efforts of resolution as merited and received the highest applause from their commanders. The Americans therefore could not have been deficient in their exertions, but must be entitled to a proportionable share of praise for having made such a formidable resistance. Gen. Waterbury fought most intrepidly, walking upon the quarter-deck the whole time; all his officers were killed or wounded, excepting a lieutenant, and the captain of the marines.

The continuance of the impediments which prevented the Carleton and gun-boats being seconded by the Inflexible and other vessels, induced capt. Pringle, with the approbation or Sir Guy, to withdraw those that were engaged, from the action. Two of 146their gondolas were sunk, and one blown up with 60 men. The Americans had a schooner burnt, and a gondola sunk. Being now sensible of their inferiority, they took the opportunity of the night for attempting an escape. Gen. Arnold executed his design with ability, and they were out of sight by next morning. But the chace was continued, and one gondola taken on the 12th. The rest were overtaken and brought to action, a few leagues short of Crown-Point, about noon on the 13th. A warm engagement followed. The Washington galley, commanded by gen. Waterbury, had been so shattered, and had so many killed and wounded in the first action, that she struck after receiving a few broad sides. The Congress galley was attacked by the Inflexible and the two schooners, two under her stern and one on her broad-side, within musket shot. The British kept up an incessant fire on the Americans for four hours, with round and grape shot, which was returned as briskly. Gen. Arnold was determined that his people should not become prisoners, nor the vessels a prey to the enemy. He covered the retreat of the few which escaped, at the expence of one-third of his crew; and then with equal resolution and dexterity, ran the Congress galley, in which he was, with four gondolas, on shore in such a manner as to land his men safely and blow up the vessels, in spite of every effort to prevent both. Officers and men behaved with the utmost gallantry. Some vessels, they had lost all their officers, continued fighting, for the crews refused to yield but with their lives. The Americans glory in general Arnold’s bravery, though unsuccessful, and much in the dangerous attention he paid to a nice piece of honor, in keeping his flag flying, and not quitting his galley till she was in flames, lest the enemy should have boarded her and struck it. The American fleet consists now of only two gallies, two schooners, one sloop and one gondola, for the 8th is missing.

But though general Arnold’s bravery is highly applauded, he is thought by many to have been guilty of a great oversight, in not having stationed his fleet just above Split Rock,^[34] about thirty-five miles from Ty, so as to have brought the guns of every one of his vessels to have borne upon the British as they should have passed through singly, which they must have done from the narrowness of the channel at that place.

On Monday morning [Oct. 14.] the wind came about, and blew fresh after the remainder of the fleet got in, and so continued for eight days, and prevented the enemy’s coming up the 147lake to Ty. Within that period the Americans made carriages for forty-seven or more pieces of cannon, and mounted them; finished and strengthened their works; surrounded their redoubts with abbetis; received a considerable reinforcement, and acquired a preparedness for defence in every quarter. Could the enemy have proceeded immediately on the Monday to Tyconderoga, they must have succeded. You will be entertained with some sprightly letters written by an officer, at the moment and upon the spot, to the daughter of a next door neighbor; take the copies of them, and judge who it is that saves the Americans from impending ruin. “Tyconderoga the twentieth of October, six o’clock—The returns of the shattered remains of our fleet soon let us know the worst.—A fine story! after all the pompous accounts of our naval superiority.—Fine as it is, Jenny, it is true.—However we did all that men could do, in the time and with the advantages we had.—Can our country expect more?—I would not have you think we are defeated however.——The fleet was strong, but our posts are much stronger.—The enemy may give us another defeat, but it will cost them dear.—We expect an attack every moment.——I have been up these two hours, and through the guards and posts—to see them alert and vigilant. We will eadeavor not to be surprised.—The attack whenever it comes will be furious, and the defence obstinate, cruelly obstinate.—We are busy in making every preparation for the most effectual security of our posts—and shall in two or three day more, have little to fear from an assault.” “Ty—Oct. 21, 1776. The fear is now past, Jenny, but not the hurry.—Heaven has been pleased to give us a southerly wind for almost the whole week past—this has allowed us time for a very considerable preparation. We would now gladly be attacked—in two or three more days. The enemy are at Crown-Point, and we expect that they may fancy this ground in a day or two: they must pay a great price for it however, as we value it highly.” “Ty—Oct. 27. If we are not attached within six days, gen. Carleton deserves to be hanged.—We expect him indeed every morning.—We have been favored with a strong southerly wind, almost constantly since the defeat of the fleet, and are now ready.—The enemy have forsaken us—I am not sorry indeed, Jenny.—We should have been much at a loss had they invested us.—An attack we were prepared for, but they must have been madmen, to risque their all on the event of a-day, when a few weeks perseverance would have given them all they could wish.—How much is gained by chance or as the doctor will call it, Providence.—They did not happen to know our situation, but supposed we must be internally, what our external appearance (formidable enough) pronounced us, and 148what they, with our advantages, would have been.—Providence indeed, has once more saved us.”

General Gates was about 12,000 strong, when the enemy was at Crown-Point. Most of the men were effective, many of the troops having recovered. For some days after gen. Arnold’s defeat, Gates had only two ton of powder, and when he had received a supply, no more than eight. It has been thought, from information gained since, that the enemy sent one of their engineers, disguised like a countryman, into the American camp, as a spy; and that after two or three hours he returned; and by his reports might occasion their going off the next day. The day they went off, Mr. Yancey, the commissary general, had no flour in store for the army. Gen. Gates sent him out of the way, that as he had no flour to deliver out, the men might be kept easy, under a notion of their being enough in the store, and upon the plea that they should be supplied on his speedy return, but that it would not do to break open the doors. The commissary had not even a barrel under his care. The Yorkers, chiefly of Dutch extraction, inhabiting the neighborhood of Lake George, declined crossing it with the supples designed for the army, through fear of the Indians. This fear however was needless; for gen. Carleton, while he allowed them to take prisoners, laid them under strict restraints not to kill and scalp. When he found he could not keep them from scalping, he acted with dignity, and dismissed every one of them, saying, he would rather forego all the advantage of their assistance, than make war in so cruel a manner. This conduct reflects great honor upon his character, as the gentleman and the soldier. The day Sir Guy withdrew from Crown-Point, Gates, upon being assured of the fact, instantly dissmissed the militia, with thanks for their service, which he wished not to prolong—for he had no provision for them. For near a week after, the army had but a daily supply of between 20 and 30 barrels by land from Bennington.

General Carleton, before he commenced his operations on the lake, had prudently shipped off the American officers (made prisoners in Canada) for New-England, supplying them at the same time with every thing requistie to render their voyage comfortable. The other prisoners, amounting to about 800, were returned also by a flag, after being obliged to take an oath not to serve during the war, unless exchanged: many of these, being almost naked, Sir Guy clothed, out of compassion. By his tenderness and humanity, he has gained the affections of those Americans, who had fallen into his hands; and has done more toward subduing the rest than ever could have been effected by the greatest cruelties.

149The only danger to be guarded against by the Americans at Ty, and the neighbouring posts, is, gen. Carleton’s attempting to possess himself of them, when Lake Champlain shall be frozen over, so as to be capable of bearing horses, which probably will not be till the middle of January. The troops occupying these posts will not tarry longer than the end of the year: before that there is time enough to procure a sufficient force from the Massachusetts, Connecticut and New-Hampshire, to defend them. And if the weeks, between Sir Guy’s returning to Canada and the frost’s setting in so as to suspend all operations, are duly improved, something considerable may be wrought toward securing the entrance into the northern states. During the summer season, a road has been cut through the woods, for some miles, leading to Mount Independence, and communicating with the one leading to Hubbarton, so that the intercourse between that post and the northern states can be carried on by land, without coming either through Lake George, or by water from Skeensborough. That the road is horridly bad for carriages and horses in many places but not impassable, my own experience convinces me. Teams have travelled them with heavy loads, though not without ropes fastend to each side, and men attending to keep them from falling over, through the unevenness of the ground. But it is astonishing, that loads of tent-poles should be sent scores of miles to pass through these woods to the American camp, instead of being ordered to cut in the neighbourhood, where there was little other than woodland. By some strange fatality, or folly, the Americans conduct their business in a most expensive way, whereas they ought to exercise the greatest œconomy practicable without injuring the common cause. If the fate of war depends upon the expenditure of money, and the ability of the parties to continue the expences, the United States must be a-ground much sooner than Great-Britain, unless the latter practises and continues an equal degree of extravagance and profusion.

Mr. James Lovell, who has at length recovered his liberty by an exchange, was chosen, ten days ago, by the Massachusetts general court, one of their delegates to congress.

150

LETTER VI.

Roxbury, April 16, 1777.

Let the present letter begin with mentioning, that the representatives of the freemen of the state of North-Carolina elected and chosen for that purpose, assembled in Congress at Halifax, and after a third reading, ratified their form of goverment, with a declaration of rights prefixed, on the 18th of last December.

When gen. Washington retreated with a handful of men across the Delaware, he trembled for the fate of America, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy could have saved^[35]. Though they missed the boats with which they expected to follow him immediately into Pennsylvania, yet Trenton and the neighbourhood could have supplied them with materials, which industry might have soon constructed into sufficient conveniences for the transportation of the troops, over a smooth river, and of no great extent in some places. But they were put into cantonments for the present, forming an extensive chain from Brunswick to the Delaware, and down the banks of the Delaware for several miles, so as to compose a front at the end of the line, which looked over to Philadelphia. Mr. Mercerau was employed by the American general to gain intelligence, and provided a simple youth^[36], whose apparent defectiveness in abilities prevented all suspicion, but whose fidelity and attention, with the capacities he possessed, constituted him an excellent spy: he passed from place to place, mixed with the soldiers, and having performed his business, returned with an account where they were cantoned, and in what numbers. Gen. Fermoy was appointed to receive, and communicate the information to the commander in chief: upon the receipt of it, he cried out, “Now is our time to clip their wings while they are so spread.” But before an attempt could be made with a desirable prospect of success, [Dec. 21.] gen. Washington was almost ready to despair, while he contemplated the probable state of his own troops within the compass of ten days. He could not count upon those whose time expired the first of January: and expected, that as soon as the ice was formed, the enemy would pass the Delaware. He found his numbers on enquiry 151less than he had any conception of; and while he communicated the fact, thus charged his confidant—“For Heaven’s sake keep this to yourself, as the discovery of it may prove fatal to us.” Col. Reed wrote the next day from Bristol, and proposed to the general the making of a diversion, or something more at or about Trenton, and proceeded to say, “If we could possess ourselves again of New Jersey, or any considerable part, the effect would be greater than if we had not left it. Allow me to hope you will consult your own good judgment and spirit, and let not the goodness of your heart subject you to the influence of the opinions of men in every respect your inferiors. Something must be attempted before the sixty days expire which the commissioners have allowed; for, however many may affect to despise it, it is evident a very serious attention is paid to it; and I am confident, that unless some more favorable appearance attends our arms and cause before that time, a very great number of militia officers here, will follow the example of Jersey, and take benefit from it. Our cause is desperate and hopeless if we do not strike some stroke. Our affairs are hastening apace to ruin if we do not retrieve them by some happy event. Delay with us, is near equal to a total defeat. We must not suffer ourselves to be lulled into security and inactivity because the enemy does not cross the river. The love of my country, a wife (formerly miss De Berdt) and four children in the enemy’s hands, the respect and attachment I have to you, the ruin and poverty that must attend me and thousands of others, will plead my excuse for so much freedom.” The general on the 23d answered, “Necessity, dire necessity will—nay, must justify any attempt. Prepare, and in concert with Griffin, attack as many posts as you possibly can with a prospect of success. I have now ample testimony of the enemy’s intentions to attack Philadelphia, as soon as the ice will afford the means of conveyance. Our men are to be provided with three days provision, ready cooked, with which and their blankets they are to march. One hour before day is the time fixed upon for our attempt upon Trenton. If we are successful, which Heaven grant! and other circumstances favor, we may push on. I shall direct every ferry and ford to be well guarded, and not a soul suffered to pass without an officer’s going down with the permit.”

The origin of the present distress was stated in a letter of the same date, from a member of congress to his friend, in these words, “The causes of our present unhappy situation have long been known; the consequences of them were often foretold, and the measures execrated by some of the best friends of America; but an obstinate partiality (in the New-England delegates) to the habits and customs of one part of this continent, has predominated 152in the public councils, and too little attention has been paid to others. It has been my fate to make an ineffectual opposition to all short enlistments, to colonial appointments of officers, and other measures pregnant with mischiefs; but these things either suited the genius and habits, or squared with the interests of some states that had sufficient influence to prevail; and nothing is now left but to extricate ourselves from difficulties as well as we can.”

Colonel Griffin, unacquainted both with the plan and the time for attacking Trenton, crossed over from Philadelphia into the Jerseys, unknown to general Washington, and being joined with a few of the Jersey militia, proceeded to Mount-Holly, which induced colonel Donop to quit Bordentown; he returned however to his station before the attack upon colonel Rall. The commander in chief would have comprehended in his plan, a diversion for count Donop by general Putnam; but the latter gave such a representation of the militia, of the confusion that prevailed, and of his apprehensions of an insurrection in Philadelphia, in case of his absence, that it was laid aside. The question for independency had been carried in Pennsylvania by a great majority; but that did not lessen the bitterness of those who opposed it, among whom were most of the quakers. These coalesced with the royalists of other denominations, and composed so formidable a party in the city, that it was dangerous, in the present crisis, to withdraw the militia serving in it on the side of the American cause.

The plan was, to have crossed the Delaware in three divisions, one from the neighborhood of Bristol, which miscarried by a strange inattention to the tide and state of the river, so that it was impossible for the horses and cannon to land on the Jersey shore, through the heaps of ice cast upon it with the change of the tide—a second at Trenton ferry, under gen. Erwing; but the quantity of ice was so great, that though he did every thing in his power to effect it, he could not get over; and finding it impossible to embark his artillery, he was obliged to desist—the third and principal, was commanded by gen. Washington, assisted by generals Sullivan and Greene, and col. Knox of the artillery. It was meant to attack early on the morning of the 26th, from the supposition that the festivity of the preceding day would make surprise more easy, and conquest more certain.

On the evening of the 25th, gen. Washington orders the troops, which are about 2400, to parade at the back of M’Kenky’s ferry, that they may begin to cross as soon as it grows dark; for he imagines that he shall throw them all over, with the necessary artillery, by twelve o’clock, and arrive at Trenton, nine miles below, 153by five. The quantity of ice made in the night, impedes the boats, and it is three before the artillery gets over, and near four before the troops take up their line of march, which makes the general despair of surprising the town, as they cannot reach it before full day-break; but as there is no making a retreat without being discovered and harassed, he determines to push on at all events. Colonel Rall has received information of an intended attack, and that the 25th at night is thought to be the time fixed upon. His men are paraded and his picket is looking out for it. Captain Washington,^[37] commanding a scouting party of about fifty foot soldiers, has been in the Jerseys about three days, without effecting any exploit. He therefore concludes upon marching toward Trenton; advances, and attacks the picket. He exchanges a few shot, and then retreats. As he is making for the Delaware, on his return to Pennsylvania, he meets with general Washington’s troops. [Dec. 26.] Conjecturing their design, he is distressed with an apprehension that by the attack he has alarmed the enemy, and put them on their guard. The enemy, on the other hand, conclude from it, after a while, that it is all the attack which is intended; and so retire to their quarters and become secure; many get drunk. General Washington forms his detachment into two divisions; one takes the lower road to Trenton, while the other, with the general, marches along the upper or Pennington^[38] road. The upper division arrives at the enemy’s advanced post exactly at 8 o’clock; and in three minutes after, the fire in the lower road announces the arrival of the other division. When the enemy’s picket^[39] discovers, in the grey of the morning, the advance of the general’s troops, they suppose it to be only the scouting party returned. The out guards make but a small opposition; though they behave well for their number, keeping up a constant retreating fire behind houses. The main body forms; the Americans press the men hard, and soon get possession of half their artillery. Finding, from the position of their enemy, that they are surrounded, and must inevitably be cut to pieces if they make any further resistance, they agree to lay down their arms, to the number of 23 officers and 886 men.

General Greene and col. Knox (elected by ballot a brigadier the next day, before the news had reached congress) would have 154persuaded the commander in chief to have pushed on and improved the alarm given to the enemy, to which he was inclined; but the generality of the officers were against it, and his excellency did not then think he could answer going contrary to the judgment of a majority of a council or war. He has since regretted his not seizing the golden opportunity.

Seven of the enemy’s officers were wounded, beside col. Rall mortally. There were about thirty others killed and wounded. The regiments of Rall, Lossberg and Knyphausen, were obliged to surrender. The light-horse, chasseurs, a number of privates, with a few officers, in all to the amount of about 600, escaped by the road leading to Bordentown. The Americans lost about two men; beside two or three frozen to death. Captain Washington, who assisted in securing the artillery, was wounded in both hands. The Americans took in all, 918 prisoners; as many muskets, bayonets and cartouch boxes; 12 drums and 4 colours—an ample compensation for all the sufferings of the preceding night, though they were not trifling. The weather was sleety, snowy and intensely cold, and the road slippery. A more disagreeable, severe, wintry night, is seldom to be met with, even in America.