Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 13)

[July 12.] The minister of France had a conference with congress in a committee of the whole. He introduced the conference by saying, that he had received some dispatches from his court, which he was ordered to communicate to congress, but that he expected no answer;—that though it was not the usual practice to offer communications of this nature in writing, yet as it had been intimated to him by the president, that this mode would be most agreeable to congress, he had committed the heads of them to paper, not as a memorial, but merely for the assistance of the memory, in a form to which the term of ad statum legendi is appropriated by the usage of the courts of Europe;—that in reading the said paper, he would take the liberty of making some explanations and reflections.

Ad statum legendi delivered by the minister plenipotentiary.

1. The king has approved all the overtures that were made by his minister plenipotentiary to the honorable congress, respecting the affairs of Mr. de Beaumarchais; therefore a line ought to be drawn between the stores which this gentleman has been permitted to take out of the royal magazines, for which he 442has constituted himself debtor to the department of war, and between those articles which the same gentleman has brought in the way of common trade for the use of the United States.

2. A hint having been given to the minister plenipotentiary, that congress desire to recruit their ships in France, from the English prisoners there, the court in consequence of this representation, is willing to facilitate this mode of recruiting seamen.

3. The king and ministry were extremely pleased with the resolution congress has taken to maintain only one minister plenipotentiary at their court, as well as with the exclusive appointment of so steady and honest a man, and so firm and solid a patriot as doctor Franklin.

4. The congress has given a very great satisfaction to the court of France, by the convenient and spirited step which was taken to disavow a certain ill grounded and pernicious doctrine relating to the mutual obligation of the allies to conclude no truce or peace without the knowledge and consent of each other. The court of France is of opinion, that this doctrine could only be maintained by those men whose aim would be to seek by any means, to weaken the ties of the alliance, and to create disgust and diffidence between the allies.

5. This court has received with some surprise, the intelligence that congress has published the treaties concluded with her, without the previous knowledge and consent of the interested party. It is not to be denied, that such proceedings is but little consistent with reason, and with the general practice of courts and nations; nevertheless, this observation involves not any kind of reproach, but the king thinks that so noble and so generous a system of politics could not but produce desirable effects by its publication.

6. The intelligence that in the first months of last winter, there were no adequate preparations made in America toward a vigorous and successful campaign, was received at Versailles with all the concern which the dangers of the United States and the prolongation of the present contest can create in the most friendly mind. The court of France is fully of opinion, that the exertions of the United States are necessary to bring the common enemy to a proper sense of all the disappointments which he shall meet with.

7. This court being very desirous to acquaint congress exactly with the state of affairs relating to the common cause, would not delay to inform this honorable body, that the court of London, showing on one side dispositions to a reconciliation with France, rejects on the other side, the very idea of a formal and explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United 443States, which his most Christian majesty perseveres to hold up as a preliminary and essential condition. The behaviour of the common enemy in this respect, rendered a great deal more probable the conjecture which was communicated to congress some time ago, that the point of honor and pride of the king of England, will be the greatest obstacle to the conclusion of the peace upon those explicit terms: and perhaps the manner of overcoming this difficulty, will of course become the most decisive object of the deliberation of congress, when this honorable body shall determine to make peace. It is presupposed whatever mezo termine may be hit upon, that England shall treat with the United State as with a free people, and evacuate immediately all the territories belonging to them.

The substance of what the minister said at the conference, in explanation of the foregoing articles.

1. From the bills and accounts with which congress have been furnished by Mr. de Beaumarchais, congress would be enabled to distinguish those articles which were drawn from the royal magazines, and those which he supplied in a way of trade; for those last congress would without doubt make remittances to Mr. de Beaumarchais in their own way, to enable him to perform the contracts he had entered into as a merchant. That for the former articles, the king his master taking upon himself to be creditor to the United States, would wait until the congress should find it convenient to make compensation.

2. Though his court had not resolved to retaliate upon the prisoners in their hands for injuries done to prisoners by the common enemy; yet for the reasons assigned, the king his master had assented to the proposal; but in carrying this matter into execution, it would be proper to take such precautions, and to give such orders to the captains, or other persons employed in the business, that it might be managed with prudence.

3. There is every reason to believe that congress will receive very soon proofs of the confidence which his court was always willing to show to the servants of these states. The personal character of Dr. Franklin will enable the court to act with a frankness becoming the alliance; they will have no occasion to withhold any more the secrets which may interest the United States and the alliance.

4. The king his master, after this explicit step, relies with the highest confidence upon the candor and faithfulness of congress in understanding as well as in executing the treaty, and in rejecting every arbitrary and unnatural interpretation or construction, which fales, subtle or designing men can contrive. Congress 444by their own feeling must be sensible, that such interpretations and constructions are always hurtful, against common decency and dignity, and may oftentimes endanger mutual confidence, and of course the very existence of a treaty; but the sense of congress, as manifested in this particular affair, gives his court the greatest hope, that there shall be no further motive to the painful reflections which that affair excited.

5. He begged leave to add, that this publication interfered with the situation of affairs in Europe, and was in a certain degree disadvantageous to the common cause; because it gave the common enemy a full knowledge of our system and our mutual engagements without procuring us any reason to guess at their views and resolutions. Happily these inconveniencies have not been felt, and ample compensation has been obtained by convincing the people of America, not only that the treaty was just and equal, but that the heavy task which France has taken upon her was magnanimous, gratuitous, and without reward; the whole world was at the same time convinced, that war, conquest and ambition, were not the objects of the alliance, nor of any of the allies, but only the peaceable enjoyment of the sovereignty, liberty, security and independence of these United States; and this conviction gave much honor, credit and consideration to the alliance.

6. On this he observed, that he had endeavored since the last fall, by order of his court, to impress on every mind, that England will never evacuate New-York willingly and could only be brought by proper exertions on the part of America, to think seriously of granting her independence. He believed that congress had adopted a system conformable to their engagements and the situation of affairs; his court was better informed than he was; but without reflecting on past events, the king hopes his amicable apprehensions will be overcome by the success of the campaign, that henceforth the United States will follow the example set them by his majesty, and that they will exert themselves in their own cause, as his majesty exerts himself for their sake and in their cause which he has adopted.

7. He said, that he was authorised to tell congress in confidence, that this reflection is the result of the observations which the court of Spain made upon the conduct of England, throughout her negociations of mediation:—That the British ministry seem to be solicitous to be reconciled with France, and to keep up this negociation; that from thence probable hopes may be entertained of their internal disposition to peace; but at the same time they reject with haughtiness the formal acknowledgment of the independence inserted by France and Spain. New orders 445have been given to the Spanish ambassador at London, to ascertain as nearly as possible those dispositions. In these circumstances the king his master ordered him to communicate this intelligence to the United States, that they may if they think proper take under consideration, if it would not be expedient to give their plenipotentiary instructions and full powers, founded upon the necessity of the conjectures, and upon the treaty of alliance, the express and formal terms of which are, that peace shall not be made without an express or tacit acknowledgement of the sovereignty, and consequently a fortiori of the rights inherent in sovereignty, as well as of the independence of the United States in matters of government and commerce. This substantial alternative in an engagement, which is a mere gratuitous gift without any compensation or stipulation, ought indeed never to be forgot in a negociation for peace. France foresaw the extreme difficulties a formal and explicit acknowledgement might meet with. She knew by her own experience in similar contest, in which she has been deeply concerned respecting the republic of Holland, Genoa and the Swiss Cantons, how tenacious monarchs are, and how repugnant to pronounce the humiliating formula. It was only obtained for Holland tacitly after a war of thirty years, and explicitly after a resistance of seventy. To this day Genoa and the Swiss Cantons have obtained no renunciation, nor acknowledgment either tacit or formal from their former sovereigns; but they enjoy their sovereignty and independence only under the guarantee of France. His court thought it important to provide, that difficulties of this nature, which reside merely in words, should not delay or prevent America from enjoying the thing itself. From these considerations arose the very important and explicit stipulation in the treaty, which he just now related, and which hath received the sanction of the United States. The circumstances seem already such as call for the application of the alternative of tacit or explicit acknowledgment. All these considerations therefore are mentioned, that congress may, if they think proper, consider whether the literal execution of the treaty in this point is not become necessary, and whether the safety and happiness of the American people, as well as the essential principles of the alliance, are not intimately connected with the resolutions that may be taken on this subject: and it remains with the prudence of congress to examine, whether instructions on some particular conditions may not frustrate the salutary purpose of the treaty of alliance relative to a tacit acknowledgment, which the situation of affairs may require. “In thus executing the orders,” continued he, “I have received, I cannot omit observing, that these orders 446were given with the full presumption, that the business which I laid before congress in Feb. last, would have been settled long before these dispatches should come to my hands. However sensibly my court will be disappointed in her expectations, I shall add nothing to the information and observations, which with the warmest zeal for the interest and honor of both countries, and by the duties of my office and my instructions, I found myself bound to deliver from time to time to congress in the course of this business. The apprehension of giving new matter to those who endeavour to cast blame upon congress is a new motive for me to remain silent. I beg only to remind this honorable body of the aforesaid information and reflections, and particularly of those which I had the honor to deliver to an assembly similar to the present. I shall only insist on a single point which I established then and since in one of my memorials, namely the manifest and striking necessity of enabling Spain, by the determination of just and moderate terms to press upon England with her good offices, and to bring her mediation to an issue, in order that we may know whether we are to expect peace or war. This step is looked upon in Europe as immediately necessary. It was the proper object of the message I delivered in February last, I established then (in a private audience) the strong reasons which require, that at the same time, and without delay, proper terms should be offered to his Catholic majesty, in order to reconcile him perfectly to the American contest. I did not conceal, that it was to be feared that any condition inconsistent with the establishment of the alliance which is the binding and only law of the allies, and contrary to the line of conduct which Spain pursued in the course of her mediation, would lead her to drop the mediation, and prevent his Catholic majesty by motives of honor and faithfulness from joining in our common cause, and for completing the intended triumverate. No loss, no unhappy event could be so heavy upon the allies as this. Indeed although the British forces are already kept in check by the combined efforts of France and America, it is nevertheless evident that the accession of Spain only can give to the alliance a decided superiority adequate to our purposes, and free us from the fatal chance, that a single unlucky event may overturn the balance.”

The committee then taking notice of what the minister had said concerning a tacit assurance of the independence of these states, requested to know his sense concerning the manner in which such tacit assurance could be given; to which he, premising that what he should now say ought to be considered only as his private sentiments, replied—That the British court would probably endeavor to avoid an express acknowledgment by imitating 447precedents that had occurred in Europe on similar occasions, instancing in the case of the Swiss Cantons, and of the United Provinces of Holland; that the mode adopted in the latter case had been for the arch-dukes, to whom the king of Spain had transferred his right of sovereignty, to treat with them as free and independent states; and that with respect to the Cantons, France had not been able to obtain more for them in the treaty of Munster, than “a declaration that they should be in possession of full liberty and exemption from the empire, and be in no manner subject to the jurisdiction thereof;”—but that in his opinion, the circumstances of these states, and the manner in which they had conducted their opposition, would justify their expecting a more full declaration.

Mr. Gerard, by strongly urging congress, in February, to come to an ultimatum, that so no promising negociations might be delayed or obstructed, contributed toward putting the states into a profound sleep. They amused themselves with idle dreams of peace, and hardly made any exertions for the war. Till about the time of the above conference, the army scarcely received a single recruit, though a large part of it dissolved in the course of last winter and spring, by the expiration of the term of service for which the men were engaged. Gen. Washington has a prospect of 1000 or 1500 levies, at enormous bounties, for nine months, from Massachusetts and Connecticut, which is all the reinforcement he expects. Inferior in strength to the enemy, he will be able to do little more than take care of himself, and guard the communication of the North-River. The distressing situation of public affairs, led the late president of congress, Mr. Laurens, to write to his friend—“[July 14.] Let us look around and enquire into the state of the army, the navy, the treasury—the view is truly affecting; but what is most of all to be deplored is, the torpitude of national virtue. How many men are there who now in secret say, could I have believed it would have come to this, I would——. I am not of that number.”

Captain Cunningham, who took and carried the Dutch packet into Dunkirk, being captured on board a private armed cutter in the West-Indies, was brought to New-York, put under a rigorous and ignominious confinement, and ordered to be sent to Great-Britain. Congress was induced by it to order a letter to be written [July 17.] to the British naval commander at New-York, demanding the reasons for the treatment he had met with; and resolved, that if they had not a satisfactory answer by the 1st of August, one or more persons should be confined, to abide the fate of the said Cunningham. Two days after, congress having well considered the letters before them, giving an 448account of the devastations of the enemy, and the burning of Fairfield, Norwalk and Bedford, “Resolved—That the marine committee be, and are hereby directed to take the most effectual means to carry into execution the manifesto of October 30, 1778, by burning and destroying the towns belonging to the enemy in Great-Britain and the West-Indies.”

The operations of war demand our further notice.

A daring and dangerous enterprise against the enemy’s post at Powles-Hook was committed to major Lee. The object was to throw a lustre upon the American arms by surprising the post, and immediately retiring with such prisoners as the major could conveniently make. Did it appear too hazardous, either in the execution or the difficulty of effecting a retreat, he was at liberty to abandon it. The necessity of making a timely and safe retreat, was strongly inculcated by the commander in chief, and the major was desired to lose no time in attempting to remove or destroy any stores, or even in collecting stragglers. The major, with a party of 300 Virginians, a troop of dismounted dragoons and one company from the Maryland line, proceeded on the service, and very early in the morning [July 19.] before day-light, completely surprised the post. Major Southerland, the commandant, with a number of Hessians, had the good fortune to escape, by reason of the darkness, to a small block-house on the left of the fort. Major Lee killed about 30 of the enemy, and took 161 prisoners, including 7 officers, at the expence of about half a dozen men killed and wounded. In conformity to his orders, he made an immediate retreat, without tarrying to destroy either barracks or artillery. The approach of day, and the vicinity of the enemy’s main body, rendered it absolutely necessary. Lord Stirling took judicious measures to forward the enterprise, and to secure the retreat to Lee’s party. This affair, for the size of it, may be ranked with the most heroic actions of the war, considering the peculiar position of Powles-Hook, and its being garrisoned by 200 men.

The expeditions carrying on against Penobscot by the Massachusetts, and against the Mohawks by the United States, will be related when brought to a close. Gen. Sullivan being called away to command the latter, gen. Gates left Boston and went to Providence. In May, a number of the troops under him, mutinied, and were upon the point of marching off for want of bread; he prevailed upon them to stay a few days. During that period he, by express, ordered flour immediately up from Boston, which however could not have been procured, had it not been from the captures just brought in by the cruisers. The American privateers, the state and continental vessels, have 449been very successful in capturing and getting safe into port a number of West-India ships and others of great value, more than sefficient to counterbalance by much the losses the United States have sustained in a similar way. It was computed, on the 15th of July, that within six or seven weeks preceding, upward of 20,000 barrels of provisions, designed for the use of the enemy, had found their way into the Massachusetts ports. But for these and such like captures, the inhabitants would have been under the greatest difficulty through a prevailing scarcity. One while there was such a want of bread in Boston, that familes who had lived well were without it many days. The price, however, of all articles, is rapidly raising in a continual succession, occasioned chiefly by the enormous quantity of paper currency, genuine and counterfeit, that is in circulation. The rise of commodities, and the associated depreciation of continental currency, has spread such an alarm, that at Philadelphia and in the Massachusetts, the inhabitants are attempting afresh to remedy both, by a regulation of prices—which like Sisyphus’ stone, will never reach the summit of the evil.

We have heard within these few days, by a letter from Martinico of June 29th, that admiral Byron having left St. Lucie with an intention as it is thought of convoying a large British West-India fleet throught the passages, count d’Estaing immediately embraced the opportunity, and planned an expedition against St. Vincent, which succeeded. We are also informed, that since then, Mr. de la Motte Piquet, with five ships of the line, had joined the count; who finding himself sufficiently strong, had planned an expedition against Grenada, and was to sail for that island the day after the date of the letter.

The count sent lieut. De Trolong du Rumain to St. Vincent, with about 450 men, only half of them regulars, who landed the 16th of June, and were immediately joined by the Carribs; they then possessed themselves of the heights which commanded the town of Kingston. On the 18th the island was delivered up by capitulation without having made any resistance. This may have been owing partly to the inhabitants being in dread of the Carribs, and partly to their apprehended danger from attempting a defence, and none from changing sovereigns.

Mr. Gerard has obtained leave to return to France, on account of the ill state of his health; and the new minister plenipotentiary, the chevalier de la Luzerne, is arrived at Boston in a French frigate. Mr. John Adams accompanied him, his commission having been superseded the last September, by the appointment of Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary at the court of France. The carrying of this appointment was a favorite measure with 450Mr. de Vergennes as he expects from the doctor singly more obsequious devotion to the pleasure of the French court, than he could have obtained had the doctor been still joined to both or either of his former colleagues, Messes. John Adams and Arthur Lee.

LETTER XVII.

Rotterdam, Nov. 10, 1779

Friend G.

Toward the end of April, an expedition against the isle of Jersey was set on foot under Mr. de Nassau, who had no fortune, with a view of putting money into his pocket, from the rapine and plunder that would follow upon its success.^[98] It so happened that admiral Arbuthnot, who you have heard sailed the 1st of May, with a squadron of men of war, and a prodigious convoy of merchantmen, and transports for America, fell in with the vessel, going express to England, with an account of the attack, and the apparent imminent danger of the island.—Upon that he ordered the convoy to wait for him at Torbay, and proceeded to the relief of Jersey. Though the failure of the expedition was the consequence, the French comforted themselves when they saw it had the unexpected effect of detaining admiral Arburthnot for a long time at Torbay, and of inducing the admiralty to order ten ships of the line, under admiral Darby, to join the former, for the safe escorting the convoy to a certain distance. Mr. Sartine upon obtaining information of this order, hurried the Brest fleet under count d’Orvilliers to sea.——There was not at the last moment, sailors sufficient to man it; but neither this, nor the non-arrival of two ships expected from Toulon, could prevail with him to risque losing the opportunity on the one hand of intercepting Darby on his return, and on the other of securing the junction of the French and Spanish fleets. Eight thousand land forces were put on board to serve as marrines, and to supply the defect of sailors. With this kind of equipage did the fleet sail on the 4th of June. There was a geeral 451exultation visible in the countenance of every Frenchman at Paris mixed with surprise, upon hearing that their fleet was sailed, and that there was no British force at sea to oppose them. Not a word was put into the Gazette of France of d’Orvilliers’ sailing. It is asserted, that Sartine being asked why he did not let a thing so public and so interesting, go into the gazette, his answer was—“The English ministry will not know it so soon any other way.” Darby, however, narrowly escaped, to the great disappointment of the keenest expectations of the French, who really looked upon his division as a sure prey. Foreigners are astonished at the present management of the British marine. They look back to former wars, when it was deemed a most consequential service, and the most concise mode of crippling the marine of France, and rendering their projects abortive, to block up the harbours of Brest and Toulon. When d’Orvilliers had sailed, a profound secrecy reigned at the court of France, as to his destination; but by the 6th of July, certain advices were received of his having joined the Spanish fleet upon the 24th of June. Before the junction, though not its apparent certainty, a manifesto was presented [June 16.] by the marquis d’Almodovar, the Spanish ambassador, accompanied with the notice of his immediate departure. The manifesto established this fact, that Spain had taken a decided part with France and America against Great-Britain. It cost the court of Versailles great pains to goad the Catholic king’s ministers to a decided resolution in the councils of Madrid; and after all, it has been said by respectable authority, “That there had been no declaration from Spain, if the English fleet had been at sea,” in force and in season to have prevented the junction, which was regarded as that on which the very salvation of France depended. The spirits of the French were as drooping as can be well conceived, till they had heard of that event, and of the arrival of the two reinforcements forwarded to count d’Estaing.^[99]

When the Spanish ambassador once knew that d’Orvilliers sailed on the 4th of June, and that the British grand fleet remained at Spithead on the 14th, he must assure himself that the junction of the French and Spanish ones would take place, and could not be prevented by the other; and that therefore he might proceed without any demur to deliver the manifesto. This event will, most probably, be more favorable in the issue to the American states, than success in the Spanish mediation on the terms his Catholic majesty proposed, which were—That the two crowns of Great-Britain and France should disarm, and agree to a universal suspension of hostilities—that the plenipotentiaries of both should meet at an appointed place, to settle their respective 452differences—that a like suspension should be granted by Great-Britain to the American colonies (as they were stiled) which should not be broken, without giving to his Catholic majesty an anticipated notice of one year, that he might communicate it to the said American provinces; and that there should be a reciprocal disarming, and a regulation of the limits not to be passed by either, as to the places they might respectively occupy at the time of ratifying this adjustment—that there should come to Madrid one or more commissioners of the colonies and of his Britannic majesty, to agree in settling the preceding particulars, and others relative to the firmness of said suspension, and that, in the mean time, the colonies should be treated as independent in acting. The contents of the manifesto were laid before both houses of parliament the day after its being presented, and were accompanied with a message from the king. They both concurred unanimously in resolving to support with spirit and vigor, the war against the house of Bourbon. An answer was transmitted by his majesty’s secretary, lord Weymouth, to the masquis d’Almodovar, dated July 13th, ten days after the rising of parliament. This answer was received when a state paper was nearly printed off at Madrid, and which related the motives that induced the Spanish monarch to withdraw his ambassador and act hostilely against Great-Britain. This paper asserts that the British ministry, while they rejected the proposals made by Spain, were insinuating themselves at the court of France, by means of secret emissaries, and making great offers to her to abandon the colonies, and to make a peace with Britain, and at the same time were treating, by means of another emissary, with Dr. Franklin, to whom they made various proposals to disunite them from France, and to accommodate matters with Britain, not only holding out conditions similar to those which they had rejected when coming through his Catholic majesty, but including offers much more favorable to the Americans.

Count d’Orvilliers having received instruction, steered with the combined fleet, amounting to 66 ships of the line, for Plymouth. The coasts of Normandy and Brittany being at the same time crowded with troops, and the ports in the bay and channel with shipping, exhibited the appearance of an intended invasion of England or Ireland. D’Orvilliers passed Sir Chas. Hardy who was cruising in the bay, with near forty ships of the line (having sailed from Spithead the day on which the Spanish manifesto was presented) without their having the least knowledge of each other. He appeared off Plymouth in the evening [Aug. 16.] and the greatest part of the two following days; but without making any attempt, which, had it taken place immediately, 453must have succeeded, as the town was altogether in a defenceless state with “neither men, capable of standing to the guns, nor rammers, sponges, or other impliments for loading them.”^[100]—The inhabitants and the neighbouring country were in the greatest confusion and the utmost alarm. But on Wednesday the 18th it providential began to blow almost a storm at east, which continued till the 22d, and forced the fleet below Plymouth; and the wind remaining strong in the same point for same days, prevented its return no less than Sir Charles Hardy’s coming into the channel.^[101] The Ardent of 64 guns, on her way from Portsmouth to join Sir Charles, mistaking the combined for the British fleet, was taken in sight of Plymouth. D’Orvilliers ranged about the Land’s End, the Scilly Islands, and the chops of the channel, till the end of the month, without seeking to return and make an attack upon Plymouth. He might conclude, that it would be now too late, the first opportunity having been lost, especially as a very great sickness prevailed among the sailors and soldiers on board the fleet. Thus by a coincidence of circumstances, Plymouth, with the dock, the naval magazines &c.—were happily preserved, notwithstanding the criminal neglect of administration in not putting the place into a proper state of defence. It is a fact, that there was delivered to one of the ministry, on the 28th of July, a letter from France, acquainting him with the destination of the combined fleet, and the intention of attacking and destroying Plymouth.

[Aug. 31.] The wind favoring, Sir Charles Hardy gained the entrance of the channel in sight of the combined fleets, without their being able to prevent him. The enemy pursued him as high up as Plymouth, but did not venture much further. The sickness increasing on board the combined fleet to a most extreme degree, and their ships being otherwise much out of condition, and the equinox approaching, count d’Orvilliers thought it necessary to abandon the British coasts, and repair to Brest early in September. The whole country round about became an hospital, through the many thousands of sick that were landed. It was a most happy circumstance for the British merchants, that a large Jamaica fleet escaped and got into the channel about ten days before he first entered it; and that eight homeward bound East-Indiamen had timely notice of their danger, so as to have the opportunity of putting into Ireland.

In the beginning of September, adm. Barrington arrived with dispatches, giving an account of the taking of the isles of St. 454Vincent and Grenada, and of an action between adm. Byron and count d’Estaing. The count sailed for Grenada, and arrived off the island [July 2.] with a fleet of five or six and twenty ships of the line, about 12 frigates, and near 10,000 land forces, including marines. The defence of the place lay in about 150 soldiers, 350 militia, 200 volunteers, with some seamen; and its strength consisted in a fortified and entrenched hill, which commanded the fort, harbour, and capital town of St. George. The French landed between 2 and 3000 regulars, under count Dillon, the same evening; and the next day invested the hill, and made the necessary preparations for carrying it by storm the following night, as they would lose no time, lest admiral Byron’s fleet might arrive. The defence was obstinate, considering the force on each side. Although d’Estaing headed a column of the assailants in person, they were repulsed in the first onset, but their superior numbers at length prevailed, and the lines were carried after a conflict of about an hour and a half; the loss of the French, however, in killed and wounded, was considerable. The cannon taken on the top of the hill, being turned at break of day against the fort, the governor, lord Macartney, was under the necessity of proposing a capitulation. D’Estaing granted him but an hour for framing the articles, which, when presented, were rejected in the gross. The count proposed others so extraordinary that his lordship and the principal inhabitants thought it better to trust to the law and custom of nations, and to the justice of one court, and the interposition of the other, by surrendering at discretion, than to bind themselves to such unexampled conditions. His lordship, in expectation that the fortified hill was next to impregnable, had carried thither his plate, jewels and most valuable effects, and his principal officers had followed his example.^[102] The count is charged with having exercised great severity and oppression; and it is said that his soldiers were indulged in such unbridled licence that the condition of the inhabitants would have been deplorable beyond description, but for the humanity and tenderness of the officers and privates of Dillon’s Irish regiment.

Meanwhile admiral Byron had returned to St. Lucie, from convoying the West-India fleet; but weakened through the ships he had sent with the trade to Great-Britain. He there received intelligence of the loss of St. Vincent; and immediately concluded with gen. Grant, to proceed with the land and naval forces for its recovery. On their passage they received information that d’Estaing had attacked Grenada, without being acquainted 455with de la Motte Picquet’s having joined him. They changed their intention, and steered for the relief of Grenada.

The British commanders arrived within sight of the French fleet at break of day, [July 6.] Their force consisted of 21 ships of the line and a single frigate. They were embarrassed by the somewhat greater number of transports which conveyed the troops. The French having received previous information of the approach of the British fleet, were then mostly getting under way, and those ships which had not already hoisted their anchors, slipt their cables, and kept stretching out to sea. The objects of the hostile commanders were totally different. The British admirals wanted to bring the enemy to close action in hopes of conquest and of saving Grenada. D’Estaing sought for no further advantage than the preservation of his new acquisition, which to him was a sufficient victory. His ships being cleaner, and consequently sailed better than the British, he chose a partial action, rather than be exposed to the doubtful issue of a desperate conflict. The first signal made by Byron was for a general chase; and the second, for the ships to engage and form as they could get up. By eight o’clock the action was commenced by adm. Barrington in the Prince of Wales, with the captains, Sawyer and Gardner in the Boyne and Sultan, they having closed with the van of the enemy. Being obliged to endure the whole weight of fire from that division, for a considerable time before they could be supported, and suffered accordingly; beside the damage of the ships and the loss of the men, the admiral was himself wounded. The French eluded every effort made by the British commanders to bring on a close and decisive engagement. When the evolutions on both sides, and the eagerness on one, threw a few of the British ships into a situation, which obliged them to endure a conflict with a much greater number of the enemy, a close engagement ensued. Thus the Grufton, the Cornwall and the Lion, sustained the whole fire of the French fleet. The Monmouth attempting singly to arrest the progress of the enemy’s van, hoping thereby to bring on a general action, but failing, was reduced almost to a wreck. The Suffolk, adm. Rowley with the Fame, suffered also considerably in similar situations.

The action ceased about twelve o’clock; but although renewed at two, and at other times, in a degree, during the evening, yet nothing essential was effected. During the heat of it, some British ships pushing their way to the very entrance of the harbour of St. George’s, beheld French colours on the fort, and were fired at by the batteries. The object of the British commanders was therefore totally changed. The relief of the island 456was at an end. The protection of the transports, along with that of the disabled ships, was now the main point to be considered. Three of the disabled ships were a great way astern: the Lion was obliged to bear away singly, in the best manner she could, before the wind. That and the other two might seemingly have been cut off by the French: but d’Estaing would not risk the bringing on of a decisive action by attempting their capture. In the evening, the Monmouth and the transports were ordered to make the best of their way to Antigua or St. Kitts. Byron drew up his line, reduced now to 19 ships, about three miles distant from d’Estaing, and expected to be attacked in the morning; but during the night, the count returned to Grenada. The loss of men in the British fleet was moderate; the other circumstances of the action however were exceeding grievous; for the great damage sustained by the ships in their masts and rigging, which could not be easily remedied in that quarter, afforded an astonishing superiority of force to the French, which while it continues, will render it impossible for the British longer to dispute the empire of the sea with them in the West-Indies.—All accounts concur in describing the French loss of men in the action as prodigious. The published number of officers killed and wounded, both in the naval and land departments, is considerable. The other must be in a great degree conjectural.

The latter end of July, there sailed from Port l’Orient the Bon Homme Richard, of 40 guns and 375 men, commanded by capt. Paul Jones, the alliance of 36 guns, the Pallas, a French frigate of 32, the Vengeance an armed brig of 12 together with a cutter: Jones acted as commodore to the squadron. He steered for the Western coast of Ireland and appeared off Kerry. From thence he ranged round the north of Scotland, till he came off Forth Frith on September the 19th; when he directed his course to Flamborough Head. Being off the Head, he fell in with the fleet [Sept. 23.] from the Baltic, under the protection of the Serapis, capt. Pearson, and the Countess of Scarborough, capt. Piercy. Before noon, capt. Pearson received intelligence from the bailiffs of Scarborough, of the squadron under Jones being on the coast. Between twelve and one the headmost of the fleet got sight of it, when the Serapis made all the sail she could to get between the enemy and the convoy, which she soon effected. Capt. Pearson, by four o’clock plainly discerning from the deck, that the squadron consisted of three large ships, and a brig, (the cutter was not now with them) made the Countess of Scarborough signal to join him, which was done about half past five. A little after seven, the Bon Homme Richard brought to within musket shot of the Serapis, when the 457fight began, and was maintained with equal fury on bath sides, each vessel using all possible means to gain an advantageous situation to rake the other. Capt. Pearson had infinitely the superiority over the Bon Homme Richard in working the Serapis, and obtained advantages in spite of every effort of Jones to prevent it. Jones to render such superiority useless, aimed at lying his ship athwart the hawse of the other. Though he did not succeed to his wish, yet as the bowsprit of the Serapis ran between his poop and mizen-mast, he seized the opportunity of lashing the vessels together, when the wind driving the head of the Serapis against the bow of the Bon Homme Richard, they became so close fore and aft, that the muzzles of their guns touched each other’s sides. In this position they engaged from half past eight till half past ten. But before it commenced, the Bon Homme Richard had received many 18lb. shot between wind and water, and was become very leaky. Her tier of 12 pounders was entirely silenced and abandoned. Her six 18 pounders, which were old, were of no service, and were fired but eight times in all. During the succeeding action, Jones made use only of three nine pounders, whose fire was seconded by that of his men in the round-tops. At the same time others threw such a quantity and variety of combustible matters into the decks, chains, and every part of the Serapis, that she was on fire not less than 10 or 12 times in different parts, and it was with the greatest difficulty that the same could be extinguished. At half past nine, by some accident the Serapis had a cartridge of powder set on fire, the flames of which communicating from one to another all the way aft, blew up all the people and officers abaft the main-mast, and rendered all those guns useless for the remainder of the action. When both ships were on fire together, as it happened at times, the spectacle was dreadful beyond expression. The Alliance repeatedly sailed round both while engaged, raking the Serapis fore and aft, and thereby killing or wouning many of her men on the quarter and main decks.^[103]—After ten she came up afresh, and renewed the fire; but through the darkness of the night, and both ships being so close along side each other, it was not poured into the Serapis alone, but also into the Bon Homme Richard, eleven of whose men were killed, beside an officer mortally wounded, by one of her broadsides. 458Capt. Pearson however, perceiving that it was impracticable to stand out any longer with the least prospect of success, struck, after having (by his conduct, and persevering bravery) secured to his convoy the opportunity of saving themselves. The Serapis was a much superior ship to the Bon Homme Richard, being built on an excellent model, and carrying 44 guns in two tiers, the lower 18 pounders. The number of men killed and wounded on each side was necessarily great. Both ships suffered much, but the Bon Homme Richard was reduced to a wreck; she had near seven feet water in her hold, which kept increasing. The wounded were removed, and only the first lieutenant of the Pallas, with some men left on board to keep the pomps going, while the boats were disposed within call to take them in when occasion required. On the twenty-fifth the water rose to her lower deck and she went down; but nobody was lost with her.^[104] It still remains to be mentioned, that the Countess of Scarborough engaged the Pallas for near two hours, when capt. Piercy was obliged to strike. Commodore Jones, with the remains of his flying squadron and prizes, made for Holland, and on the 3d of October anchored off the Texel. The commodore estimates the prizes taken and ransomed by the Bon Homme Richard, during her cruize, at more than £.40,000.

Sir Joseph Yorke soon applied to their high mightinesses for the delivering up of the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough. On the 29th of October, he presented a memorial to them, in which by his majesty’s order, he renews, “in the strongest and most pressing manner, his request that those ships and their crews may be stopped and delivered up, which the pirate Paul Jones, of Scotland, who is a rebel subject, and a criminal of the state, has taken.” Jones is stiled a pirate upon the supposition that his letters of marque or commission are illegal for want of being granted by a sovereign power, which the British do not allow the congress to be. But it may be at length discovered, that Jones’ letters are legal upon their own principles, and have been granted by the French, whatever, other letters he may possess. The whole of Jones’ expedition was probably concerted at Versailles, with the design of catching the eastern fleet laden with naval stores, while the continetal frigate, the Alliance was borrowed for a cover, and the cammand of the whole given to Jones on account of his acquaintance with the Irish and British coasts.—The memorial contains a threatening insinuation of serious consequences in case of non-compliance. The answer which their high mightinessess have given is in brief—“That they will, in 459no respect whatever, pretend to judge of the legality or illegality of the actions of those who have on the open sea, taken any vessels which do not belong to this country, and bring them into any of the ports of this republic; that they only open their ports to them to give them shelter from storms or other disasters, and oblige them to put to sea again with their prizes, without unloading or disposing of their cargoes, but letting them remain exactly as when they arrived; and that they are not authorized to pass judgment either on these prizes or the person of Paul Jones.” What would be the fate of Jones, could the British once make him their prisoner, is hard to determine; considering that capt. Cunningham was brought in irons from New-York to Falmouth, and sent ironed to Pendennis castle; from which however, he was removed in a few weeks to Mill prison, Plymouth; and being a native American, he is now rated as an exchangeable prisoner.

The present state of Ireland must not be passed over without notice.

The long continued embargo on provisions, the only staple export of that kingdom, has been viewed as particularly insulting and most highly resented by the people; on their reflecting that a set of contractors reaped the greatest benefit from it, while the interest of the country was sacrificed, and the whole nation distressed. Taxes became more numerous, and the national debt accumulated every session of parliament. Advantage was taken of these circumstances, and the peculiar situation of Great-Britain, by the most sagacious among the Irish, for the obtaining of those privileges which might otherwise never be secured. The doctrines of taxation without representation, and of unconditional submission, which ministry applied to America, were urged as matter of apprehension to Ireland; and it was openly said, that the chains forged for the former, in case of success, would afford a mode for the fetters which would soon be fitted for the latter. The smothered flame at length broke out with violence, on finding that parliament would afford them no effectual relief. Associations against the purchase and use of British manufactures, and for the encouragement of their own, became universal. But beside these, there were associations of a more effective and terrifying nature. Being alarmed with the danger of a French invasion, it was urged, that the defence of the kingdom must be placed in those who had the best interest in it. Military associations were therefore proposed, and universally adopted. The associators declared, that they were intended for the double purpose of defending their safety against foreign enemies, and their rights against domestic usurpation. In every part of the kingdom were seen instantly to arise, as if by magic, 460vast bodies of citizens, serving at their own charges, choosing their own officers, trained to great expertness, and obeying with remarkable regularity. No gentleman, no nobleman could show his face in the country, who did not fall in with the prevailing disposition. Men of considerable fortunes served in the ranks. All this business was accomplished without any sort of confusion or disorder; while the peace of the country, and obedience to the laws, were never more prevalent. The numbers of trained volunteers is supposed to be about 50,000; they are admirably appointed. Government saw these proceedings with astonishment. They wished to regulate this new and unexpected force and to bring it to act under the authority of the crown; but after a few feeble attempts, it was thought best to concur in a measure that could not be prevented. The Irish patriots having thus provided for the defence of the kingdom against foreign enemies, began to look toward their own rights; and in general disclaimed the authority of the British parliament over them, and condemned its interference in their affairs. On the 12th of October, the Irish parliament met. Upon a motion for the address, in answer to the speech of the lord-lieutenant, an amendment was moved and carried in the house of commons, which occasioned the insertion of the following words in their address to the throne—“We beg leave humbly to represent to your majesty, that it is not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone, that this nation is now to be saved from impending ruin.” The address from the lords contained similar expressions. Thus it appears that a free and unlimited commerce with the whole world is the sine qua non with the patriots of Ireland, from which they mean not to depart. The prevailing unanimity in political sentiments among the Irish, has been greatly forwarded by their parliament’s having before followed the humane example of the British legislature in relaxing the penal restrictions of the laws against the English Roman Catholics. The addresses were carried up to the lord-lieutenant, with great parade, amid the acclamations of the people. The duke of Leinster, who commanded the Dublin volunteers, escorted the speaker in person upon the occasion, while, the streets were lined on both sides from the parliament-house to the castle, by that corps drawn up in their arms and uniforms. That nobleman had before moved for the thanks of the lords to the volunteer companies through the kingdom, which was carried with only one dissenting voice.

The present letter closes with mentioning, that the Spaniards have, for some months back, invested Gibraltar both by land and sea; the garrison seems to be under no apprehensions.

THE END OF VOLUME SECOND.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

Non-standard spelling not corrected.

Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter.