Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 6)

190

LETTER VIII.

Roxbury, October 30, 1777.

Be not surprised at reading that there is in the United States, one enemy more formidable than famine, pestilence and the sword—a prevailing corruption in American hearts, a depravity more incompatible with their republican governments than darkness with light. Such languor and supineness reigns every where, that they seem unable to effect any point, though ever so important and interesting. In the military department, it looks as if all public spirit was sunk into the means of making money by the service, or quarrelling upon the most trivial points of rank. Did you know the pullings and haulings, the jealousies and emulations of the military and other gentlemen, which come before congress, you would be greatly confirmed in your ideas of the sameness of human nature in Britain, here, and every where.

[April 8.] Congress concluded upon the erection of a monument to the memory of gen. Warren, in the town of Boston; and another to the memory of gen. Mercer, in Fredericksburgh in Virginia; and that the eldest son of gen. Warren, and the youngest son of gen. Mercer, be educated from henceforward at the expence of the United States. They conveyed in a few words the highest eulogium on the characters and merits of the deceased. As Mercer had a good landed estate, the propriety of adopting his youngest as the child of the public was obvious.—Through inattention, gen. Warren, who fell on Breed’s Hill, had not been properly noted when congress passed their resolve respecting gen. Montgomery the prososal for paying due respect to the memory of Mercer, led to the like in regard to Warren.

But to advert to military operations. Gen. Lincoln was posted with only 500 men fit for duty at Boundbrook, to guard an extent of five or six miles, which occasioned their flanks being exposed. Lord Cornwallis formed the design of attacking this post, and chose the morning of the 13th for his execution. The plan was exceedingly well laid, and nearly as well executed.—Gen. Lincoln had expected a manœuvre of this kind, and been particularly cautious against a surprise. The enemy however, through the neglect of the patroles, crossed the Rariton just above the general’s quarters, undiscovered till they had advanced within 200 yards of him. At the head of this party, consisting of about 1000 men, were generals Cornwallis and Grant. About 1911000 were advanced up each side of the Rariton to Boundbrook, to attack the Americans in front, where the action began nearly at the same time the others were surrounding Lincoln’s quarters.—This happened between day break and sun rise. The general and one of his aids had just time to mount and leave the house before it was surrounded. The other aid, with the general’s papers and their bagage, fell into the hands of the enemy. The artillery consisting of one six pounder, and two three pounders, were also taken. Gen. Lincoln went immediately to give directions to those engaged in front;—while lord Cornwallis flung a party into the rear of the right of the Americans. Another party, from their reserve body of about 2000, was flung over Boundbrook in the rear of the left, with the design of encircling the Americans and preventing their retiring to the neighbouring mountain. Lincoln was hereby reduced to the necessity of being either imprisoned with the whole party in front, or of passing between the two columns of the enemy, which had nearly closed. But he effected his passage with the small lass of not more than 60 killed, wounded and taken.—The enemy soon evacuated the place after destroying twenty barrels of flour, a few casks of rum, and some other articles.

Congress are well assured that Sir William Howe had the last year instructions from ministry, to secure the North-River, and thereby to separate the northern from the southern states.—The general’s successes carried him into the Jerseys, and led him to believe that the business with the Americans was at a close, so that the North-River was neglected. Under a persuasion that Philadelphia was the object this year, congress resolved upon forming a camp immediately on the western side of the Delaware.

[April 15.] The following prudential act was passed——“Whereas the continental battalions are all on footing, liable to the same kind of services, and entitled to equal privileges; Resolved, That the appellations—congress’s own regiment—gen. Whashington’s life guards, &c. given to some of them, are improper and ought not to be kept up; and the officers of the said battalions are required to take notice hereof, and to conform themselves accordingly.”

[April 17.] “Resolved, that the stile of the committee of secret correspondence be altered, and that for the future it be stiled—the committee of foreign affairs; that a secretary be appointed to the said committee. Congress proceeded to the election of the said secretary, and the ballots being taken, Thomas Paine was elected,”—the author of Common Sense.

“The committee appointed to inquire into the conduct of the enemy, reported [April 18.]

192“That in every place where the enemy has been, there are heavy complaints of oppressions, injury and insults suffered by the inhabitants from officers, soldiers and Americans disaffected to their country’s cause. The committee found these complaints so greatly diversified, that it was impossible to enumerate them, so it appeared difficult to give a distinct and comprehensive view of them, or such an account as would not if published, appear extremely defective, when read by the unhappy sufferers or the country in general.”

“In order however, in some degree, to answer the design of their appointment, they determined to divide the object of their inquiry into four parts—First, the wanton and oppressive devastation of the country and destruction of property.—Second, the inhuman treatment of those who were so unhappy as to become prisoners.—Third, the savage butchery of many who had submitted or were incapable of resistance.——Fourth, the lust and brutality of the soldiers in the abusing of women.”

“They will therefore now briefly state what they found to be the truth upon each of these heads separately, and subjoin to the whole, affidavits and other evidence to support their assertions.”

“1. The wanton and oppressive devastation of the country and destruction of property.”

“The whole track of the British army is marked with desolation and a wanton distruction of property, particularly through West-Chester county in the state of New-York; the towns of Newark, Elizabeth-town, Woodbridge, Brunswick, Kingston, Princeton and Trenton, in New-Jersey. The fences destroyed, the houses deserted, pulled in pieces or consumed by fire, and the general face of waste and devastation spread over a rich and once well cultivated and well inhabited country, would effect the most unfeeling with melancholy or compassion for the unhappy sufferers, and with indignation and resentment against the barbarous ravagers. It deserves notice, that though there are many instances of rage and vengeance against particular persons, yet the destruction was very general and often undistinguished: those who submitted and took protections, and some were known to favor them, having frequently suffered in the common ruin. Places and things, which from their public nature and general utility, should have been spared by a civilized people, have been destroyed, or plundered, or both. But above all, places of worship, ministers and religious persons of some particular protestant denominations, seem to have been treated with the most rancorous 193hatred, and at the same time with the highest contempt.”

“2. The inhuman treatment of those who were so unhappy as to become prisoners.”

“The prisoners, instead of that humane treatment which those who were taken by the United States experienced, were in general treated with the greatest barbarity. Many of them were near four days kept without food altogether. When they received a supply, it was both insufficient in point of quantity, and often of the worst kind. They suffered the utmost distress from cold, nakedness and close confinement. Freemen and men of substance, suffered all that a generous mind could suffer, from the contempt and mockery of British and foreign mercenaries. Multitudes died in prison; and when others were sent out, several died in the boats while carrying ashore, or upon the road attempting to go home. The committee, in the course of their enquiry, learned, that sometimes the common soldiers expressed sympathy with the prisoners, and the foreigners more than the English. But this was seldom or never the case with the officers; nor have they been able to hear of any charitable assitance given them by the inhabitants who remained in, or resorted to the city of New-York; which neglect, if universal, they believe was never known to happen in any similar case, in a christian country.”

“3. The savage butchery of those who had submitted and were incapable of resistance.”

“The committee found it to be the general opinion of the people in the neighborhood of Princeton and Trenton, that the enemy, the day before the battle of Princeton, had determined to give no quarter. They did not however, obtain any clear proof that there were any general orders for that purpose; but the treatment of several particular persons at and since that time, has been of the most shocking kind, and gives too much countenance to the supposition. Officers wounded and disabled, some of them of the first rank, were barbarously mangled or put to death. A minister of the gospel in Trenton, who neither was nor had been in arms, was massacred in cold blood, though humbly supplicating for mercy.”—[Mr. Roseburgh, of the Forks of Delaware.]

“4. The lust and brutality of the soldiers in the abusing of women.”

“The committee had authentic information of many instances of the most indecent treatment, and actual ravishment of married and single women; but such is the nature of that most irreparable injury, that the persons suffering it, and their relations, 194though perfectly innocent, look upon it as a kind of reproach to have the facts related, and their names known. They have however, procured some affidavits, which will be published in the appendix. The originals are lodged with the secretary of congress.”

“Some complaints were made to the commanding officers upon the subject, and one affidavit made before a justice of peace; but the committee could not learn that any satisfaction was ever given or punishment inflicted, except that one soldier, at Pennington, was kept in custody for part of a day.”

“On the whole, the committee are sorry to say, that the cry of barbarity and cruelty is but too well founded; those who are cool to the American cause, have nothing to oppose to the facts, but their being incredible, and not like what they are pleased to stile the generosity and clemency of the English nation. The committee beg leave to observe, that one of the circumstances most frequently occurring in the enquiry, was the opprobious, disdainful names given to the Americans; these do not need any proof, as they occur so frequently in the news-papers printed under their direction, and in the intercepted letters of those who are officers, and call themselves gentlemen. It is easy therefore to see what must be the conduct of a soldiery greedy of prey, toward a people whom they have been taught to look upon, not as freemen defending their rights on principle, but as desperadoes and profligates, who have risen up against law and order in general, and wish the subversion of the society itself.”

“This is the most candid and charitable manner in which the committee can account for the melancholy truths which they have been obliged to report. Indeed the same deluding principles seems to govern persons and bodies of the highest rank in Britain; for it is worthy of notice, that not pamphleteers only, but king and parliament, constantly call those acts lenity, which on their first publication filled this whole continent with resentment and horror.”

“Resolved, That the said report be accepted, and that the committee who brought it in, publish the same, with the affidavits.”

The royalists, or tories as they are generally called, in the Maryland counties of Somerset and Worcester, became so formidable that an insurrection was dreaded; and it was feared that the insurgents would in such case be joined by a number of disaffected persons in the county of Sussex, in the Delaware state. Congress, to prevent the evil [April 20.] recommended the apprehension and removal of all persons of influence or of desperate characters, within the counties of Sussex, Worcester and Somerset, 195who manifested a disaffection to the American cause, to some remote place within their respective states, there to be secured; and authorised the governor of Maryland to detain the weakest continental battalion till further orders.

From appearances, the friends of America had reason to believe, that the tories in the New-England governments and New-York state, had also concerted an insurrection. [April 23.] General Gates, who had been sent to command in the northern department, wrote to general Fellows—“The committee of Albany, alarmed at the amazing increase and plots of the tories in this and the Mohawk’s country, have desired me to apply to you and the committee of Berkshire, to send immediately a strong reinforcement of militia, not less than a complete regiment, to secure this place (Albany) and the magazines at different posts between Albany and Lake George.”

Sir William Howe having obtained intelligence that the Americans had deposited large quantities of stores and provisions in Danbury and the neighborhood, ordered an expedition to be undertaken for the destruction of them, under the command of gov. Tryon, who had accepted of the rank of major-general of the provincials, and aspired after a military character. Sir William very prudently appointed gen. Agnew and Sir William Erskine to accompany him upon the service. A detachment of about 2000 men passed through the Sound, under the convoy of a proper naval armament, and landing between Fairfield and Norwalk, a little before sun-set, advanced without interruption, and arrived the following day [April 26.] a little after one in the afternoon, at Danbury, about 23 miles distant. The handful of continentals there, was obliged to evacuate the town, having previously secured a small part of the stores, provisions, &c. The enemy, on their arrival, began burning and destroying the remainder, together with 18 houses, their furniture, linen, &c. which were judged from circumstances, to have been singled out for that purpose. In one they killed two elderly men and a negro, and then burnt them with the house. Not one of the tory houses was damaged. They destroyed at Danbury 1800 barrels of pork and beef, 700 barrels of flour, 2000 bushels of wheat, rye, oats and Indian corn, clothing for a whole regiment, and 1790 tents, which, through their scarcity, were a great loss to the Americans. To these must be added about 100 barrels of flour and 100 hogsheads of rum, which met with the same fate upon the road by which they returned; these are the main articles that were destroyed. The burning of the houses appears to have been unnecessary, and wholly the effect of malevolence.

196On the first approach of the British armament, the country was alarmed; and early the next morning, gen. Silliman, with about 500 militia (all that had then collected) pursued the enemy. He was joined on his way by generals Wooster and Arnold, and a few more militia. A heavy rain so retarded their march, that they did not reach Bethel (a village two miles from Danbury) till eleven at night. An attack on the British was postponed till they should be upon their return. On the 27th in the morning, the royal troops quitted Danbury. The Americans were early in motion. Two hundred remained with gen. Wooster; and about 400 were detached under generals Arnold and Silliman. About nine o’clock gen. Wooster was informed that the enemy had taken the road to Norwalk, on which he pursued them; came up with, and harassed their rear, and took 40 prisoners, but was mortally wounded. General Arnold, by a forced march across the country, reached Ridgfield at eleven; made a barricade on a rising ground across the road; posted his small party of 500 men (100 having joined him) so as to have his right flank covered by a house and barn, and his left by a ledge of rocks; and thus waited the approach of the enemy, who, upon discovering the Americans, drew up and advanced in a heavy column, extending themselves in order to outflank and surround them. They marched up, and received several fires, which they returned briskly. For ten minutes the action was very warm, till they had made a lodgment on the rock, when a retreat was ordered. After gaining the rock, they levelled a whole platoon at gen. Arnold, within 30 yards, and yet but one shot had effect, and that killed his horse. He had presence of mind to take his pistols, and got safe off by shooting a soldier dead who was advancing hastily to run him through with his bayonet. The Americans continued to keep up a scattering fire for the remaining part of the day. The British halted all night at Ridgfield, and in the morning attempted to burn the church, in which was a considerable quantity of pork and wheat, but the fire was extinguished without having done any material damage. They however fired four private houses, which were consumed. Monday [April 28.] about sun-rise they renewed their march; but perceiving that Arnold, with a number of men, was on the road to Norwalk, they filed off to the east, forded Sagatuck river, and marched by the side of it on a ridge of hills. The Americans kept on the west side, nearly half a mile from them. Each cannonaded the other at times very warmly. About three o’clock in the afternoon, col. Deming and a small party of continental troops forded the river up to their middle, undiscovered by the enemy, and fell on their rear and left, and galled them exceedingly. The Americans marched on till they got to Sagatuck bridge, about 197two miles from Campo, of which the enemy possessed themselves after landing; when both being upon high land, a furious cannonading ensued, which continued for fifteen minutes. The British then pushed on with vigor to reach their shipping. Arnold, with a division, pursued closely, and by a quick march gained an eminence on the right flank of the enemy’s rear. An incessant fire of field-pieces and small arms followed for a small time, but with little or no execution. The Americans could not pursue further without being exposed to the fire of the ships. The van of the British immediately embarked. The centre and rear formed on the hill. While the field-pieces were playing on the boats, col. Lamb, of New-York, advanced with a party of 200 men within 100 yards of the enemy on the hill, and galled them from behind a stone wall. They in about ten minutes sent a party from their right, to flank the Americans, and advanced another party from their front, who came running down the hill with great fury. Notwithstanding the spirited exertions of col. Lamb, his party instantly retreated in great disorder, and were pursued to the foot of the hill; and not a single man would venture to support them. Those who were at hand, sought their own safety by a speedy flight. The remainder of the British soon after embarked without further molestation.

Thus ended an affair which reflects much honor on gen. Arnold for his personal bravery; but not much upon gen. Tryon’s expedition (if the plan was his) as the destruction of American property was not a sufficient compensation for the loss which the detachment under him sustained. The enemy allow that the excursion cost them dear; and from various accounts and circumstances, there is little reason to doubt, but they had at least four hundred killed, wounded and taken. A great number of the Connecticut militia assembled, but not more than 6 or 700 of them subjected themselves to any order, the rest were mere spectators; of such as did subject themselves, too many behaved in a disgraceful cowardly manner. Their assembling however, and exerting themselves as they did, served to show in a striking point of view, the spirit of opposition prevailing among the people. The loss of the Americans was about twenty men killed and forty wounded. Doctor Atwater, a gentleman of considerable influence, was among the slain. Col. Lamb received a violent contusion on his back from a grape shot, while attempting to rally his men. Gen. Arnold was exposed at the same time, and had his horse shot through the neck. Gen. Wooster languished for a few days under the wound he had received, and died on the 2d of May. Congress resolved that a monument should be erected to his memory, as an acknowledgment for his merit and services. The gen. behaved with great valor, and lost his life gloriously, in defending 198the liberties of America at the advanced age of seventy. Proper notice was taken of gen. Arnold on the twentieth of May, when congress resolved, “That the quarter-master-general be directed to procure a horse, and present the same, properly caparisoned, to major-gen. Arnold, in the name of this congress, as a token of their approbation of his gallant conduct in the action against the enemy in their late enterprize to Danbury, in which gen. Arnold had one horse killed under him, and another wounded.” They had chosen him major-general on the second of May.

General Washington concluding that a bridge which the British had been preparing at Brunswick, was intended for the conveying of them across the Delaware, directed Mr. Mersereau to procure the exact breadth of the river from Corriel’s ferry to the falls, that so knowing that and the length of the bridge, which he meant to obtain, he might penetrate where it was that they designed to pass over. Instead of his army’s gathering strength proportionable to the exigencies that existed, he had to complain of the uncommon prevalency of desertion in it. The deficiency in some of the corps which joined him, from that and other causes, was almost incredible. It was the case, that too many convict servants were purchased from their masters by the recruiting officers; and on such there could be no reliance. [May 21.] The general wrote, “Nothing, but a good face and false appearances have enabled us hitherto to deceive the enemy respecting our strength.”

Gen. Parsons, knowing that the British commissaries had been employed in procuring forage, grain and other necessaries for the royal army, which were deposited at Sagg-harbour, projected a scheme for destroying them; and employed col. Meigs in executing it. The col. left New-Haven, with his men in thirteen whale-boats, on the 21st of May, and proceeded to Guilford. The wind being high and the sea rough, he could not pass the Sound till Friday the 23d. He then left Guilford at one o’clock in the afternoon, with one hundred and seventy men of his detachment, under convoy of two armed sloops, and in company with another unarmed to bring off prisoners, and crossed the Sound to the north branch of the island, near Southhold, where he arrived about six in the evening. He ordered the whale-boats, with most of the men, over land to the bay, where they re-embarked, to the number of one hundred and thirty, and at about twelve o’clock arrived safe across the bay (which separated between the north and south branch of the island) within about four miles of Sagg-harbour; the boats being first secured in the wood, under the care of a guard, the colonel marched with the remaining detachment, in the greatest order and silence, and at two 199o’clock arrived at the harbour. [May 24.] The several divisions with fixed bayonet, attacked the guards and posts assigned them. The alarm soon became general, when a schooner of twelve guns and seventy men began a fire: the Americans returned it, and fired the vessels and forage, killed and captivated all the soldiers and sailors, except six who escaped under cover of the night. Twelve brigs and sloops (one an armed vessel with twelve guns) about a hundred tons of pressed hay, oats, corn (meaning Indian) and other forage, ten hogsheads of rum, and a large quantity of merchandize were consumed. The colonel returned safe with all his men to Guilford by two o’clock in the afternoon, with ninety prisoners (having in twenty-five hours, by land and water, transported his men full ninety miles) without having a single man killed or wounded. The enemy had six killed. Congress have since ordered an elegant sword to be presented to him.

General Washington at length being somewhat reinforced, quitted Morristown toward the end of May; and advancing within a few miles of Brunswick, took possession of the strong country about Middle-Brook. His whole force however, present and fit for duty, including what was under gen. Sullivan (who lay at a small distance from him) with matrosses and one hundred and eighty cavalry, amounted, on the 9th of June, to no more than 7271.^[47] He wrote on the 12th, “A council of general officers all agreed, that our present army was insufficient to make a proper resistance, or to attack Howe’s united force, or to make an impression upon him should he leave us unmolested, and march through the flat country toward the Delaware.” The plea that Sir William Howe made for not taking the field, was the want of tents and field equipage, which were not sent him in time.

The articles arriving, together with a body of Anspachers, and a number of British and German recruits, he passed over to the Jerseys, and marched from Brunswick on the night of the 13th, and took the field. But he was not attended with that number of provincials which was expected. “Mr. Oliver Delancey, reputed the most likely man in New-York to induce the loyalists of that province to join the king’s troops, was appointed a brigadier general, and authorised to raise three battalions, to consist of 1500 privates. Every possible effort was used by him and gov. Tryon, not only in the districts possessed by the king’s troops, but by employing persons to go through the country, and invite the well-affected to come in. Several of the officers, anxious to 200complete their corps, sought for recruits among the prisoners, and ventured to hold out to them the temptations of pay, liberty and pardon. Notwithstanding all these efforts and encouragements, gen. Delancey raised only 597 men.”—Mr. Courtland Skinner, who is acknowledged to possess considerable influence in Jerseys, was also appointed a brigadier general, and authorized to raise five battalions, to consist of 2500 privates.—The same efforts were made as for the raising of Delancey’s corps, but Skinner’s number amounted only to 517.”^[48] No sooner had gen. Howe taken the field, but the Jersey militia turned out in a very spirited manner, as though determined, in conjunction with the continentals, to harrass and oppose the royal army on their march through the country. The gen. came out as light as he could, leaving all his baggage, provisions, (except enough to subsist the troops two or three days at a time) boats and bridges at Brunswick; which, in the judgment of general Washington, forcibly contracted the idea of an expedition toward the Delaware. Every appearance coincided to confirm the opinion, that Howe intended in the first place a stroke at his army. The American general reasoned thus: “Had their design in the first instance been to cross the Delaware, they would probably have made a strict rapid march toward it, and not have halted, as they have done to awaken our attention, and give us time to make every preparation for obstructing them^[49].”——Of the sudden retreat of the royal army. The general wrote on the 20th, “The enemy decamped the night before last, and have returned to their former position. It appears to have been in consequence of a sudden resolution, as they had raised a chain of redoubts from Somerset to Brunswick. What may have determined them to change their plan is hard to tell. Whether alarmed at the animation among the people—disappointed in the movements they may have expected us to make, thence concluding their design impracticable—or whether they may have an operation in view in some other quarter, the event must show.”——Howe’s front extended to Somerset Court-house, about nine miles; his rear remained at Middle-Bush, half way between that and Brunswick. Washington was encamped upon his right flank (as he marched) at the distance of about five miles. His troops were so disposed under Sullivan and himself, as to have been capable of giving a pretty successful opposition. When the royal army retreated back to Brunswick, they burnt and destroyed the farm houses upon the road. Their cruelties to the inhabitants were 201inexpressible, they ruined and defaced every public edifice, particularly those dedicated to the Deity. They removed their baggage to Amboy, for which place they set out on the 22d. The evening before, several pieces of information, and a variety of circumstances, made it evident to the American general, that a move was in agitation, and it was the prevailing opinion that it would be the next morning. The general therefore detached three brigades under gen. Greene, to fall upon the rear and kept the main body paraded to support them, if necessary. A party of col. Morgans’ light-infantry attacked, and drove the Hessian picket about sun-rise. The enemy, upon the appearance of Wayne’s brigade, and Morgan’s regiment opposite Brunswick, immediately crossed the bridge to the east side of the river, and threw themselves into redoubts. The Americans advanced briskly upon them, upon which they quitted the redoubts without making opposition, and retired by the Amboy road. In the pursuit, col. Morgan’s riflemen exchanged several sharp fires with the enemy which did considerable execution. From intelligence through various channels, there was reason to believe, that their loss was considerable and fell chiefly on the grenadiers and light infantry, who formed their covering party. Gen. Howe arrived at New-York on Sunday afternoon the whole of which day was employed in removing the wounded soldiers from the docks to the hospitals there, said to amount to some hundreds.^[50] One of the American generals humorously wrote concerning Sir William Howe’s returning to Brunswick by night—“Gen. Howe remained five days, and then sneaks off by night, and it is well he did—for had he went by day, we could have done nothing, but have looked at him.”

Lieut. col. Palfrey, formerly an aid-de-camp to gen. Washington, and now pay-master-general, wrote to his friend, “I was at Brunswick just after the enemy had left it. Never let the British troops upbraid the Americans with want of cleanliness, for such dog kennels as their huts were my eyes never beheld. Mr. Burton’s house, where lord Cornwallis resided, stunk so I could not bear to enter it. The houses were torn to pieces, and the inhabitants as well as the soldiers have suffered greatly for want of provisions.”

[June 24.] Gen. Washington, upon the enemy’s retreat to Amboy, with the advice of his general officers, moved the whole army to Quibble-town, that he might be nearer to the royal forces, and might act according to circumstances. The British general, after sending over from Amboy to Staten-Island, the heavy baggage and all the encumbrances of the army, ordered a number of the troops to follow; with an intention of deceiving the Americans 202into an opinion, that they had nothing more to apprehend from that quarter. The troops returned the evening of the 25th, and the next morning, the general advanced unexpectedly with his whole army, in two columns, from Amboy. Gen. Washington conjectured, that so sudden a movement, was designed either to bring on a general engagement, upon terms disadvantageous to the Americans; or to cut off their parties, and lord Stirling’s division, which had been sent down to support them: or to possess the heights and passes in the mountains on the left of the continental army. The two last were adjudged to be the first object of Howe’s attention, as his march was rapid againt these parties, and indicated a strong disposition to gain the passes. Upon this gen. Washington judged it absolutely neccessary to move his force from the low ground to occupy the heights before the enemy, which was affected with much dispatch. The enemy fell in with some of the light parties, and a part of lord Stirling’s division. His lordship was in no hurry to retreat, but preferred engaging for a while, wherein he made a wrong choice, for he had nearly been cut off, by the right column under lord Cornwallis. He lost three field pieces, but the loss of men was trifling. The enemy’s loss in the several skirmishes of the day, was thought to be more considerable than that of the Americans. The royal army continued the pursuit as far as Westfield; but the woods and intense heat of the weather prevented its effect. When the American general had gained the passes, he detached a body of light troops to watch their motions, and afterward ordered Morgan’s riflemen to join the service. The British remained till the next day about three in the afternoon, and then returned to Rahway and the day following to Amboy. On the 30th, at ten o’clock in the morning, the troops began to cross over to Staten-Island, and the rear guard passed at two in the afternoon, without the least appearance of an enemy. Thus they evacuated the Jerseys, to enter upon new conquests, in hope of reducing the United States to unconditional submission. Unless they can hold, when they have conquered, they will never accomplish the business assigned them by the British ministry.

Let us leave gen. Howe engaged in embarking his army from Staten-Island, and preparing for some grand expedition; that we may attend to the affairs of the northern department.

Gen. Scuyler presented a memorial to congress explaining the expressions in his letter which had given them offence. They resolved, on the 8th of May, that the explanation was satisfactory, and that now they entertained the same favourable sentiments concerning him, which they entertained before that letter 203was received. This seems to have been designedly preparative to what followed a fortnight after, when it was resolved, “That Albany, Tyconderoga, Fort Stanwix and their dependencies, be henceforth considered as forming the northern department—that major-general Scuyler be directed forthwith to proceed to the northern department, to take the command there.” It was said that he was the only single man who could keep the New-York subjects united against the common enemy, and that his presence was absolutely necessary for their immediate succour and service, as well as that of the United States, closely connected therewith. The New-England delegates, the president excepted, opposed his being directed to take the command, as it superseded general Gates. But they were obliged to yield to numbers, at a time when unluckily some men were absent, who would otherwise have turned the scale. The choice of general Scuyler caused great boasting, though there were only five states out of eleven in favor of the measure, and others were either against it, or could not vote for want of the requisite number of delegates, or their being equally divided. There is what numbers deem a New-York party in congress, whose proceedings have in some instances been mysterious. An absolute order for relinquishing the western lines and Tyconderoga, was pushed for before the choice of Scuyler, but did not prevail; however it was resolved, that general Gates should be empowered to abandon Tyconderoga at pleasure.

It was incumbent on the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts in particular, and Connecticut, to furnish the troops necessary for the defence of the northern posts; but a strange remissness prevailed, greatly from an expectation that Tyconderoga would not be attacked. The Massachusetts general court learning that this was the opinion of the commander in chief, neglected forwarding their quota of men. Reports (occasioned probably by the arts of the enemy) were spread, that the troops in Canada were to join gen. Howe. Members of congress were deceived by them, so that gen. Gates, after he had taken the command, wrote that he had the strongest assurances from congress, that the king’s troops were all ordered round, by the river St. Lawrence, to New-York, leaving only a sufficient number to garrison their forts. Gates estimated, that for the defence of Ty and its dependencies, 11,700 continentals, beside the aid of the militia, would be wanted. Scuyler afterward estimated them at 10,000, but then he thought the lines at Mount Independence not one half so extensive as he found them.

The British operations against this department, were taken out of the hands of Sir Guy Carleton, and committed to the 204charge of gen. Burgoyne. The force alotted to them, consisting of British and German troops, amounted to more than 7000 men, exclusive of the artillery corps. Of these the Germans, mostly Brunswickers, exceeded 3200. Arms and accoutrements were amply provided to supply those royalists who were expected to join the army as soon as it penetrated the frontiers of the United States. A powerful brass train of artillery was furnished, probably the finest, and the most excellent supplied as to officers and private men, that had ever been alotted to second the operations of any army not exceeding the present in number. Beside the regular forces, several tribes of Indians were induced to come into the field. It has been generally supposed, that Carleton’s scruples upon the point of employing them, were by no means acceptable to ministry. They were considered as a principal number of the force destined to the prosecution of the northern war; and the governor of Canada was accordingly enjoined to use his utmost influence in bringing them forward in support of it. In the execution of the proposed operations, gen. Burgoyne was seconded by able and excellent officers, gen. Philips, of the artillery, generals Frazer, Powel and Hamilton, with the Brunswick generals Baron Reidesel and gen. Specht. The army was, in every respect, in the best condition; the troops were in the highest spirits, admirably disciplined, and uncommonly healthy. Colonel St. Leger was detached by way of Oswego, to make a diversion on the Mohawk river. He had 220 men, from the eighth and thirty-fourth regiments, Sir John Johnson’s corps of New-Yorkers, lately raised, some Hannau chasseurs, a company of Canadians and a party of Indians, beside the expectation of being joined by a much larger number. His force did not propably exceed 800 men. The main army, under gen. Burgoyne, proceeded up Lake Champlain, landed, and encamped at no great distance from Crown-Point, where he met the Indians in congress, and afterward, in compliance with their customs, gave them a war feast. He made a speech to them [June 21.] calculated to excite their ardor in the common cause, and at the same time to repress their barbarity. He enjoined it upon them, that they should only kill those who opposed them in arms; that old men, women, children and prisoners, should be held sacred from the knife or hatchet, even in the heat of actual conflict; that they should only scalp those whom they had slain in fair opposition; but that under no pretence should they scalp the wounded, or even dying, much less kill persons in that condition. They were promised a compensation for prisoners, but informed that they should be called to account for scalps. Four days before this speech, gen. Scuyler 205arrived at Ty; but did not find the post in so good a state of defence as he expected. He imagined that the proposed obstructions (which had been ordered by congress the last December, and which had been backed by his order given in February, and repeated the fifth of June) would have been completed, or at least considerably more advanced. That they were carried on with no more dispatch, was imputed greatly to the late arrival of such troops as could not be brought to work in spirit; to artificers not coming by the time they were ordered, and to a want of working cattle. Gen. St. Clair would before this have called in the militia, but for the state of his magazine; which made him apprehend, that should they come in fast, they might eat him out before the arrival either of the enemy or a supply.

[June 29.] General Burgoyne issued out a proclamation, meant to spread terror among the Americans who avowedly professed themselves the friends of congressional measures; and especially to excite in them a fear of the Indians, whose number was magnified, and eagerness to be let loose on their prey, described with uncommon energy. Protection and security, clogged with conditions, were held out to the peaceable, who continued in their habitations. All the outrages of war, arrayed in their most terrific forms, were denounced against those who persevered in their hostility. But the people at large were so far from being frightened, that they diverted themselves with the proclamation, as a complete model of pomposity.

General St. Clair hoped that the enemy would have assaulted him; and depended on that for rendering his small garrison serviceable to his country, as he was persuaded that his troops were brave, and in case of an assault, would have given a good account of the assailants. But the moment he was informed of Burgoyne’s numbers, and saw that a regular siege was meant, he was certain that the effectual defence of the posts was impossible. The old French lines at Ty, had been strengthened with additional works. There were other posts with works and blockhouses toward Lake George. Opposite Ty, on the eastern shore of the inlet by which the waters from Lake George empty themselves into Lake Champlain, a high circular hill, alias Mount Independence, was strongly fortified. These two posts were joined by a floating bridge, below which a slight boom was thrown across the lake, and large cassoons were sunk above, but this arduous work for obstructing the navigation, was not completed. Instead of a full complement of troops to man the extensive lines and defend the numerous works, the whole force consisted only of 2546 continentals, beside 900 militia, badly equipped and worse armed, particularly in the article of bayonets, 206which not above one in ten had. The smallness of the garrison would not admit of their possessing themselves of Sugar-hill, alias Mount Defiance, which by its height and proximity, had such an entire command both of Ty and Mount Independence, that an enemy might from thence have counted their very numbers, and enfiladed every part of their works, as had been discovered months before, upon trial, when a cannon had been drawn up and fired from the top of it.

[July 2.] On the near approach of the right wing of the royal army upon the Tyconderoga side, the Americans abandoned their works toward Lake George, and left gen. Philips to possess the advantageous post of Mount Hope, without making any resistance, which must have been ineffectual, and could have answered no good purpose. That apparent supineness and want of vigor with which they were chargeable, was not occasioned by cowardice or incapacity, but actual imbecility. Gen. Burgoyne’s troops proceeded with much expedition in the construction of their works, the bringing up of artillery, stores and provisions, and the establishment of their posts. But what gave the greatest alarm, was the very rapid progress they made in clearing a road and getting artillery on Sugar-hill. When once they had erected a battery on this height, only a few hours more would have been required to have invested the Americans on all sides, which might have been effected by occupying the ground on the east side of Lake Champlain, below Mount Independence, where the pass from the lake to East-Creek is very narrow. The same reason which prevented gen. St. Clair’s calling in the militia when the royal army was at a distance, prevailed when they drew nearer. Having received intelligence by spies, that in 24 hours the investiture would be completed, when he should be cut off from all possibility of succour, gen. Scuyler, not having force sufficient at Fort Edward to relieve him, he determined to evacuate his posts, though he knew it would produce such astonishment as had not happened since the commencement of the war. If he was sensible at the time, that should he remain there, he would save his character but lose the army; whereas did he go off, he should save the army but lose his character, and did he courageously conclude upon sacrificing the last to the cause in which he was engaged, he deserves the warmest commendations. A council of war was called, and it was unanimously concluded upon to evacuate as soon as possible. The general, by evacuating, intended to throw his troops between the country and the royal army, that the militia might have a body to collect to, whereas Burgoyne would otherwise be at liberty to pursue his operations without any obstacle. Proper measures 207were immediately taken for effecting the evacuation. Orders were given to the troops to take with them, before they left the ground 8 days provisions, sufficient to have carried them to the North-River had they pursued the route intended. The general meant to push for Skeensborough, and there to have met the 200 boats and 5 armed gallies, on board of which were embarked at night as much cannon, stores and provisions as time would permit. The officer in the Jersey redoubt was to continue firing his connon every half hour, toward the battery the enemy were erecting opposite to him till further orders, that there might be no suspicion of the manœuvres going forward. All the connon that could not be removed were to be spiked up, and many were. The knocking off of the trunnions was omitted, as it might alarm the enemy. Previous to the striking the tents every light was to be put out. Though the evacuation was resolved upon about three in the afternoon, it could not be carried into execution till night; and it was at a season when the nights were at the shortest, and when it was moon light. The necessity of keeping the matter a secret until the very moment prevented any preparatory steps to expedite the business. Hence difficulties arose, which occasioned some irregularities in the different embarkations and made it impossible to prevent all disorder. But for want of gen. Fermoy’s circulating proper orders in season to his brigade, and of due attention on his part, every thing appeared in the greatest confusion on Mount Independence.

[July 6.] At two o’clock in the morning St. Clair left Tyconderoga. About three, the troops were put into motion for the evacuation of the Mount, but Fermoy having set fire to his house (contrary to positive orders) the whole Mount was enlightened by it, so that the enemy had an opportunity of seeing every movement, which damped the spirits of the Americans, and induced them to push off in a disorderly manner. Colonel Francis brought off the rear guard in good order about four o’clock. Many regiments after a while recovered from their confusion through the exertion of St. Clair. Upon the army’s arriving at Hubbardton they were halted for near two hours.—The rear guard was increased by many who at first did not belong to it, but were picked up, through an inability of keeping up with their regiments. Most of the stragglers and rear guard having joined, the army was again put in motion. The rear guard was here given to col. Warner, with orders to follow as soon as the whole came up, and to halt about a mile and a half short of the main body (which was to continue that night at Charlestown, about six miles from Hubbardton) and to march in the morning by four and join it. Charlestown is thirty miles 208from Ty, and twelve from Skeensborough. Col. Warner, with the rear-guard and stragglers, amounting to near 1200, determined to remain at Hubbardton that night, because the men were much fatigued. In the morning the general paraded the army, and waited near two hours for the rear-guard.

When general Frazer perceived in the morning, that the Americans were retiring, he commenced a pursuit with his brigade, consisting of the light troops, grenadiers and some other corps. General Reidesel, with most of the Brunswickers, was ordered by the British commander to join in the pursuit, either to support Frazer or to act separately. The latter continued the pursuit through the day; and receiving intelligence that St. Clair’s rear was at no great distance, ordered his troops to lie that night on their arms. In the morning he came up with the Americans, commanded by colonel Warner, who had beside his own, the regiments of colonels Francis and Hale. The British advanced boldly [July 7.] and the two bodies formed within about sixty yards of each other. Frazer began the attack about seven o’clock, expecting every moment to be joined by Reidesel, and apprehending that if he delayed, the enemy would escape. Hale being apprized of the danger, never brought his regiment to the charge, but fled; so that Warner could bring into action no more than about seven hundred men. The conflict was bloody. Francis fell fighting with great bravery. Warner, officers and soldiers, behaved with much resolution and gallantry, so that the British broke and gave way, but soon formed again, and running on the Americans with their bayonets,^[51] the latter were put into no small confusion, which was increased by the critical arrival of gen. Reidesel with the foremost of his column, consisting of the chasseur company, and eighty grenadiers and light infantry, who were immediately led into action. They now fled on all sides. Gen. St. Clair heard when the firing began, and would have supported Warner; but the troops that were nearest, two militia regiments, would not obey order, and the others were at too great a distance. Hale, who had attempted to get off by flight, fell in with an inconsiderable party of British, and surrendered himself, with a number of his men prisoners. The Americans lost 324 in killed, wounded and prisoners. Among the last were 12 officers. The royal troops, including British and Germans, had not less than 183 killed and wounded. They had three officers killed and twelve wounded.^[52] 209While St. Clair was at Castleton, an officer of one of the gallies arrived with information that the British were pursuing in force toward Skeensborough and would reach it before he could get there. This determined him to change his route, and to strike into the woods on his left, lest he should be intercepted at Fort Anne. Two New-England regiments of militia, Leonard’s and Well’s discovered such a plundering disposition on their march, and behaved so disorderly during the whole retreat, that two days after leaving Castleton be was obliged to dismiss them from the army with disgrace.^[53] General Burgoyne confiding in Frazer’s abilities to conduct the pursuit of the Americans by land, turned has attention to the pursuit by water. The boom and the other obstructions of the navigation, not having been completed were soon cut through; so that the gun-boats, the Royal George and the Inflexible frigates had passed by nine o’clock in the morning. Several regiments embarked on board the vessels, and the pursuit was supported with such vigor, that by three in the afternoon, the foremost brigade of gun-boats were engaged with the enemy’s gallies near Skeensborough falls. Upon the approach of the frigates, opposition ceased, two of the gallies were taken, and the other three blown up. The Americans not being in sufficient force to make an effectual stand, set fire to the works, fort, mills and batteaux; and escaped as they could up Wood Creek to Fort Anne, where they were joined by others, ordered thither by gen. Scuyler, who lay at Fort Edward. On the day of the engagement at Hubbardton, the general was obliged to strip the men at the last fort, to send to the troops at the former; by which his own were left without lead for some days, except a mere trifle from Albany, obtained by stripping the windows. At this period he had not above seven hundred continentals, and not above twice the number of militia; and could not furnish small cannon sufficient for a couple of little schooners on Lake George. Lieut. col. Hill was detached by gen. Burgoyne from Skeensborough with the ninth regiment, to take post near Fort Anne, and watch the motions of the Americans. The next morning [July 8.] at half past ten, they attacked him in front, with a heavy and well-directed fire. A large body passed the creek on the left, and fired from a thick wood across the creek on the left flank of the regiment; they then began to recross the creek, and attack it in the rear. It took post 210on the top of a hill on the right to prevent being surrounded. No sooner had it taken post, than they made a vigorous attack, which continued for upward of two hours, and would certainly have carried their point, had it not been for some Indians, who arrived and gave the Indian war-whoop, which was answered by the regiment with three cheers, after which the Americans soon gave way.^[54] They then fired the fort, and retreated to Fort Edward. The artillery lost by the evacuation of the northern posts, and taken or destroyed in the armed vessels at Skeensborough, was prodigious, amounting to no less than 128 pieces serviceable and unserviceable. The loss of flour, biscuit, pork and beef was also very considerable.

Gen. St. Clair joined gen. Scuyler at Fort Edward on the twelfth, after a fatiguing march, in which the army suffered much from bad weather and want of provisions. Three days after, their whole strengh did not exceed 4400 men, including militia. The day following the affair at Fort Anne, Scuyler ordered a brigade of militia to begin, as near the fort as possible, to fall trees; to take up the bridges, and burn the covering and timber; and to make the utmost obstructions. [July 16.] A continental brigade was directed to assist in destrying and completely stopping the roads. The same day gen. Scuyler took out of a canteen with a false bottom, a letter written by Mr. Levius to gen. Sullivan. Scuyler prepared an answer designedly worded so as to deceive and perplex Burgoyne; which he signed Canteen, communicated to several gentlemen, and then forwarded. The British general when it was received, could not tell what to make of it. He was puzzled for two or three days, and at a loss whether to proceed or retreat; the latter was so completely enigmatical.^[55]

Happily for the Americans, the British general continued for several days, with the army partly at Skeensborough, and partly spread in the adjoining country, waiting the arrival of tents, baggage and provision. In which time no labor was spared in opening roads for advancing toward Scuyler, and in clearing Wood Creek of all impediments laid in the way, in order to open a passage for the batteaux. Like exertions were used at Ty, in carrying gun-boats, provision vessels and batteaux over land into Lake George. By reason of the route which the general took, he did not arrive at Hudson’s-River, and fix his head-quarters 211near Fort Edward, till the 30th of July. Fort Edward is no more than the ruins of a former fort, and of no consequence to any party. It could afford no cover to general Scuyler, and only gave a name to the place where it was situated. The general left it several days before Burgoyne gained its neighborhood. He gave this state of his army on the 27th, at Moses’ Creek, in an official letter—“It consists of about 2700 continental troops—of militia from the state of Connecticut—one major—one captain—two lieutenants—two ensigns—one adjutant—one quarter-master—six sergeants—one drummer—six sick—and three rank and file fit for duty—the rest, after remaining three or four days, deserted us—Of those from the county of Berkshire (in the Massachusetts) who consisted of upward of 1200, half of which were to have remained, somewhat more than 200 are left, the remainder having also deserted—Of colonel Mosely’s regiment, from the county of Hampshire (Massachusetts) about ten or twelve are left, the rest having deserted—Of colonel Porter’s regiment, of the county of Hampshire, about 200 left—Of the militia of the county of Albany, 1050 are left, being forty-six more than half of what were upon the ground when it was resolved to let half return to their habitations.” He added, “That torpor, criminal indifference and want of spirit which so generally prevails, is more dangerous than all the efforts of the enemy. Nor is that jealousy and spirit of detraction which so unhappily prevails, of small detriment to our cause.” The next day he wrote from Saratoga, twenty miles below Fort Edward and thirty-seven above Albany, “Every effort of the enemy would be in vain, if our exertions equalled our abilities, if our virtue was not sinking under that infamous venality which pervades throughout, and threatens us with ruin.”

The desertions above mentioned, were not to the enemy, but to their own homes; Scuyler was, for some reasons, a very unacceptable commander to the New-England militia. They were in general disgusted with, and would not serve under him. There were no desertions to the royal army worth noticing, which argues there were no lurking seeds of disaffection to the American cause.

Had the British commander returned immediately to Ty, and advanced from thence in the most expeditious manner, with a few light field-pieces, instead of suffering any delay, in order to his dragging along with him a heavy train of artillery, he might have been at Albany by the time he got to Hudson’s-River.^[56] Your correspondent, the fifth of October, the last year, breakfasted 212with general Gates, at Ty; sailed in company up Lake George (about 35 miles long) with their horses in batteaux; landed, stayed a while, and reached Fort Edward (about 9 miles from Fort George) at night, a little after eight. From Ty to Lake George is rather more than two miles. The two small schooners on the lake, could have made no long resistance against a brigade of gun-boats. Fort George was well adapted to keep off Indians and small parties, but not to stop the royal army. The Americans there, instead of defending the fort or opposing the landing of the army, would undoubtedly have retreated to gen. Scuyler, at Fort Edward. The latter felt himself so weak, that by the first of August he drew back from Saratoga to Stillwater (25 miles north of Albany) from whence he wrote on the 4th, “We have not above 4000 continental troops; if men, one third of which are negros, boys and men too aged for the field, or indeed any other service, can be called troops. The states from whence these troops came, can determine why such boys, negroes and aged men were sent. A great part of the army took the field in a manner naked, without blankets, ill armed, and very deficient in accoutrements. Too many of our officers would be a disgrace to the most contemptible troops that were ever collected; and have so little sense of honor that cashiering them seems no punishment. They have stood by and suffered the most scandalous depredations to be committed on the poor, distressed, ruined and flying inhabitants.” He had also about fifteen hundred militia.

The evacuation of Tyconderoga and Mount Independence, surprised gen. Washington, and spread astonishment and terror through the New-England states. The general was led to believe that the garrison was much stronger. The Massachusetts general court were faulty in not having seasonably forwarded their quota of troops, agreeable to the requisition of congress. The apprehensions of the Massachusetts people were the greater, as their military friends with gen. Washington’s army, informed them that the expedition which Sir William Howe had undertaken, and for which he was embarking his troops from Staten-Island, was meant against Boston. But amid all the disasters which had happened, and the consequent terrors, no sort of disposition to comply with British propositions, appeared in any quarter. Notwithstanding the success that had attended the northern army, and the military storm that was gathering at Sandy-Hook, and no one state knowing where it would fall, yet each discovered a determination to remain independent. The American commander in chief received information that the common report among the sailors and soldiers was, that the fleet was 213going to the Delaware; but as Howe’s conduct was to him puzzling beyond measure, so were the informations he obtained. One time the ships were standing up toward the North-River. In a little while they were going up the Sound; and in an hour after, they were sailing out of the Hook. Before their sailing, a spirited adventure took place on the side of Rhode-Island, which not only fully retaliated the surprisal of general Lee, but procured an indemnification of his person. Lieutenant colonel Barton, of a militia regiment belonging to that state, with several other officers and volunteers, to the number of forty, passed by night [July 10.] from Warwick Neck to Rhode-Island, and though they had a passage of ten miles by water, eluded the watchfulness of the ships of war and guard-boats which surrounded the island. They conducted their enterprize with such silence and dexterity, that they surprised general Prescot in his quarters, about one mile from the water side, and five from Newport, and brought him, with one of his aids-de-camp, safe to the continent, which they had nearly reached before there was any alarm among the enemy. This adventure, which with impartial judges must outweigh col. Harcourt’s capture of gen. Lee, produced much exultation on the one side, and much regret on the other, from the influence it would necessarily have on Lee’s destination. But more than a month before, congress had received information that Lee was treated by gen. Howe with kindness, generosity and tenderness, which had led them to desire that col. Campbell and the five Hessian officers should be treated in a similar manner, consistent with the confinement and safe custody of their persons. They resolved, within a few days after hearing of Prescot’s being taken, that an elegant sword should be provided and presented to colonel Barton.

The British fleet and army which lay at Sandy-Hook, were destined for the reduction of Pennsylvania, particularly of Philadelphia, in pursuance of a plan which had been settled between Sir William Howe and lord George Germain; but did not sail till the 23d of July. The land force consisted of thirty-six British and Hessian battalions, including the light-infantry and grenadiers, with a powerful artillery, a New-York corps called the queen’s rangers, and a regiment of light-horse, estimated altogether, at about 16,000. The fleet consisted of 267 sail. General Washington, upon the fleet’s sailing, marched his army toward Pennsylvania, and halted it at Corriel’s ferry, Howel’s ferry, and Trenton. He wrote from Corriel’s ferry on the 30th——“Howe’s (in a manner) abandoning Burgoyne, is so unaccountable a matter, that till I am fully assured it is so, I cannot help casting my eyes continually behind me.” He mentioned his 214halting the army till the fleet should appear in the Delaware, and put the matter out of doubt; and that he had ordered gen. Sullivan’s division to halt at Morristown, that it might march southward or northward, upon the first advice of the enemy’s throwing any force up the North-River.

General Washington’s perplexity for some days, cannot be so well conceived of as by extracts from his own letters; read then, and judge for yourself. “July 31. The enemy’s fleet arrived at the Capes of Delaware yesterday, therefore order the two brigades thrown over the river, to march immediately.” “Chester, August 1. I had proceeded thus far to look out for a proper place to arrange the army, when I received the provoking account, that the enemy’s fleet left the Capes yesterday, and steered eastward. I shall return with the utmost expedition to the North-River; a sudden stroke is certainly intended by this manœuvre. Call in every man of the militia to strengthen the highland posts.” “August 1. The enemy’s fleet put to sea yesterday morning at eight o’clock, and were out of sight three hours when the express came away. It appears gen. Howe has been practising a deep feint to draw our whole force to this point. Counter-march your division, and proceed with all possible expedition to Peek’s-kill.” “August 3. The conduct of the enemy is difficult and distressing to be understood.” “August 11. On the seventh the enemy was off Sinepuxent Inlet, about 16 leagues to the southward of the Capes of Delaware, on which I have halted for further intelligence.” “August 22. The enemy’s fleet have entered Chesapeake. There is not now the least danger of Howe’s going to New-England; forward this account to governor Trumbull, to be by him sent on to the eastward.”

Sir William Howe, while off the Capes, received that information which led him to judge it most advisable to proceed to Chesapeake-Bay instead of going up the Delaware. Such information could not relate to the measures taken for rendering the navigation of the river impracticable. These measures were matters of so great notoriety, that he must have been strangely deficient in procuring intelligence, if he did not know them before he left the Hook. Beside, the obstructions in the river did not reach so low down as either Newcasle or Wilmington; as high as either of which places the fleet might have come with safety; and had he landed at the first of them, he would have been within 36 miles of Philadelphia, and fourteen miles nearer than the Head of Elk. The information most probably related to gen. Washington’s having marched the continental army within a certain distance of Philadelphia; and perhaps, to a prospect of his being joined by a number of disaffected Americans 215in the states of Maryland and Delaware, upon his going up the Chesapeak and landing in Maryland. Be that as it may, through unfavourable winds he did not enter the Chesapeak till the 16th of August; and the difficulty of the navigation made it the 25th, before the army landed at Elk ferry. One part advanced to the Head of Elk, the other continued at the landing place to protect and forward the artillery, stores and necessary provisions. The day Sir William entered the Chesapeak, he received from lord George Germain, a letter of May the 18th, wherein was given him the first intimation, that any support whatever would be expected from him in favor of the northern expedition under gen. Burgoyne, in words to this purpose—“I trust that whatever you may meditate, it will be executed in time to co-operate with the army ordered to proceed from Canada.” Gen. Washington upon advice of the British army’s having landed, marched toward the Brandywine river, with his troops, amounting in the whole to 11,000 present and fit for duty, including 1800 of the Pennsylvania militia. Gen. Greene attended with gen. Weedon, was sent to reconnoitre and find out an eligible spot for their encampment. He pitched upon one at the Cross Roads, near six miles distant from the royal army, which he judged suitable, as the Americans would there have an open country behind them, from whence they could draw assistance, and would have opportunities of skirmishing with the enemy before they were organized and provided with teams and horses, &c. for marching; and as Howe’s troops would be a long while cramped before they could get what was wanting in order to their proceeding. He wrote to the commander in chief, acquainting him with the spot he had chosen. But the information was received too late: a council of war had determined the same day it was transmitted, to take a position upon Red-Clay Neck, about half way between Wilmington and Christianna, alias Christeen, with their left upon Christeen-neck, and their right extending toward, Chad’s Ford. When the reason for it, that it would prevent the enemy’s passing on for Philadelphia, was assigned to gen. Greene, he maintained, that they would not think of Philadelphia, till they had beaten the American army; and upon his observing the position which had been taken, he condemned it as being greatly hazardous, and such as must be abandoned, should the enemy when organized advance toward them. The Americans however, spent much time and labour in strengthening the post.

Let us break off here to mention some of the congressional proceedings. In the beginning of June, they approved general Washington’s conduct as to the cartel for exchange of prisoners, and his reasoning upon the subject. The general had acquainted 216Sir William Howe, that he did “not hold himself bound either by the spirit of the agreement, or by the principles of justice, to account for those prisoners, who, from the rigor and severity of their treatment, were in so emaciated and languishing a state at the time they came out, as to render their death almost certain and inevitable, and which, in many instances, happened while they were returning to their homes, and in many others after their arrival.” He said to him “You must be sensible that our engagement, as well as all others of the kind, though in letter it expresses only an equality of rank and number, as the rule of exchange, yet it necessarily implies a regard to the general principles of mutual compensation and advantage. This is inherent in its nature, is the voice of reason, and no stipulation as to the condition in which prisoners should be returned, was requisite. Humanity dictated, that their treatment should be such as their health and comfort demanded. Nor is this the language of humanity alone—justice declares the same. The object of every cartel, or similar agreement, is the benefit of the prisoners themselves, and that of the contending powers—on this footing it equally exacts, that they should be well treated, as that they should be exchanged: the reverse is therefore an evident infraction, and ought to subject the party, on whom it is chargeable, to all the damages and ill consequences resulting from it.”^[57]

[June 14.] Congress “resolved, That the flag of the Thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation.” [June 20.] “Resolved, That a corps of invalids be formed, consisting of eight companies, each company to have one captain, two lieutenants, two ensigns, five sergeants, six corporals, two drummers, two fifers and a hundred men. This corps to be employed in garrison and for guards in cities and other places, as also to serve as a military school for young gentlemen, previous to their being appointed to marching regiments.” Lewis Nicola, esq. was immediately after elected colonel of the said corps.

The inhabitants of the New-Hampshire grants having set up an independent government, presented a petition to congress, praying that they might be considered as a free and independent state, and that delegates from them might be admitted to seats in congress. [June 30.] Their petition was dismissed. But though it was dismissed, the petitioners have not dissolved their government, but are resolutely determined to continue a free and independent state.

217[July 7.] Congress resumed the consideration of certain letters from generals Sullivan, Greene and Knox, all dated the first of July; whereupon congress came to the following unanimous resolution: “That the president transmit to gen. Washington copies of the letters from generals Sullivan, Greene and Knox to congress, with directions to him to let those officers know that congress consider the said letters as an attempt to influence their decisions, an invasion of the liberties of the people, and indicating a want of confidence in the justice of congress; that it is expected by congress, the said officers will make proper acknowledgments for an interference of so dangerous a tendency; but if any of those officers are unwilling to serve their country under the authority of congress, they shall be at liberty to resign their commissions and retire.” Their letters are supposed to have related to the affair of Monsieur du Coudray and other French officers, which will be immediately mentioned; and to have contained an intimation, that placing any of these over their heads would be preventive of their serving their country longer. If they have made any acknowledgments to congress, the same have been printed in the journals, or have hitherto escaped my search.

About the latter end of April, the Amphitrite arrived at Portsmouth from France, with military stores, intrenching tools, &c.—By the same or a similar opportunity, Mous. du Coudray, and several more officers, came over with a view of serving in the American army, upon terms agreed between them and Mr. Deane. Mr. Deane contracted with du Coudray for half a hundred officers. Coudray was to be commander in chief of the artillery and engineers; to have the rank of major-general; to precede some others by express stipulation and all by the preeminence usual to artillery. He was to be under no order but of congress and general Washington; to have the pay of a major-general in a separate department; and to be pensioned for life. Congress was embarrassed. There was no establishing of such an agreement without offering an insult to their own American officers of the first rank, and obliging them (in honor) to quit the service, unless they would ever after be esteemed the spiritless tools of congress. On the 11th of July, a committee of the whole resolved, “That Mr. Silas Deane had not any powers or authority from congress to make the treaty with Mr. du Coudray, and the other French gentlemen therein mentioned, and therefore that congress are not by any means bound to fulfil the terms thereof.” Mr. Deane’s instructions was to engage engineers not exceeding four. The next day it was resolved, “That it is the opinion of this committee, that the said agreement is inconsistent 218with the interest, honor and safety of these United States. This report being made, was smothered out of tenderness, and laid on the table, that a trial might be made to quiet the military ambition of du Coudray. They therefore on the 15th, “resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with Mons. du Coudray; that they inform him, congress cannot comply with the agreement he has entered into with Mr. Deane; but sensible of the services he has rendered these states, and having a favourable opinion of his merits and abilities, they will cheerfully give him such rank and appointments as shall not be inconsistent with the honor and safety of these states, or interfere with the great duties they owe to their constituents.” They afterward ordered money to be advanced to him, for the support of himself and the gentlemen who came with him from France; and on the 11th of August appointed him inspector general of ordnance and military manufactories, with the rank of major-general.

[July 31.] “Whereas the marquis de la Fayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and connections, and at his own expence come over to offer his service to the United States without pension or particular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause:—Resolved, That his service be accepted, and that in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and commision of major-general in the army of the United States.”

The proceedings of congress must be suspended, till some account has been given of this noble phænomenon.

In 1776, the marquis at the age of nineteen, espoused the cause of the Americans, and determined upon joining them in person. He communicated his intention to the American commissioners at Paris, who failed not to encourage it, justly concluding that the eclat of his departure would be serviceable to their cause. Events however immediately occurred, which would have deterred from this undertaking a person less determined than the marquis. News arrived in France, that the remnant of the American army, reduced to 2000 insurgents as they were called, had fled toward Philadelphia through the Jerseys, before an army of 30,000 regulars. This news so effectually extinguished the little credit which America had in Europe, that their commissioners could not procure a vessel to forward this nobleman’s project. Under these circumstances they thought it but honest to discourage his prosecuting the enterprize, till a change in affairs should render it less hazardous or more promising. It was in vain however that they acted so candid a part. 219The flame which the American sons of liberty had kindled in his breast, could not be interrupted by their misfortunes. “Hitherto (said he, in the true spirit of heroism) I have only cherished your cause; now I am going to serve it. The lower it is in the opinion of the people, the greater effect my departure will have; and since you cannot get a vessel, I shall purchase and fit out one to carry your dispatches to congress, and me to America.” He accordingly fitted out a vessel, and in the mean while made a visit to Great-Britain, that the part he was going to act might be rendered the more conspicuous.

A step so extraordinary, a patron of so much importance, did not fail to engage universal attention. The French court, whatever were their good wishes toward America, could not at that time overlook his elopement. He was overtaken by an order forbidding his proceeding to America, and vessels were dispatched to the West-Indies, to have him confined in case he was found in that quarter. He acknowledged the receipt of the order, but did not obey it; and keeping clear of the West-Indies, arrived in Charleston. Congress could not hesitate a moment about paying a due attention to so remarkable a character, when intelligence of the same was communicated. The marquis had left a pregnant consort, and the most endearing connections. Independent of the risks he has now subjected himself to, in common with the leaders of the American revolution, he has exposed himself to the loss of every thing at home, in consequence of the laws of France, after hazarding a long confinement without the chance of being acknowledged by any nation, had he fallen into British hands on his passage to America.

He received the congress’s mark of approbation with great condescension; and yet not without exacting two conditions, which displayed the dignity of his spirit—the one, that he should be permitted to serve at his own expence—the other, that he should begin his services as a volunteer. After joining the army, he lived with the commander in chief, and was happy in his friendship and affection.

Now to resume the narration of what was done in the great council of the United States.

Congress directed general Washington to order such general officer as he should think proper, to repair immediately to the northern department, to relieve general Scuyler in his command there; but upon his wishing to be excused, they resolved, [August 4.] to proceed to the election of one; when the ballots being taken, it appeared that general Gates was elected by the vote of eleven states.

220Congress having made new regulations in the department of the commissary-general of purchases, Mr. Joseph Trumbull resigned his commission, and signified his intention of discontinuing his service on the 20th of the month. [August 6.] They upon that “resolved, That Mr. Trumbull, with the officers under him, be desired to continue in the business of supplying the army, under the former establishment, until the commissaries-general of purchases and issues shall signify their readiness to proceed therein under the new regulations.”

To what influence Mr. Trumbull imputed the regulations that occasioned his resignation, and what was his opinion as to the manner of conducting business in congress, may be gathered from a letter of his, wherein he wrote, on the first of September, “I have quitted the commissary department. The regulations which are the ground on which I have quitted, were formed by the junto. Is it known in your state (the Massachusetts) that the president is with the Yorkers and southern Bashaws; that if he wants any thing moved, his brother delegates are not applied to, but the motion comes from Duane, or some other person of no better character; and that there is no harmony between him and his brethren?”

[August 23.] “Resolved, that the president inform general Washington, that congress never intended by any commission hitherto granted by them, or by the establishment of any department whatever, to supersede or circumscribe the power of general Washington, as the commander in chief of all the continental land forces within the United States.”

The British troops stationed on Staten-Island were often making incursions into the Jerseys, and carrying off inhabitants, cattle, &c. This induced gen. Sullivan to settle a plan with col. Ogden, for attacking the island. The latter had, properly speaking, a separate command, but agreed to join the general in the expedition. The general was to go from Elizabeth-Town point; and the col. with his own and col. Dayton’s regiment, joined by a hundred militia, were to cross from another spot, to pass up Fresh-kill creek, and to come to the rear of col. Lawrence, who was encamped near the ferry with about 150 men, whom he was to attack by day-break. The general selected from the brigades of generals Smallwood and De Borre, such men as were best able to endure the march, amounting to near 1000. These he ordered to march at two o’clock in the afternoon from Hanover to Elizabeth-Town, about 16 miles, where they arrived in the evening. On the 22d of August they crossed over before day-light. The colonel proceeded to execute the part of the plan alotted him. It had been settled that the general should send two regiments 221to the neck of land separating the quarter where the col. was to begin his attack from the rest of the island, by their possessing of which the retreat of the enemy would be cut off, and a surrender necessarily follow. When the col. had succeeded in the commencement of his operations, and saw numbers flying to the neck, he expected they would have been stopt there; but was surprised at observing the contrary, and that the occupancy of the ground had not taken place. Unhappily the general, upon landing, instead of keeping to the plan proposed, marched seven miles toward the forts, which occasioned a loss of time, and increased the fatigue of the troops, many of whom had marched near upon twenty miles to the place where they crossed. Their fatigue occasioned several dropping behind, and being picked up by the enemy. The colonel having captured 130 privates and some officers, and having taken a king’s shallop, put them on board and sent them off to Elizabeth-Town. The person who had the care of them, being but an indifferent hand, though the best that could be spared, was not sufficiently attentive to circumstances, so that the boats which were to have attended general Sullivan’s motions, and which had transported his division, rowed off, the boatmen concluding from the regimentals of the prisoners upon deck and other appearances, that the king’s shallop was in pursuit of them. The troops of that division destroyed some stores, burnt a magazine of hay and seven vessels, and did other damage; but the grand design of the expedition failed by the general’s varying from the plan concerted between him and the colonel. When the general was advancing toward the ground occupied by the latter, no horsemen were sent forward to reconnoitre or to inform the colonel of the general’s approach, so that Ogden was at a loss for some time whether it was a friend or an enemy that was marching up to him. When the general joined him, though the boats which were to have attended Sullivan were wanting, and the deficiency in number of those present, made dispatch in transporting the troops absolutely necessary, the general used no expedition in getting them over, but loitered away the precious time that should have been improved to the utmost, so that the misfortune of the day was increased. The rear-guard, consisting of a hundred men, could not get off before the enemy appeared in force to attack them. They were commanded by majors Steward and Tillard, and took post on an eminence, where they defended themselves bravely for a while, and then retreated to another eminence, and so to a third. They maintained their ground with great valor, till their ammunition was all spent, when a number or them, who could not possibly get off, surrendered prisoners of 222war. The Americans lost in the course of the day, in killed, wounded and prisoners, about 200. The killed, wounded and prisoners on the other side, might be nearly the same. General Sullivan captured eight and twenty tories, and col. or capt. Barton, who was too unwieldy to run off with his comrades. He joined to them the other prisoners, and sent the whole to Philadelphia in triumph. While upon the expedition, the gen. gained possession of some records and papers belonging to the Quakers, which, with a letter, were forwarded to congress, and referred to a committee. On the 28th of August, the committee reported, “That the several testimonies which have been published since the commencement of the present contest betwixt Great-Britain and America, and the uniform tenor of the conduct and conversation of a number of persons of considerable wealth, who profess themselves to belong to the society of people commonly called Quakers, render it certain and notorious, that those persons are with much rancor and bitterness disaffected to the American cause; that as these persons will have it in their power, so there is no doubt it will be their inclination, to communicate intelligence to the enemy, and in various other ways to injure the counsels and arms of America; that when the enemy, in the month of December, 1776, were bending their progress toward the city of Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication, addressed “To our friends and brethren in religious profession, in these and the adjacent provinces, signed John Pemberton, in and on behalf of the meeting of sufferings, held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, the twenty-sixth of the twelfth month, 1776,” was published, and as your committee is credibly informed, circulated amongst many members of the society called Quakers, throughout the different states; that as the seditious paper aforesaid, originated in the city of Philadelphia, and as the persons whose names are undermentioned, have uniformly manifested a disposition highly inimical to the cause of America, therefore—Resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to the supreme executive council of the state of Pennsylvania, forthwith to apprehend and secure the persons of Joshua Fisher, Abel James, James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pemberton, John Pemberton, John James, Samuel Pleasants, Thomas Wharton, sen. Thomas Fisher, son of Joshua and Samuel Fisher, son of Joshua, together with all such papers in their possession, as may be of a political nature.”

“And whereas there is strong reason to apprehend that these persons maintain a correspondence and connection highly prejudicial to the public safety, not only in this state, but in the several states of America—Resolved, That it be recommended 223to the executive powers of the respective states, forthwith to apprehend and secure all persons, as well among the people called Quakers as others, who have in their general conduct and conversation evidenced a disposition inimical to the cause of America; and that the persons so seized, be confined in such places and treated in such manner, as shall be consistent with their respective characters and security of their persons; that the records and papers of the meetings of sufferings in the respective states, be forthwith secured and carefully examined, and that such parts of them as may be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to congress. The said report being read, and the several paragraphs considered and debated, and the question put severally thereon, the same was agreed to.” “Ordered, That the board of war remove under guard, to a place of security out of the state of Pennsylvania, the hon. John Penn, esq. and Benjamin Chew, esq. and that they give orders for having them safely secured, and entertained agreeable to their rank and station in life.”

A number of Quakers beside those mentioned, together with several persons of a different denomination, were taken up by the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, concerning whom congress resolved on the 8th of September, “That it be recommended to the said council, to order the immediate departure of such of the said prisoners as refuse to swear or affirm allegiance to the state of Pennsylvania, to Stanton, in (Augusta county) Virginia.”

Eight days before, on the last of August, a member of congress, writing upon public affairs, thus expressed himself, “The frauds, the peculations, the profusion, which have done us more injury than the whole force of our foreign enemies, have been chiefly owing to the want of government and the want of discipline. Howe has planned his operations in such a manner as to give us a vast advantage both of him and Burgoyne.”

Reports prejudicial to gen. Sullivan were circulated, upon which congress resolved, on the first of the month, “That gen. Washington be directed to appoint a court of enquiry on the late expedition by gen. Sullivan, against the British forces on Staten-Island.” The statement of the particulars enquired into, was so formed that he obtained an honorable acquittal, such as was highly pleasing to congress; but had major Joseph Bloomfield been enough recovered of his wound to have attended the court, he would scarce have escaped so well.

Let us resume the transactions of Sir W. Howe and gen. Washington. Sir William was so distressed for want of horses (numbers having died on their passage) and of other necessaries 224to aid his march, that it was not till the third of September that the royal army moved forward. On its advancing near to the Americans, these abandoned their ground, perceiving that it would not answer their first expectation; crossed the Brandywine at Chad’s Ford, and took possession of the heights on the east side of it, with an evident intention of disputing the passage of the river. Upon an apprehension that the royal forces would attempt crossing at Chad’s Ford, gen. Washington posted his main strength at that point; and gen. Maxwell with about 1000 light troops, was sent over to possess himself of the opposite height; and in the night of the 10th, they formed a slight breast-work with limbs of trees.

[Sept. 11.] By day-break the next morning, the British army advances in two columns; the right under the command of gen. Knyphausen, which marches directly for Chad’s Ford. A party is moved on to dislodge Maxwell, which he repulses; they are reinforced, and come on a second time without succeeding. On this a strong detachment is sent round a piece of woods to come upon his flank, while the other attack him anew in front. Perceiving this movement, he retreats across the river with a trifling loss. Gen. Knyphausen keeps up a cannonade, and an appearance of forcing the ford, till he shall hear that the left column has attacked the Americans, and then he means to attempt it. This second column, under the command of lord Cornwallis, generals Grey, Matthews and Agnew, marches for the forks of the Brandywine. The movement is early observed. Gen. Sullivan writes to the commander in chief, that it is clearly his opinion, that the enemy will come round on their right flank. He sends him two messengers in the forenoon confirming the same. Lient. col. James Ross forwards, at eleven o’clock, from Great-Valley road, this intelligence—“A large body of the enemy, from every account five thousand, with sixteen or eighteen field-pieces, marched along this road just now. Their front must be now at the ford; we are close in their rear, with about seventy men. I believe general Howe is with this party, as Joseph Galloway was here known by the inhabitants, with many of whom he spoke, and told them that general Howe was with him.” Other accounts corroborating the movement of the second column toward the forks, gen. Washington settles it with gen. Greene, that he shall cross with his division, at the lower ford, and attack gen. Knyphausen. He at the same time sends word to Sullivan to cross the Brandywine with his, and fall upon the enemy’s left, while the army crosses below to attack their right. The commander in chief hopes, by defeating Knyphausen, to secure those advantages which will outweigh any that 225gen. Howe may gain by forcing the troops opposed to his left column, to retreat. Sullivan is preparing to execute Washington’s order, when major Spears comes up and tells him that there is not the least appearance of the enemy in that quarter; which is confirmed by a sergeant Tucker, of the light-horse, sent out purposely to make discoveries. Sullivan conceives it to be his duty to convey Spears’s information to the commander in chief. This unfortunate intelligence deranges the disposition that has been determined on in consequence of prior information; so that general Greene, who has crossed with his advanced-guard, is recalled. Mean while the second or left column of the British army cross the forks of the Brandywine, the first branch at Trimble’s Ford and the second at Jeffery’s Ford, about two o’clock in the afternoon, taking from thence the road to Dilworth’s, in order to turn the right of the Americans, consisting of three divisions, general Sullivan’s, lord Stirling’s and another officer’s. The British form and advance in order of battle. Sullivan, upon information of what has taken place, marches to reinforce the two other divisions nearest the British. He takes rather too large a circuit, and is so late upon the ground as to exclude all possibility of making a perfect disposition. Before he has time to ride from one end of the line to the other, he is suddenly attacked by numbers unknown to him, and upon ground that he never saw before; so that his troops are thrown into confusion, and retreat with the utmost precipitation. This happens between four and five in the afternoon. Generals Washington and Greene being together, and hearing the firing, conclude that Sullivan is attacked. Greene immediately hastens his first brigade, commanded by gen. Weedon, toward the scene of action with such uncommon expedition, that in forty and two minutes it advances near four miles. The second brigade is ordered by Washington to march a different route, as it cannot be up in time for service. General Knyphausen, finding that the parties on his left are deeply engaged, crosses at Chad’s Ford, attacks the division under gen. Wayne and the light troops under Maxwell, obliges them to retire after a severe conflict, and possesses himself of the entrenchment, battery and cannon which were meant for its defence. Greene, as he approaches the scene of action, perceives that Sullivan’s defeat is a perfect route. A council of war was held upon the field, and it is agreed that Greene’s brigade should cover the retreat of the flying troops. Greene keeps firing his field-pieces in the rear as he retreats, and continues retreating half a mile, till he comes to a narrow pass, well secured on the right and left by woods. Here he draws up his force, consisting of the Virginia troops and a regiment or Pennsylvanians, commanded by col. Stewart, and sends his artillery on, 226that it may be safe in case of his being under the necessity of making an hasty retreat. A warm engagement commences, which lasts from the sun’s being three-quarters of an hour high till dark. The tenth Virginia regiment, commanded by col. Stephens, supports the attack of the British cannonade and musketry for fifteen minutes, though they have never before been engaged. The whole brigade exhibits such a degree of order, firmness and resolution, and preserves such a countenance in extremely sharp service, as would not discredit veterans. Wayne and the North-Carolinians, with the artillery and light troops, after their defeat by Knyphausen, pass the rear of it in their retreat. At dark, that also is withdrawn by gen. Greene; the extreme fatigue of the royal troops, together with the lateness and darkness of the evening, prevents its being pursued.