Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 11)

As the bar prevented all attempts on the part of d’Estaing against Howe’s fleet within the Hook, a plan was concerted for attacking Rhode-Island; and gen. Sullivan, who commanded at Providence, was employed in assembling an additional body of New-England militia. Such was the eagerness of people to cooperate with their new allies, and their confidence of succeeding and reaping laurels, that some thousands of volunteers, gentlemen and others from Boston, Salem, Newbury-Port, Portsmouth, &c. engaged in the service. When d’Estaing was arrived off point Judith on the 29th, the pilots who were to have facilitated his entrance into Newport, were wanting, which occasioned a delay. But on the morning of August the 5th, his operations commenced, when the British set fire to the Orpheus, Lark, Juno and Cerbarus frigates and several other vessels at the appearance of two of his fleet standing in near Prudence island to attack them. The Flora and Falcon were sunk afterward. The next day the American troops marched from Providence to Tiverton under the command of general Greene, who had been dispatched by gen. Washington from the main army to assist in the expedition. His excellency also sent on the marquis de la Fayette at the head of two thousand troops, who by a rapid march joined the militia in season. Gen. Sullivan’s first letter to the count informed him, that he was not ready to act, and desired that the attack might be suspended. It was agreed between them that they should land their forces at Portsmouth on the tenth in the morning. On the eighth the French fleet went up the middle passage leading into Newport harbour, when the British batteries began a severe cannonade, which was returned with great warmth.

The royal troops on the island, having been just reinforced with five battalions, were about 6000 under the command of Sir Robert Pigot, who took every possible means of defence. The force under general Sullivan was composed of about 10,000 men. Upon his receiving intelligence early on the ninth, that the enemy had evacuated their works on the north end of the 370island, and retreated within their lines, about three miles from Newport, regardless of the agreement with d’Estaing, he concluded (as it appeared to him best) to push over without loss of time. The army was immediately put in motion; about eight o’clock the right wing, under gen. Greene, began to cross from Tiverton, and the rest of the Americans followed in order. The Massachusetts militia were attended by Mr. Hancock as their major-general. About two in the afternoon a fleet consisting of near 25 sail, was discovered standing in for Newport, which came to off Point Judith for the night. Lord Howe had determined to attempt the preservation of the island; but notwithstanding all his exertions, could not reach sight of it till the day after the French fleet had entered the harbour. Though his own exceeded the other in point of number, yet it was far inferior with respect to effective force and weight of metal. He had one ship of 74 guns—seven of 64—five of 50—six from 44 to 32—and twelve smaller vessels including fire ships and bomb ketches. When he first appeared, the garrison were much elated, but upon learning that he brought no provision, of which they were nearly exhausted, they were equally dejected. A sudden change of wind favoring the count, he stood out to sea with all his squadron, about eight o’clock the next morning. They were severely cannonaded as they passed by the batteries, but received no material damage. Howe deeming the weather gage of too great an advantage to be added to the superior force of the count, contended for that object with all the skill of an experienced seaman; while the count was as eager to preserve it. This contest prevented an engagement on that day; but the wind on the following still continuing adverse to the design of Howe, he determined to make the best of present circumstances, and wait the approach of the count. A strong gale, which increased to a violent tempest, and continued for near forty-eight hours, put by the engagement. Two of the French ships were dismasted and others much damaged. The Languedoc, of 90 guns, d’Estaing’s own ship, lost her rudder and all her masts; and was met in that condition on the evening of the 13th, by the Renown, of 50 guns. Captain Dawson bore down without hoisting colours. The count ordered captain Caleb Gardner, who was on board as a pilot, to hail him, that he might know what ship it was. Dawson made no answer, but ran with a full sail and fair wind till he was under the stern of the Languedoc, then hoisted English colours, fired in great and small shot, and musketry, and sailed off. The Languedoc upon that fired two chace guns after him, when he never attempted to approach her more. The same evening the Preston, of fifty guns, commodore Hotham, fell 371in with the Tonant of eighty guns, with only her main mast standings, and attacked her with spirit, but night put an end to the engagement. The junction of six sail of the French squadron, prevented all further attempts upon their two disabled ships by the Renown and Preston in the morning. On the 16th the Isis of 50 guns, capt. Raynor, was chased by the Cæsar, capt. Bouganville, a French 74 gun. Neither had suffered in the tempest. A close and desperate engagement was maintained on both sides, with the greatest obstinacy, for an hour and an half, within pistol shot. The Cæsar at length put before the wind and sailed off, the captain having lost his arm, the lieutenant his leg, a number of men being killed and wounded, and the ship considerably damaged. The Isis had suffered so in her mast and rigging that she could not attempt a pursuit.

The troops under gen. Sullivan now demand our attention. When they had landed, they possessed themselves of the heights near the north end of the island. They suffered no less than the ships by the tempest. The wind blew most violently, attended with a flood of rain through the whole day of the 12th, and increased so at night that not a marquee or tent could stand; several of the soldiers perished by the severity of the storm, many horses died, the greatest part of the ammunition delivered to the troops was damaged, and the condition of the army was deplorable. On the 14th, the storm was over, and the weather clear and fine. The garrison having enjoyed better accommodations, and greater security than the Americans, Sir Robert Pigot had a fair opportunity of attacking the latter while dispirited and worn down by the painful scenes from which they had just immerged. Gen. Greene and some British officers are of opinion, that a bold and vigorous onset under these cirsumstances would have been highly proper and successful. But as nothing of this kind happened the day was spent by the Americans in drying their clothes, &c. and getting in order for an advance. The next morning they marched at six o’clock, and took post about two miles from the British lines. By the 20th they had opened two four gun batteries; but their approaches were slow. About two o’clock in the afternoon the French fleet was discovered standing for Newport. At seven gen. Greene and the marquis de la Fayette went on board the Languedoc, to consult upon measures proper to be pursued for the success of the expedition in which they were engaged. They urged d’Estaing to return with his fleet into Newport harbor. He was apparently inclined to a compliance: but all the captains and principal officers on board were rather unfriendly to him. He being a land officer, they thought it an affront to their understandings, and a piece of injustice done to 372their merits and services, to have him appointed to the command over their heads. They therefore crossed him in every measure, that looked like giving him any kind of reputation, in order if possible, to bring him into disgrace. His instructions from the court of France were to go to Boston, if the fleet met with any misfortune, or if there appeared a superior British fleet upon the cost. The count had met with a misfortune, the Cæsar which had steered for Boston was missing, and a superior British fleet was expected. All the officers insisted upon his following the instructions, and entered into a formal protest against prosecuting the expedition any further. About twelve o’clock at night of the 21st, Greene and the marquis returned, and made a report of what had passed. The next day letters went on board from generals Sullivan and Hancock; as also a protest dated—Camp before Newport, Aug. 22, 1778—and signed by John Sullivan, N. Greene, John Hancock, J. Glover, Ezek. Cornell, Wm. Whipple, John Tyler, Soloman Lovell, Jon. Fitconel. They protested in a solemn manner against the count’s taking the fleet to Boston, as derogatory to the honor of France, contrary to the intention of his most Christian majesty and the interest of his nation, and destructive in the highest degree to the welfare of the United States of America, and highly injurious to the alliance formed between the two nations. One of the reasons assigned for the protest was, that the army and stores collected for the reduction of the island would be liable to be lost, by an opportunity’s being given to the enemy to cut off the communication with the main, and totally to prevent the retreat of the army. The best apology that can be made for this protest is, that it was designedly as a finesse to induce the captains of the French fleet to consent to its returning into the harbour of Newport. But it had not this effect and met with a spirited answer from the count, who sailed on the same day for Boston. Sullivan was so chagrined at the departure of the fleet, that contrary to all policy, he gave out in general orders on the 24th, “The generel cannot help lamenting the sudden and unexpected departure of the French fleet, as he finds it has a tendency to discourage some who placed great dependence upon the assistance of it, though he can by no means suppose the army or any part of it endangered by this movement. He yet hopes the event will prove America able to procure that by her own arms, which her allies refuse to assist in obtaining.” Two days after, in new orders, he endeavoured to smooth off the reflection contained in it, by declaring that he meant not to insinuated that the departure of the French fleet was owing to a fixed determination not to assist in the enterprise, and would not wish to give the least colour 373to ungenerous and illiberal minds to make such unfair interpretations. Count d’Estaing, when arrived in Boston port, wrote to congress on the 26th, and in his letter mentioned—the embarrassments of the king’s squadron as well on account of water as provisions, how his hopes were deceived with regard to these two articles, which were growing more and more important—that it was necessary for him to confine all his attention to the preservation of the squadron, and restoring it to a condition to act—that he was no longer at liberty to depend on deceitful expectations of watering and getting provisions. He justified his repairing to Boston from the situation of his ships, the advices of a squadron from Europe, the ignorance of what was become of lord Howe’s fleet, and the advantage that his lordship would have had for attacking him had he returned into Newport. He also expressed his displeasure at the protest.

It appears unreasonable to censure the count for repairing to Boston, when all his officers insisted so upon the measure; though, had he returned into Newport, the garrison would most probably have capitulated before Howe could have succoured them. Upon the fleet’s sailing for Boston, it was said—“There never was a prospect so favorable, blasted by such a shameful desertion.” A universal clamor prevailed against the French nation and letters were sent to Boston containing the most bitter invectives, tending to prejudice the inhabitants against d’Estaing and all his officers, to counteract which the cooler and more judicious part of the community employed their good offices. Between two and three thousand volunteers returned in the course of twenty-four hours, and others continued to go off, and even many of the militia, so that in three days Sullivan’s army was greatly decreased; it was soon little more in number than that of the enemy. An attempt to carry their works by storm, would have been too hazardous, had all the volunteers and militia remained, for the bulk of the troops had never been in action: the necessity of a retreat was therefore apparent (as soon as there was a certainty of the French fleet’s being gone) though in the morning of the 23d, the Americans had opened batteries consisting in the whole of 17 pieces of heavy artillery, 2 ten inch mortars and three five and a half inch howitzers. Greene was against retreating hastily, lest the appearance of timidity and inferiority should bring out the enemy upon them: but he and Glover prepared for an expeditious retreat, in case Clinton should arrive with a reinforcement, that so no damage might ensue from the delay. By the 26th all the spare heavy artillery and baggage were sent off the island; and on the 28th at night, between nine and ten o’clock, the army began to move to the north end. It 374had been that day resolved in a council of war, to remove thither, fortify the camp, secure a communication with the main, and hold the ground, till it could be known whether the French fleet would soon return to their assistance. The marquis de la Fayette, by request of the general officers, set off for Boston to request their speedy return. The count could not consent to the return of the fleet, but made a spirited offer of leading the troops under his command from Boston, and of co-operating against Rhode-Island. The march of Sullivan’s army was conducted with great order and regularity, and the troops arrived on their ground about three in the morning, with all the baggage, stores, &c. About seven, [Aug. 29.] they were alarmed by a brisk fire of musketry in their front, between their advanced corps of infantry and the enemy, who had pushed out after them upon discovering the retreat. Sullivan asked the opinion of the generals upon the occasion, and Greene advised to march and meet them, for he truly supposed that they were come out in small detachments which might be cut to pieces; and further apprehended that by advancing in force upon the western road, they might possibly head that part of the enemy which marched down upon the eastern, and so unexpectedly possess themselves of Newport.—Had this measure been adopted, the Americans would probably have gained very great advantages, as the whole of the enemy’s force on the western road consisted only of the Hessian chasseurs and the Anspach regiments of Voit and Seaboth under gen. Lossberg. On the east road was gen. Smith with the 22d and 43d regiments, and the flank companies of the 38th and 54th. To the latter were opposed col. Henry B. Livingston and his light troops; to the former lieut. col. Laurens with his. The enemy’s superiority in numbers obliged each to give way, but a retreating fire was kept up with the greatest order. The advanced corps being reinforced, they gave the enemy a check, make a gallant resistance, and at length repulsed them. But the British commander sending reinforcements to both Lossberg and Smith, the Americans were obliged to retire nigh to the front line of the main army, which was drawn up in order of battle. The British advanced very near to the American left, but were repulsed by Glover, and retired to Quaker-hill. The royal troops soon availed themselves of two heights on Sullivan’s right; where they placed several pieces of artillery, and began about nine o’clock, a severe cannonade on a redoubt, an advanced post on his right, which was returned with double force. Skirmishing continued between the advanced parties until near ten; when two British sloops of war and other armed vessels, having gained his right flank and began a 375fire, their associates on land bent their force that way, and endeavored to turn Sullivans’s right, under cover of the ships, and to take his advanced redoubt; which brought on a warm and brisk fire of musketry between the contending parties, that was kept up by each side’s throwing in reinforcements, till the action became in some degree general, and near 1200 Americans were engaged. The last of these that were sent forward, got up just in time to prevent the success of the enemy, who were making their third effort to take the redoubt; but they were broken, and retreated to the heights in great confusion, leaving on the field many of their killed and wounded. After the retreat, the field of battle could not be approached by either party without being exposed to the cannon of the other army. The heat of the action was from two till near three o’clock in the afternoon. The firing of artillery continued through the day; the musketry, with intermission, six hours. The Americans make their loss in killed 30, in wounded 132, and in missing 44. The British account makes their killed 38, wounded 210, and missing 12. General Greene, in a letter to the commander in chief, said, “Our troops behaved with great spirit, and the brigade of militia under general Lovell advanced with great resolution and in good order, and stood the fire of the enemy with great firmness. Lieut. col. Livingston, col. Jackson, and col. H. B. Livingston, did themselves great honor in the transactions of the day; but it is not in my power to do justice to col. Laurens, who acted both the general and partizan. His command of regular troops was small, but he did every thing possible to be done by their numbers.” The brigade under general Lovell belonged to the Massachusetts. Greene, who commanded in the attack, did himself the highest honor by the judgment and bravery he exhibited. He attended strictly to the action the whole time, watching the movements of the enemy, and where to throw in the necessary reinforcements. Gen. Sullivan the next morning received advice that lord Howe had again sailed; that a fleet was off Block-Island; and that d’Estaing could not come so soon as he expected; on which it was concluded to evacuate Rhode-Island. The sentries of both armies being within 400 yards of each other, the greatest attention was requisite. To cover the design of retreating, a number of tents were brought forward [Aug. 30.] and pitched in sight of the enemy, and the whole army employed in fortifying the camp. At the same time the heavy baggage and stores were falling back and crossed through the bay. At dark the tents were struck, the light baggage and troops passed down, and by twelve o’clock the main army had crossed. It was about that time when the marquis de la Fayette arrived from Boston. 376He was most sensibly mortified that he was not in the action. That he might not be out of the way in case of one, he had rode from the island to Boston, near 70 miles distant, in seven hours, and returned in six and a half. He got back, time enough to bring off the pickets and other parties that covered the retreat of the army, which he did in excellent order; not a man was left behind, nor the smallest article lost. The honor arising from so good a retreat, though great, did not compensate for the sore disappointment gen. Sullivan met with when in full expectation of taking Newport. The place must have fallen had not count d’Estaing left the harbour, or had he returned after chasing lord Howe to a considerable distance. The glory of vanquishing a British squadron, and of obtaining a triumph over a first rate naval officer, and a country against which he had a personal animosity (though in prospect only) tempted him as may be thought into a situation that proved the ruin of the principal object in view when he steered from before Sandy-Hook for Newport, and agreed upon a co-operation with Sullivan’s army. The fleet off Block-Island was bound for Rhode-Island, and had on board Sir Henry Clinton, with about 4000 troops. Sir Henry hoped to have effected a landing, so as to have made Sullivan’s retreat very precarious, but the latter was completed the night before his arrival. [Sept. 1.] The day after, lord Howe, who had changed his course upon hearing that d’Estaing had left Rhode-Island, arrived off the entrance of Boston port in the evening. Upon observing the position of the French fleet, and deeming every attempt against them ineligible, he left the Boston coast the next morning; but this appearance in and standing up the bay to the entrance of the port, spread a prodigious alarm. Sir Henry being disappointed, returned for New-York; but off New-London left the fleet, with directions to gen. Grey to proceed to Bedford and the neighborhood, where several American privateers resorted, and a number of captured ships lay. They reached the place of destination on the fifth of September; the troops were immediately landed, and between six in the evening and twelve the following day, destroyed about 70 sail of shipping, beside a number of small craft. They also burnt the magazine, wharfs, stores, ware-houses, vessels on the stocks, all the dwelling-houses at M’Pherson’s wharf, and the principal part of the houses at the head of the river, together with the mills and some houses on the east side of the river. Bedford, or as it is frequently called Dartmouth, suffered to the amount of near £.20,000 sterling in rateable property, viz. buildings. The other articles destroyed were worth a much more considerable sum. The troops proceeded from thence to Martha’s Vineyard, where they destroyed a 377few vessels, and made a requisition of the militia arms, the public money, three hundred oxen, and 10,000 sheep, which was complied with. The last contribution was a most desirable one, and afforded a grateful repast to thousands upon being safely conveyed to New-York.

Here let me close our account of military operations, with an extract from gen. Washington’s letter of August the 20th, and then attend to the negociations of the British commissioners, and the acts of congress, His excellency thuse expressed himself—“It is not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to comtemplate, that after two years manœuvreing and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, that perhaps ever attended any one contest since the creation, both armies are brought back to the very point they set out from, and the offending party in the beginning, is now reduced to the use of the spade and pick-axe for defence. The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations.”

Governor Johnstone, meaning to avail himself of former connections, endeavored to commence or renew a private correspondence, with several members of congress, and other persons of consideration. In his letters to them, he used a freedom with the authority under which he acted, not customary with those intrusted with delegated power, and gave such a degree of approbation to the conduct of the Americans in the past resistance which they had made, as is seldom granted by negociators to their opponents. In a letter to Joseph Reed, esq. of April the 11th, he said—“The man who can be instrumantal in bringing us all to act once more in harmony, and to unite together the various powers which this contest has drawn fourth, will deserve more from the king and people, from patriotism, humanity and all the tender ties that are effected by the quarrel and reconciliation, than ever was yet bestowed on human kind.” On the 16th of June, he wrote to Robert Morris, esq.—“I believe the men who have conducted the affairs of America uncapable of being influenced by improper motives; but in all such transactions there is risk, and I think, that whoever ventures should be secured: at the same time, that honor and emolument should naturally follow the fortune of those who have steered the vessel in the storm, and brought her safely to port. I think Washington and the president have a right to every favor that grateful nations can bestow, if they could once more unite our interest, and spare the miseries and devastations of war.” On Sunday the 21st of June, Mr. Reed received a written massage 378from Mrs. Ferguson, expressing a desire to see him on business which could not be committed to writing. On his attending in the evening, agreeable to her appointment, after some previous conversation, she enlarged upon the great talents and amiable qualities of governor Johnstone, and added, that in several conversations with her, he had expressed the most favorable sentiments of Mr. Reed; that it was particularly wished to engage his interest to promote the objects of the British commissioners, viz. a re-union of the two countries, if consistent with his principles and judgment; and that in such case it could not be deemed unbecoming or improper in the British government to take a favorable notice of such conduct; and that in this instance Mr. Reed might have ten thousand pounds sterling, and any office in the colonies in his majesty’s gift. Mr. Reed, finding an answer was expected, replied—“I am not worth purchasing, but such as I am, the king of Great-Britain is not rich enough to do it.” However right the principles might be, on which this insinuating scheme of conciliation was adopted, its effects were untoward. On the ninth of July congress ordered—“That all letters received by members of congress from any of the British commissioners or their agents, or from any subject of the king of Great-Britain, of a public nature, be laid before congress.” The above letters being communicated, and Mr. Reed making a declaration [Aug. 11.] of what has been above related, congress resolved that the same “cannot but be considered as direct attempts to corrupt and bribe the congress—that as congress feel, so they ought to demonstrate, the highest and most pointed indignation against such daring and attrocious attempts to corrupt their integrity—and that it is incompatible with the honor of congress to hold any manner of correspondence or intercourse with the said George Johnstone, esq. especially to negociate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty is concerned.” Their proceedings in this business were expressed in the form of a declaration, a copy of which was ordered to be signed by the president, and sent by a flag to the commissioners at New-York. This declaration drew out an exceeding angry and vehement one from the gentleman in question, in which the immediate operations of passion were rather too apparent. The tone of his publications accorded but badly with the high and flattering eulogiums which he had so lately bestowed on the Americans in those very letters which were the subject of the present contest. It was dated the 26th of August, and transmitted to congress, together with a declaration of the same date from lord Carlisle, Sir Henry Clinton and Mr. Eden, which went to a total and solemn disavowal, so far as related to the present subject, of their having 379had any knowledge, directly or indirectly, of those matters specified by congress. The declarations were accompanied by a requisition from the three last named commissioners respecting the troops lately serving under gen. Burgoyne, in which they offered to ratify the convention, and required permission for the embarkation of the troops. But congress resolved, [Sept. 4.] “That no ratification of the convention, which may be tendered in consequence of powers, which only reach that case by construction and implication, or which may subject whatever is transacted relative to it to the future approbation or disapprobation of the parliament of Great-Britain, can be accepted by congress.”

When all hope of further negociation with congress was at an end, the commissioners directed their future publications in the manner of appeals to the people at large: Whereby they seemingly realized the charge repeatedly made, that their only object was, under the insiduous appearance of conciliation, to excite either a separation among the colonies, or the people to tumults against their respective governments. Congress not only permitted, but forwarded the republishment of all matters upon the subject: while different American writers undertook to obviate the effect, which the publications issued by the commissioners might have upon the body of the people. The strongest argument which the Americans advanced upon the occasion was, that they had already concluded a solemn treaty with France for the establishment and on the footing of their independence, that should they break their faith with France, they would forfeit their credit with all foreign nations, be considered as faithless and infamous, and forevermore be cut off from even the hope of foreign succour; and at the same time they should be throw on the mercy of those, who had already pursued every measure of fraud, force, cruelty and deceit, for their destruction: as neither the king, the ministers, nor the parliament of Great-Britain, would be under the necessity of ratifying any one condition which they agreed upon with the commissioners; or, if they even found it necessary to ratify them for present purposes, it would be only to call a new parliament and then to undo the whole.

The appeals of the commissioners to the people proving ineffectual, they changed their conduct and denounced hostility and destruction, in their most terrific forms, to those who had rejected conciliation and friendship. They published [Oct. 3.] a signal valedictoroy manifesto and proclamation; and therein warned the people of the total and material change which was to take place in the future conduct of hostilities, should they still persevere in their obstinacy; and more especially as that was said to be founded upon the pretended alliance with France.——The Americans were virtually threatened with all the extremes 380of war, and to have their country desolated. Be it noted that “The concessions made in the manifesto and proclamation by the commissioners, contain a renunciation of every principle upon which the king’s ministers have pretended to justify the foundation, or the pursuit of any one object of the war. Thus the irretrievable disgrace of having waged a cruel war for anjustifiable and destructive ends, is fixed upon Britain, by a public avowal upon principle, that the terms offered by America in 1774, before the war, ought to have been accepted as foundations of peace, from their own intrinsic equity and merit, as being more beneficial to the mother country, and more safe to all parties.”^[91] Several packages of manifestos, which enclosed a number translated into the German language, and one printed on vellum and signed by lord Carlisle, Sir Henry Clinton, and William Eden, esq. were made up in order to be sent with flags to congress and the particular states in the union. Congress upon being informed of it, declared that the agents employed to distribute the said papers were not entitled to protection from a flag, while engaged in the prosecution of such nefarious purposes; and recommended it to the several states to secure and keep them in close custody, but at the same time to print the manifestos in the news-papers, to convince the people of the insiduous designs of the commissioners. [Oct. 30.] They also published a manifesto, on their part, in which they complained bitterly of the mode practised by the British in carrying on the war, of the treatment their soldiers and sailors had met with, and of their meanly assailing the representatives of America with bribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. After other charges, expressed in the severest language, they concluded with solemnly declaring—“If our enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct. We appeal to that God who searcheth the hearts of men, for the rectitude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare, that as we are not moved by any light and hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so, through every possible change of fortune, we will adhere to this our determination.”

The commission has been attended with the singular circumstance of a letter from the marquis de la Fayette, to the earl of Carlisle, challenging that nobleman, as first commissioner, to the field, there to answer in his own person, and in single combat, for some harsh reflections on the conduct of the French court and nation, which appeared in those public instruments that he and his brethren had issued in their political capacity. The inexperience and heat of youth hurried him into this impropriety against 381the advice of his warmest American friends, who foresaw that his challenge would of necessity be slighted.

The other proceedings of congress, which have been passed over, while the negociation has been considered, are now to be related.

Congress being convinced by experience, that the regulation of prices was an evil, and increased instead of lessening the difficulties it was meant to cure, recommended in the beginning of June, to the several legislatures that had adopted the measure, the suspension or repeal of their laws for that purpose. The commissary general, col. Wadsworth, had no hope of feeding the army, while the regalating acts prevailed. Before the recommendation it was supplied by a violation of the acts, or by contracts made before they took place. [June 27.] Congress adjourned to meet the Thursday following at the state-house in Philadelphia. When a sufficient number of states were represented, [July 7.] they had before them a packet of letters which had passed between gen. Heath and gen. Philips, consequent to the death of lieut. Richard Brown of the 21st British regiment, belonging to the convention troops at Cambridge. He determined upon passing the lines on the 17th of June (in a chaise, between two women of easy virtue) contrary to general orders. The sentry upon stopping him was treated with contempt. The lieutenant would go on without assigning any reason, though repeatedly ordered to stop, on which the sentry shot him through the head at Prospect-hill. The language of Philip’s letter upon the occasion, was so offensive, that Heath confined him to his quarters, under a guard; and insisted on his signing a new parole. These measures produced other letters pro and con. The whole were submitted to the inspection of congress, who approved of Heath’s conduct.

[July 16.] They had before them a paper from Mr. Gerard, wherein he thanked them for the quick dispatch with which they had provided for the first wants of the French squadron; it was accompanied with a memorandum of the provisions that would be further wanted. Congress meaning to procure it upon the easiest terms, appointed a committee to make the purchases; but Mr. Chase one of the Maryland delagates, improved the knowledge his seat secured him, for directing in season a private acquaintance to buy; and thereby counteracted the committee so effectually, that they could not answer the end of their appointment. It is no extravagant conjecture, that Mr. Chase shared in the profits made by his communications.

[Aug. 6.] The hon. Sieur Gerard was introduced to an audience by two members of congress appointed for the purpose, 382and being seated in his chair, his secretary delivered to the president a letter from his most Christian majesty, informing his very dear great friends and allies, that he had nominated the Sieur Gerard, to reside among them in the quality of minister plenipotentiary. The minister was after the reading of it, announced to the house whereupon he arose and addressed congress in a speech, which when finished in the French language, was delivered by his secretary to the president; to which the latter returned an answer in English. A profusion of compliments passed upon the occasion, in the hearing and presence of a numerous audience: for the vice-president, the supreme executive council, the speaker and assembly of Pennsylvania, were invited to be there; and each member of congress had the liberty of giving two tickets for the admittance of other persons. An entertainment given by congress to the Sieur Gerard, closed the novel, important and joyful transactions of the day.

[Sept. 11.] Congress resolved upon an application to Sir Henry Clinton for passports to American vessels to transport provisions and fuel to Boston for the use of the convention troops; and that if such passports were not granted within three days after application, or measures adopted by him for supplying them by the 5th of October, they would deem themselves justifiable in removing the said troops to such parts of the United States as they can be best subsisted in. The applications to Sir Henry having had no effect, they resolved on the 16th of October, that the necessary steps should be taken for removing, with all convenient speed, the convention prisoners to Charlotte-ville, in Albemarle county, Virginia.

[Sept. 14.] Congress proceeded to the election of a minister plenipotentiary to the court of France, and the ballots being taken, Dr. Benjamin Franklin was elected. In their instructions to him on the 26th of October, he was directed to obtain, if possible, the French king’s consent for expunging from the treaty of commerce the 11th and 12th articles, as inconsistent with that equality and reciprocity which form the best security for perpetuating the whole. The marquis de la Fayette had entered into arrangements with congress for co-operating with the court of France in an expedition against Canada; the plan of which the doctor was also to lay before the minister. It was proposed that 4 or 5000 French troops should be sent to assist in the business. The marquis’s attachment to the American cause and thirst for glory, would naturally engage him in such a project (wherein he would be likely to hold a considerable command) with the utmost purity of intention. But how far Mr. Gerard might artfully insinuate the first idea into his mind, in expectation of introducing a 383larger body of French troops into Canada for distant political purposes, to which the marquis was a total stranger, cannot be easily ascertained. The docter was to inculcate the certainty of ruining the British fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, and consequently the British marine by reducing Halifax and Quebec. The importance of such reduction to France on the one hand, and to America on the other, was stated.

The following observations on the finances of America were likewise to be communicated to the French minister.

“At the commencement of the war, it was obvious that the permanent revenues and resources of Great-Britain must eventually overbalance the sudden and impetuous sallies of men contending for freedom on the spur of the occasion, without regular discipline, determinate plan, or permanent means of defence. America having never been much taxed, nor for a continuing length of time, being without a fixed government, and contended against what was once the lawful authority, had no funds to support the war; and the contest being upon the very question of taxation, the levying of imposts, unless from the last necessity, would have been madness.—To borrow from individuals, without any visible means of repaying them, while the loss was certain from ill success, was visionary.—A measure therefore which had been early adopted, and thence became familiar to the people, was pursued; this was the issuing of paper notes representing specie, for the redemption of which the public faith was pledged. As these were to circulate from hand to hand, there was no great individual risk unless from holding them too long, and no man refused to receive them for one commodity, while they would purchase every other.—This general credit however, did not last long. It menaced so deeply the views of our enemies, who had built their hopes on the defeat of our resources, that they and their partizans used every effort to impeach its value. Their success in one instance of this kind, alway made room for another, because he who could not relieve his wants with our paper would not part with has property to procure it.—To remedy this evil, the states as soon as formed into any shape of legislature, enacted laws to make the continental paper a lawful tender, and indeed to determine its value, fixing it by penalties at the sum of specie expressed on the face of it. These laws produced monopoly throughout.—The monopoly of commodities, the interruption of commerce, and the successes of the enemy, produced a depreciation: the laws devised to remedy this evil, either increased or were followed by an increase of it.—This demanded more plentiful emissions, thereby increasing the circulating medium to such a degree as not only to exclude all others, but 384furnish a superabundant quantity to increase the depreciation. The several states, instead of laying taxes to defray their own private expences, followed the example of congress, and issued notes of different denominations and forms. Therefore to counterfeit became easier, and the enemy did not neglect to avail themselves of this great, though base advantage; and hence arose a further depreciation. Calling the husbandman frequently to arms, who had indeed lost the incitements to industry from the cheapness of the necessaries of life in the beginning, compared with other articles, which took a more rapid rise, soon reduced that abundance which preceded the war; this, added to the greater consumption, together with the ravages and subsistence of the enemy, at length pointed the depreciation to the means of support. The issues from this moment became enormous and consequently increased the disease from which they arose, and which must soon have become fatal, had not the successes of America and the alliance with France kept it from sinking entirely. The certainty of its redemption being now evident, we only suffer from the quantity. This however, impairs not only the value simply in itself, but as it calls for continued large emissions, so the certainty that every thing will be dearer than it is, renders every thing dearer than it otherwise would be; and vice versa. Could we possibly absorb a part of the inundation which overwhelms us, every thing would be cheaper, from the certainty that it would become cheaper. The money can be absorbed but three ways—The first is by taxation, which cannot reach the evil while the war continues; because the emissions must continue, to supply what is necessary over and above even the nominal produce of taxes; and the taxes cannot be very productive, by reason of the possession of part and ravagement of other parts of the country by the enemy; and also from the weakness of governments yet in then infancy, and not arrived to that power, method and firmness, which are the portion of elder states——The second method is by borrowing, and is not efficient, because no interest can tempt men to lend paper now, which paid together with that interest in paper a year hence, will not probably be worth half as much as the principal sum is at present; and whenever the case shall alter, then in proportion to the depreciation will be the loss of the public in what they borrow, to say nothing of the enormous burdens for which they must pay interest in specie, or what is equal to, if so much as what hath been emitted could be borrowed as to render the remainder equally valuable with silver.—The last method is by very considerable loans or subsidies in Europe, and is the only mode at once equal to the effect desired, and free from the foregoing exceptions, for 385if such a sum is drawn for, at the advanced exchange, as by taking up the greatest part of our paper to reduce the exchange to par, the paper then remaining will be fully appreciated, and the sum due will not nominally, and therefore in the event not actually exceed its real value.—But to this mode there are objections: 1. Subsidies by any means equal to our necessities can hardly be expected, while our allies, being engaged in a war, will want all the money they can procure: and 2. Loans cannot probably be obtained without good guarantee, or other security which America may not perhaps be able to procure or give.—But until our finances can be in a better situation, the war cannot possibly be prosecuted with vigor: and the efforts made, feeble as they must be, will be attended with an oppressive weight of expence, rendering still more weak the confederated states.—This will appear from the foregoing observations, and also from hence that the present, and in all probability the future seat of the war, (that is the middle states) is so exhausted, that unless by the strenuous voluntary exertions of the inhabitants, no great number of men can possibly be subsisted; and such exertions cannot be expected without the temptation of money more valued than ours is at present.”

Five days befere the date of the instructions above related congress, upon the application of the marquis de la Fayette, granted him leave to return to France, and directed the president to write him a letter of thanks for that disinterested zeal which led him to America, and for the services he had rendered to the United States by the exertion of his courage and abilities on many signal occasions. They also ordered Dr. Franklin to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and presented him in the name of the United States: and crowned the whole with a letter recommending him to his most Christian majesty. The marquis took leave of congress, by letter, the 26th of October. The next day when it was received, a letter from the marquis was read, giving an account of the brave conduct of capt. Tonzar, in taking possession of a piece of artillery from the enemy, in which action he lost his right arm: whereupon congress promoted him to the rank of lieut. colonel in the service of the United States, by brevet, and appointed him a pension for life, of thirty dollars per month.

Let us resume our narration of military operations.

So early as the 8th of February gen. Scuyler wrote to congress—“There is too much reason to believe that an expedition will be formed (by the Indians) against the western frontiers of this state (New-York) Virginia and Pennsylvania.” The next month he informed them—“a number of Mohawks, and 386many of the Onondagoes, Cayugas and Senecas will commence hostilities against us as soon as they can: it would be prudent therefore early to take measures to carry the war into their country; it would require no greater body of troops to destroy their towns than to protect the frontier inhabitants.” No effectual measures being taken to repress the hostile spirit of the Indians, numbers joined the tory refugees, and with these commenced their horrid depredations and hostilities upon the back settlers, being headed by col. Butler and Brandt, an half-blooded Indian, of desperate courage, ferocious and cruel beyond example. Their expeditions were carried on to great advantage, by the exact knowledge which the refugees possessed of every object of their enterprise, and the immediate intelligenc they received from their friends on the spot. The weight of their hostilities fell upon the fine, new and flourishing settlement of Wyoming situated on the eastern branch of the Susquehannah, in a most beautiful country and delightful climate. It was settled and cultivated with great ardor by a number of people from Connecticut, which claims the territory as included in its original grant from Charles II. The settlement consisted of eight townships, each five miles square, beautifully placed on each side of the river. It had increased so by a rapid population, that they sent a thousand men to serve in the continental army. To provide against the dangers of their remote situation. Four forts were constructed to cover them from the irruptions of the Indians.—But it was their unhappiness to have a considerable mixture of royalists among them; and the two parties were actuated by sentiments of the most violent animosity which was not confined to particular families or places; but creeping within the roofs and to the hearths and floors where it was least to be expected, served equally to poison the sources of domestic security and happiness, and to cancel the laws of nature and humanity.

They had frequent and timely warnings of the danger to which they were exposed by sending their best men to so great a distance. Their quiet had been interrupted by the Indians, joined by marauding parties of their own countrymen, in the preceding year; and it was only by a vigorous opposition, in a course of successful skirmishes, that they had been driven off. Several tories, and others not before suspected, had then and since abandoned the settlement; and beside a perfect knowledge of all their particular circumstances, carried along with them such a stock of private resentment, as could not fail of directing the fury, and even giving an edge to the cruelty of their Indian and other inveterate enemies. An unusual number of strangers had come among them under various pretences, whose behaviour became so suspicious, that upon being taken up and examined, such evidence 387appeared against several of them, of their acting in concert with the enemy, on a scheme for the destruction of the settlements, that about twenty were sent to Connecticut, to be there imprisoned and tried for their lives, while the remainder were expelled. These measures excited the rage of the tories in general to the most extreme degree; and the threats formerly denounced against the settlers, were now renewed with aggravated vengeance.

As the time approached for the final catastrophe, the Indians practised unusual treachery. For several weeks previous to the intended attack, they repeatedly sent small parties to the settlement, charged with the strongest professions of friendship. These parties, beside attempting to lull the people into security, answered the purposes of communicating with their friends, and of observing the present state of affairs. The settlers however, were not insensible of the danger. They had taken the alarm, and colonel Zebulon Butler had several times written letters to congress and gen. Washington, acquainting them with the danger the settlement was in, and requesting assistance; but the letters were never received, having been intercepted by the Pennsylvanian tories. A little before the main attack, some small parties made sudden eruptions, and committed several robberies and murders; and from ignorance or a contempt of all ties whatever, massacred the wife and five children of one of the persons sent for trial to Connecticut in their own cause.

At length, in the beginning of July, the enemy suddenly appeared in full force on the Susquehannah, headed by col. John Butler, a Connecticut tory, and cousin to col. Zeb. Butler, the second in command in the settlement. He was assisted by most of those leaders who had rendered themselves terrible in the present frontier war. Their force was about 1600 men, near a fourth Indians, led by their own chiefs; the others were so disguised and painted as not to be distinguished from the Indians, excepting their officers, who being dressed in regimentals, carried the appearance of regulars. One of the smaller forts, garrisoned chiefly by tories, was given up, or rather betrayed. Another was taken by storm, and all but the women and children massacred in the most inhuman manner.

[July 3.] Colonel Zeb. Butler, leaving a small number to guard Fort Wilkesborough, crossed the river with about 400 men, and marched into Kingston Fort, whither the women, children and defenceless of all sorts crowded for protection. He suffered himself to be enticed by his cousin to abandon the fortress. He agreed to march out and hold a conference with the enemy in the open field (at so great a distance from the fort as 388to shut out all possibility of protection from it) upon their withdrawing according to their own proposal, in order to the holding of a parly for the conclusion of a treaty. He at the same time marched out about 400 men well armed, being nearly the whole strength of the garrison, to guard his person to the place of parly, such was his distrust of the enemy’s designs. On his arrival he found no body to treat with him, and yet advanced toward the foot of the mountain, where at a distance he saw a flag, the holders of which, seemingly afraid of treachery on his side, retired as he advanced; whilst he, endeavoring to remove this pretended ill impression, pursued the flag till his party was thoroughly enclosed, when he was suddenly freed from his delusion by finding it attacked at once on every side. He and his men, notwithstanding the surprise and danger, fought with resolution and bravery, and kept up so continual and heavy a fire for three-quarters of an hour, that they seemed to gain a marked superiority. In this critical moment a soldier, through a sudden impulse of fear, or premediated treachery, cried out aloud, “the colonel has ordered a retreat.” The fate of the party was now at once determined. In the state of confusion that ensued, an unresisted slaughter commenced, while the enemy broke in on all sides without obstruction. Colonel Zeb. Butler and about seventy of his men escaped; the latter got across the river to Fort Wilkesborough, the colonel made his way to Fort Kingston, which was invested the next day [July 4.] on the land side. The enemy, to sadden the drooping spirits of the weak remaining garrison, sent in for their contemplation the bloody scalps of one hundred and ninety-six of their late friends and comrades. They kept up a continual fire upon the fort the whole day. In the evening the colonel quitted the fort and went down the river with his family. He is thought to be the only officer that escaped.

[July 5.] Colonel Nathan Dennison, who succeeded to the command, seeing the impossibility of an effectual defence, went with a flag to col. John Butler, to know what terms he would grant on a surrender; to which application Butler answered with more than savage phlegm, in two short words—the hatchet.—Dennison having defended the fort till most of the garrison were killed or disabled, was compelled to surrender at discretion. Some of the unhappy persons in the fort were carried away alive, but the barbarous conquerors, to save the trouble of murder in detail, shut up the rest promiscuously in the houses and barracks, which having set on fire they enjoyed the savage pleasure of beholding the whole consumed in one general blaze.

389They then crossed the river to the only remaining fort, Wilkesborough, which in hopes of mercy surrendered without demanding any conditions. They found about seventy continental soldiers, who had been engaged merely for the defence of the frontiers, whom they butchered with every circumstance of horrid cruelty. The remainder of the men, with the women and children, were shut up as before in the houses, which being set on fire, they perished altogether in the flames.

A general scene of devastation was now spread through all the townships. Fire, sword, and the other different instruments of destructions alternately triumphed. The settlements of the tories alone generally escaped, and appeared as islands in the midst of the surrounding ruin. The merciless ravagers having destroyed the main objects of their cruelty, directed their animosity to every part of living nature belonging to them: shot and destroyed some of their cattle, and cut out the tongues of others, leaving them still alive to prolong their agonies.

The following are a few of the more singular circumstances of the barbarity practised in the attack upon Wyoming. Captain Bedlock, who had been taken prisoner, being stripped naked, had his body stuck full of splinters of pine-knots,^[92] and then a heap of pine-knots piled around him; the whole was then set on fire, and his two companions, captains Ranson and Durgee, thrown alive into the flames, and held down with pitch-forks. The returned tories, who had at different times abandoned the settlement in order to join in those savage expeditions, were the most distinguished for their cruelty; in this they resembled the tories that joined the British forces. One of these Wyoming tories, whose mother had married a second husband, butchered with his own hands, both her, his father-in-law, his own sisters and their infant children. Another, who during his absence had sent home several threats against the life of his father, now not only realized them in person, but was himself, with his own hands, the exterminator of his whole family, mother, brothers and sisters and mingled their blood in one common carnage, with that of the ancient husband and father. The broken parts and scattered relics of families, consisting mostly of women and children, who had escaped to the woods during the different scenes of this devastation, suffered little less than their friends, who had perished in the ruin of their houses. Dispersed and wandering in the forests, as chance and fear directed, without provision or 390covering, they had a long tract of country to traverse, and many, without doubt, perished in the woods. But whatever distresses and cruelties have been experienced by the Wyoming settlers, the British cause, so far from being served by them, is much injured, through the bitter and lasting resentment they fix in the minds of the Americans.

Some expeditions were undertaken on the other side by the Americans. Colonel Clarke’s expedition through the Indian country, which commenced last summer, is worthy of particular observation, from the successful spirit of enterprise, courage and prudence, with which it was conducted.

The col. left Virginia with a small party of between two and three hundred men. The object in view was the reduction of the French settlements planted by the Canadians on the Upper Missisippi, in the Illinois country, and at so vast a distance that they were obliged to traverse no less than about 1200 miles of an uncultivated and uninhabited wilderness. Much of the mischief which had fallen upon the southern and middle states, from the incursions of the Indians, had been attributed to the governor of those settlements, who beside acting as an agent for the British government and paying large rewards for scalps, had been indefatigable in attempting to excite the Ohio and Missisippi Indians to undertake expeditions against the frontiers. This conduct was the motive to the present enterprise. The party, after a long course down the Monongahela, and a voyage on the Ohio, arrived at the great falls of the latter, within about 60 miles of its mouth, where they hid their boats, and bent their course by land to the northward. In this stage of the expedition, after consuming all the provision they had been able to carry on their backs, they endured a hard march of two days without any sustenance. They therefore, when arrived in this hungry state, about midnight, at the town of Kaskaskias, were unanimously determined to take it or perish in the attempt.

The town contained about 250 houses, and was sufficiently fortified to have withstood a much stronger enemy; but distance having forbidden all idea of danger among the inhabitants, of course superseded all pracaution against surprise. Both town and fort were taken without noise or opposition before the people were well awake, and the inhabitants were so effectually secured that not a person escaped to alarm the neighboring settlements. The governor, Philip Rocheblave, was sent to Virginia, with all the written instructions he had received from Quebec, Detroit, and Michillimackinack, for setting on the Indians, and paying them great rewards for the scalps of the Americans.—The inhabitants were required to take an oath of allegiance to 391the United States, and the fort became the head-quarters of the victors.

A small detachment pushed forward from this place on horseback, and surprised, and took with as little difficulty three other French towns, lying from fifteen to about seventy miles farther up the Missisippi. The inhabitants in them and the neighbouring country made no difficulty of transferring their allegience, which they would reasonably conclude could not be refused with safety, as they might naturally imagine the enemy was in force, being in the heart of the country: the dangerous situation of this small corps in the inner part of the Indian territory, at the back of some of the most cruel and hostile tribes, in the track of many others, and more or less in the way of all, was converted to peculiar advantage, by the extraordinary activity and unwearied spirit of the cammander. He directed and timed his attacks with such judgment, and executed them with such silence and dispatch, that the Indians found their own mode of war effectually turned upon them. Surprised in their inmost retreats, and most sequestered recesses, at those times and seasons, when they were scarcely less disposed for action, than unprepared for defence, they experienced in their own wigwams and families, that unexpected slaughter and destruction which they had so frequently carried home to others. Upon this they grew cautious and timid; and the continual danger to which their families were exposed, damped the ardor of their warriors for hostile expeditions.

Sir Henry Clinton, on the return of the troops from the Bedford expedition, determined upon another to Egg-harbor, on the Jersey coast, where the Americans had a number of privateers and prizes, and some considerable salt works. To draw away the attention of the Americans, and to procure at the same time forage and fresh provisions for the army, lord Cornwallis advanced into Jersey with a strong body of troops, while gen. Knyphausen advancing with another division of the army, took a position on the east side of the North-River, by which only the two divisions were separated; so that by means of their boats they could unite their whole force on either side of it, within twenty-four hours. Lieut. col. Baylor’s regiment of hight-horse, with some militia, were detached to watch and interrupt the foragers. The colonel, it is to be feared, in order to avoid being under gen. Wayne’s command, went with his men into the mouth of the British, and there lay in a state of unsoldierly security, which induced lord Cornwallis to form a plan for surprising the whole. Gen. Gray, with the light-infantry and some other troops, advanced by night on the left to surprise the enemy 392on that side, and a detachment was made from Knyphausen’s corps on the right, which having passed the North-River, intended so to have enclosed the whole American force employed in watching them, as that few or none of them should have escaped. Some deserters from the column on their right prevented the completion of the scheme. These having at the most critical moment roused the militia, who lay at New-Taapan under gen. Wayne, afforded them the opportunity of escaping. But Grey conducted his division with such silence and order, that they not only cut off a serjeant’s patrol of twelve men without noise, but completely surrounded Old-Taapan without any discovery, [September 27.] and surprised Baylor’s horse asleep and naked in the barns where they lay. A severe execution took place, and numbers were dispatched with the bayonet. The men being so completely surprised and incapable of resistance, the refusal of quarters when implored, has led congress to deem the execution a massacre, after receiving the best information upon oath, that they could obtain concerning it. Of about a dozen wounded soldiers who appeared to give evidence, three had received from nine to eleven stabs each, of bayonets, in the breast, back and trunk of the body, beside several wounds in other parts. Two others had received, the one five, and the other aix stabs in the body. However the admiration of some, who reason from the nature of the weapon and the manner in which it is used, may be excited at these men being able in about three weeks time to give their testimony, as also being seemingly in a fair way of recovery; yet the positive evidence, given upon oath before gov. Livingston, whose penetration would have detected, and whose integrity would have discarded a false witness, will be credited by impartial persons. Baylor himself was wounded, but not dangerously: he lost in killed, wounded and taken, 67 privaves out of 104, beside 70 horses. It it said, that Grey ordered no quarter to be given, and that the charges were drawn, and the flints taken out; but that one of the light-infantry captains ventured to disobey the order; and gave quarters to the whole fourth troop, which serves to account for the number of prisoners taken and carried to New-York, viz. 39 privates, beside a captain, two subalterns, a volunteer, and the sergeon’s mate.

Captain Ferguson of the 70th regiment, with about 300 land forces, were detached on the expedition to Little Egg-harbour, under a proper convoy. They arrived off the bar on the evening of the 5th of October. The Americans had obtained some intelligence of the design and had suddenly sent out to sea, such of their privateers as were in any degree of readiness, to escape the impending danger. The larger of the remaining vessels, 393chiefly prizes, were hauled up the river to Chesnut-neck, about twenty miles from its mouth. The smaller privateers and craft of different sizes, were carried still further up into the country. The detachment proceeded to Chesnut-neck, burnt the vessels found there, destroyed the settlements, store-houses, and works of every sort, to prevent all privateers being fitted out from thence for the future. On their return, they made excursions into the neighboring country, destroyed some considerable salt-works, as well as the houses and settlements of several persons who had taken a conspicuously active part on the side of America, or had been concerned in the fitting out of privateers.

When the troops had rejoined the squadron, a French captain, with some privates, who had deserted from count Pulaski’s legion, gave such an account of the careless manner in which three troops of horse and as many companies of infantry were cantoned, at only a few miles distant, that the commanding officers by sea and land, concluded on an expedition to beat up their quarters. They had the advantage of conveying the troops by water to within a small distance of their destination; the deserters also informed them of an unguarded bridge, the possession of which would serve, in case of necessity, effectually to cover their retreat back to the vessels. Two hundred and fifty men were embarked [Oct. 15.] who after rowing ten miles, landed long before day-light within a mile of the bridge, which they secured; and leaving a guard in possession of it, the remainder pushed on and completely surprised Pulaski’s light-infantry, and destroyed about fifty of them, among whom was the baron de Bose and lieutenant de la Borderie. The attack being in the night, little quarter could be given; more would probably have been granted, had not the deserters falsely reported, that Pulaski had issued public orders forbidding his corps to grant any quarter to the British troops. The slaughter would not have ended so soon, if Pulaski had not on the first alarm, hastened with his cavalry to support the infantry, which then kept a good countenance. The British not long after made a hasty retreat, and returned to their boats.

Let me pass from hence to relate a disagreeable disturbance that happened in Charleston, South-Carolina, on the night of September the 6th. By some means a quarrel commenced on shore between the American and French sailors, when the former made use of indecent, illiberal and national reflections against the latter, which provoked resentment. The parties soon proceeded to open hostilities, when the French were driven from the town, and betook themselves to their shipping, whence they fired with cannon and small arms, which was returned by the Americans 394from the adjoining wharfs and shore. Several lives were lost, and many were wounded. The inhabitants were much alarmed, and the militia were obliged to be under arms a great part of the night. Proper measures were afterwards taken to prevent a repetition of the like disorders; and both the president and assembly expressed their deep concern, that the slightest animosities should prevail between any citizen of America and the subjects of their illustrious and good ally.

In the evening of the 8th, there was a violent affray at Boston between certain unknown persons and a number of French. It is said, though not proved, to have been begun by seamen captured in British vessels, and some of Burgone’s army, who had enlisted in privateers, just ready to sail. A body of these fellows, we have been told, demanded bread of the French bakers employed for the supplying of the count d’Estaing’s fleet; and being refused, fell upon and beat them in a most outrageous manner. Two of the count’s officers, attempting to compose the fray, were wounded, the chevalier de Saint Sauveur so badly that he died on the 15th; and the next day the Massachusetts house of assembly resolved to erect a monumental stone to his memory. None of the offending persons having been discovered, notwithstanding the reward that was offered, it may be feared that Americans were concerned in the riot; while political prudence charged it upon others, that less umbrage might be taken at the event. The count was much grieved at what had happened; but had too much calmness and good sense to charge it upon the body of the inhabitants, who were no less concerned at it than himself; so that it created no dissentions between them. On the 22d, the general court received the compliments of the count and his officers; all of whom were invited to dine, three days after, at a public dinner. The fleet had been so far repaired, and so well secured by formidable works on George’s-Island, in which the count had mounted near a hundred heavy cannon, that they could with the utmost propriety be absent upon the occasion. For the greater security, the general court, under an apprehension that the British fleet and army might move to the northward, with a view of destroying the count’s fleet, and repossessing themselves of Boston, had resolved on the 19th to raise a third of the militia. Three days before this resolve, admiral Byron arrived at New-York from Halifax. His squadron had suffered so in their voyage from Britain, that it was a full month before he could sail again, in order to observe d’Estaing’s motions. The count lay at ease and in safety; and on the 26th of October, entertained a large company of gentlemen and ladies whom he had invited to dine with him on board the Languedoc. 395The entertainment was highly elegant. A full length picture of gen. Washington, presented to the count by Mr. Hancock, was placed in the center of the upper side of the room, and the frame of it was covered with laurels. The count having made this public return for the personal civilities he had received from numbers secured himself from all liableness to detention by points of honor: from a threated detention of another nature, he had been happily relieved in season. It was generally expected from the scarceness of provisions of all sorts at Boston and the neighborhood, that he would have encountered great difficulties, if not actual distress. The impracticability of victualling his fleet at that port was dreaded, even the subsisting of it was doubted.—But he was freed from these apprehensions by a singular fortune. The New-England cruisers took such a number of provision vessels on their way from Europe to New-York, as not only supplied the wants of the French, but furnished an overplus sufficient to reduce the rates of the markets at Boston. This seasonable supply occasioned great triumph among the inhabitants. The count being in hope of sailing within a few days, published a declaration to be spread among the French Canadians, and addressed them in the name of their ancient master the French king.—The design of it was to recal their affection to the ancient government and to revive all the national attachments of that people, thereby to prepare them for an invasion either from France or America, and to raise their expectations of no distant change of masters. Admiral Byron having repaired his fleet, appeared off Boston bay; but had not cruised there long before he was overtaken by a violent storm, in which the ships again suffered so much, that they were glad to get into shelter at Rhode-Island. The Somerset of 64 guns not being able to clear Cape Cod, run ashore and fell into the hands of the Bay-men, who saved her guns and many valuable articles. When the storm ended, the wind settled in the north-west, and blew fair for carrying the French fleet to the West-Indies. Count d’Estaing seized the opportunity, and sailed from Boston [Nov. 3.] with his ships thoroughly repaired, clean, and well victualled, and with his foces in full health and vigor.

The behaviour of the French officers and sailors, the whole time that their fleet lay in port, was remarkably good, far beyond any thing of the kind ever before, when several men of war were present. The count made a point of always lying on board at night. The officers conducted with the greatest regularity and decorum; but noticed a certain coolness in the gentlemen and ladies toward them, which was imputed to the want of so cordial an affection for France as what they had once entertained 396for Great-Britain, and had not wholly laid aside; but it was greatly owing to the successless expedition against Rhode-Island, and to what had been related concerning them respecting that affair. The common sailors were peaceably inclined; and engaged in no quarrels excepting what has been related, and one at night of October the 5th, in no wise material; and in neither of these do they appear to have been the aggressors.—They neither abused nor injured the town’s-people; nor made themselves a nuisence by their excesses and disorderly conduct. An opportunity at length offers for mentioning some detached articles.

The Raleigh Frigate, capt. John Barry, sailed from Boston the 25th of September, and was taken on the 29th, after bravely engaging for some time, and then being run on an island with a view to escape falling into the hands of two British men of war.

The Pigot schooner, of eight twelve-pounders and forty-five men, laying near Howland’s ferry on the eastern side of Rhode-Island, a plan was laid for taking her. Major Talbot, with a number of troops, sailed on the 25th of October from Providence on board a small vessel. It was not till the 28th at night, that he ran down through Howland’s ferry; when drifting after that under bare poles, for fear that the fort on Rhode-Island should fire upon him and alarm the Pigot, he passed on undiscovered; and at half past one in the morning of the 29th got sight of the schooner. When but at a small distance from her, she hailed him; and receiving no satifactory answer, her marines fired upon him from her quarter deck. He reserved his fire till he had run his jib-boom through her fore shrouds, when he fired some cannon and threw in such a volley of musketry, loaded with bullets and buck-shot, that the men on deck immediately ran below begging for quarters, and they that were below never made their appearance on deck. The consequence was, his men ran out upon the jib-boom and boarded her, without the loss of a men. The captain of the Pigot behaved with the greatest resolution, and defended his vessel in his shirt and drawers for some time, without a single soul of his crew to assist him. Major Talbot’s gunnel was eight feet lower than the nettings of the schooner. He carried her off with him, and ran to Stonnington. Congress as a reward of his merit, and for the encouragement of a spirit of enterprise, have presented him with the commission of lieutenant-colonel.

The Massachusetts general court passed an act in their first session to prevent the return to this state of certain persons therein named, and others who have left the state, or either of the 397United States, and joined the British. There are about 300 named in it. In case they return they are to be taken up and secured, till they can be transported to some place within the British dominions or in the possession of the British forces.—Should they return after transportation, without liberty first obtained from the general court, they are to suffer death. Among the persons thus interdicted, it is to be supposed there are many whose greatest crime is that of having left the country and preferred Britain for their place of residence, that so they might be exempted from the ravages and terrors of war.

The state of Virginia has passed an act for sequestering British property, and enabling those indebted to British subjects to pay off such debts by placing the money for the discharge of the same, in the loan-office of the commonwealth.

[Nov. 5.] General Gates arrived at Boston, having been directed forthwith to repair thither and take the command of the continental forces in the eastern district.

The present narrative of American matters shall close with part of a letter,^[93] written from Philadelphia, the 27th of August, by a gentleman of eminence, to gov. Houston, of Georgia—“Were I to unfold to you, Sir, the scenes of venality, peculation and fraud which I have discovered, the disclosure would astonish you; nor would you, Sir, be less astonished were I, by a detail which the occasion would require, to prove to you, that he must be a pitiful rogue who, when detected or suspected, meets not with powerful advocates among those, who, in the present corrupt time, ought to exert all their powers in defence and support of these friend-plundered, much injured, and, I was going to say, sinking states. Don’t apprehend, Sir, that I colour too high, or that any part of these intimations are the effect of rash judgment or despondency; I am warranted to say they are not; my opinion, my sentiments, are supported every day by the declaration of individuals; the difficulty lies in bringing men collectively to attack with vigor a proper object.”

398

LETTER XIV.

Roxbury, April 14, 1779.

The present letter shall begin with an expedition through the remote and upper parts of Pennsylvania, on the 1st of October, under col. William Butler. It was directed not only against the Indians, but several considerable settlements belonging to the tories, become particularly obnoxious from the violence of the past hostilities. The party, which consisted of a Pennsylvania regiment, covered by riflemen and rangers, took its departure from Schoharie, and having gained the head of the Delaware, marched down the river for two days; from whence turning off to the right, they struck across the mountains to the Susquehanna, which was the scene of action. They totally burnt and destroyed both the Indian castles and villages in that quarter and the other settlements; but the inhabitants, both tories and Indians, escaped. The destruction was extended for several miles on both sides the Susquehannah. The difficulties, distresses and dangers which the party encountered, required no small share of that fortitude and hardiness of body and mind, which can scarcely be acquired by any considerable number of men without long habitude, under certain marked circumstances of situation. They were obliged to carry six days provision on their backs; and thus loaded, continually to wade through rivers and creeks scarcely passable without any incumbrance, to men unused to such service. In these circumstances, after the toil of a hard march, they were obliged to endure chilly nights and heavy rains, without any mean for keeping even their arms dry. But these were small matters compared with the danger awaiting their return, and which they hardly escaped. This was the sudden risings of the creeks and the Susquehannah, occasioned by continual heavy rains, while they were still in the enemy’s country, and with their provisions nearly expended. The last circumstance rendered their case desperate, so that though, on any other occasion, the crossing of the Susquehannah, when so high, would have been deemed impracticable, it was successfully attempted by mounting the men on horses, which in some places were obliged to swim; and thus all the troops were safely transported, and by crossing the mountains, evaded two other dangerous places. They returned to Schoharie on the 16th, after having, with the greatest fortitude, surmounted every difficulty, and were, by order of the colonel, 399complimented with the firing of thirteen rounds of cannon, and a feu-de-joie.

Mr. Governeur Morris having acquainted congress, that he had received application from a person in New-York, to know whether he may, with safety to his person and property, continue in that city upon the evacuation thereof; and having further informed them that the said person is in a capacity to give useful intelligence, and probably will do it, if he receives assurances that it will be recommended to the state of New-York to afford him protection, they resolved, that the said G. Morris be empowered to give him such assurances, on condition that he shall give intelligence of whatever may come to his knowledge relating to the numbers, movements and designs of the enemy. Henry Laurens, esq. having filled the station of president for one year on the 31st of October, made his resignation of the presidency, lest any example taken from his continuance might hereafter become inconvenient. He was replaced by a unanimous vote.

Accounts have been received, that commodore Evans, being dispatched by adm. Montague, arrived on the 14th of September in St. Peter’s road, and sent to the governor of the small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, acquainting him that the French had committed hostilities in America, and that therefore he demanded a surrender of the islands: which was complied with, as there was no force to make an effectual resistance. The governor and his suite, and the principle inhabitants, women and children amounting to 932, were embarked on board the vessels found at St. Pierre’s, and sent to France.

The French alliance has proved the occasion of the British ministry’s having ordered away a considerable part of their force from New-York. The same day that count d’Estaing sailed from Boston, [Nov. 3.] commodore Hotham with two 64 gun ships, and three of 50, beside frigates and a bomb ketch, having under convoy transports containing 5000 British troops, commanded by gen. Grant, left Sandy-Hook and steered for the West-Indies whither the count went.

The chevalier de Maduit du Plessis, lieut. col. of artillery in the continental army, having expressed an apprehension that the war is near a conclusion in this country, and a desire of returning to France to offer his service to his prince, congress ordered that a written testimonial of the high sense they entertained of his zeal, bravery and good conduct, should be given him. The committee upon the business, had resolved that a brevet commission of colonel should be granted him, which the congress negatived two days before, as it was high time to cease lavishing away promotions on foreigners. The ambition of the natives 400of France and of foreigners, in common, was unbounded; and the singular instances of rank which had been conferred upon them, in too many instances, occasioned general dissatisfaction and complaint. Fewer promotions in the foreign line would have been productive of more harmony among the continental officers. It is certain, that the army has a full proportion of foreign officers in their councils.

[Nov. 11.] Some hundreds of Indians, a large number of tories, and about 50 regulars, all under colonel Butler, entered Cherry-Valley within New-York state, by an old Indian path, which col. Alden, who command the American troops there stationed had neglected. The colonel was shot in attempting to reach the fort, called after him, Alden; on which the enemy commenced a heavy fire that lasted more than three hours, when they withdrew, having no further hope of carrying it. The next day they left the place after having killed, scalped and barbarously murdered 32 inhabitants, chiefly women and children, beside col. Alden and ten soldiers. They took prisoners the lieut. col., two or three other officers, 13 privates, and a number of inhabitants. The greatest inhumanities were practised on most of the dead.

[November 22.] John Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, of the quaker persuasion, were executed at Philadelphia, being convicted of high treason against the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The unaccountable operations of the war have been the occasion of a woeful mistake in the general politics of that denomination. Encouraged by the reasonable prospect, that coercive measures properly planned and conducted would prove successful, the body of the American quakers have sided with the ministry, in hope of establishing their civil power in the state. They have disowned several worthy members for being active in the cause of their country; but not others for opposing it. Instead of maintaining a strict neutrality in the present contest, their partiality has been such, that the British officers have extolled their alacrity as spies, guides and informers. They have suppressed letters of Dr. Forthergill upon the impropriety of their conduct, and because they were written decidedly in favor of liberty.—Let it be remembered however, that there are many deserving individuals among them, beside generals Greene and Mifflin, who by a uniform steady perseverance in measures friendly to the American cause, have justly conciliated the esteem of their countrymen.

[Nov. 27.] General Washington gave orders that no small parties should by any means be permitted to go upon Long-Island. Under pretence of procuring intelligence, they became 401mere plundering parties, and carried off clothes, linens, ribbons, cases of knives and forks, wine glasses, and whatever they could lay their hands upon, which they brought back and sold publicly, making at the same time a distinction in the sale between hard money and paper. They pretended that the articles were the property of tories, new-levy officers, &c. which, if true, their conduct was unpardonable, as it was not the business of their incursions. Their capacity made no discrimination between the inhabitants, many of whom, although obliged to remain on the island were well affected to the American cause.

The plan for reducing Canada was transmitted by congress to gen. Washington, with a request that he would make observations upon it. He communicated the same to them in a letter of November the 11th; which being referred to a committee, they reported on the 5th of December, that the reasons assigned by the general against the expedition to Canada appeared to be well founded, and to merit the approbation of congress. After that, a committee was appointed to confer with the commander in chief on the opperations of the next campaign: he therefore repaired to Philadelphia on the 22d. After the conference the committee reported, “That the plan, proposed by congress for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an armament from France, was the principal subject of the conference; that impressed with the strong sense of the injury and disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulation on the part of these states, your committee have taken a general review of our finances, of the circumstances of the army, of the magazines, &c. &c.—That upon the most mature deliberation, your committee cannot find room for a well grounded presumption, that these states will be able to perform their part of the proposed stipulation:—That nothing less than the highest probability of success could justify congress in making the proposition—Your committee are therefore of opinion, that the negociation in question should be deferred till circumstances shall render the co-operation of these states more certain, practicable and effectual:—That the minister of these states at the court of Versailles, the minister of France in Philadelphia, and the marquis de la Fayette, be respectively informed, that the opperations of the next campaign must depend upon such a variety of contingencies, that time alone can mature and point out the plan which ought to be pursued:—That congress therefore cannot decide on the practicability of their co-operating the next campaign in an enterprise for the emancipation of Canada.” The report was accepted, and the Canada expedition laid aside after a full consideration of all circumstances, beside what appear in the report, which 402wrought strongly in the minds of some shrewd members of congress. Such might dread the introduction of a large body of French troops into Canada, and the putting of them into the possession of the capital of that province, attached to them by the ties of blood, habits, manners, language, religion, and former connection of government. They might argue—“France under the idea of 5000 troops, may introduce twice the number, and having entered Quebec, may declare an intention of holding Canada as a pledge and surety for the debts due from the United States. Canada would be a solid acquisition to France on all accounts; and no nation is to be trusted further than it is bound by its interest. Canada would be too great a temptation to be resisted by any power actuated by the common maxims of national policy. France with that in her possession, may have it in her power to give laws to the United States: these will have less to fear from its remaining in the hands of the British.” The committee subjoined to their report a draught of a letter to the marquis de la Fayette, which was also accepted. Gen. Washington forwarded it to Boston, [Dec. 29.] where the marquis lay waiting for the determination of congress. It was accompanied with one from the general, expressing a concern for his having been so delayed. Upon the receipt of them, the marquis embarked on board the Alliance frigate, Jan. 7, 1779.

The campaign in the norhern states having yielded no advantage to the British, and the winter being the proper season for southern expeditions, Sir Henry Clinton concluded upon turning his arms against Georgia. He might propose to himself the reduction of all the southern states, and be strongly inclined to it by reason that these states produced the most valuable commodities in the European market, and carried on a considerable export trade, which seemed little otherwise affected by the war, than as it suffered by the British cruisers: beside, their rice was devoted to the service of his enemies, while it was wanted for the support of his sovereign’s fleet and army in America. A plan of opperation was concerted with general Provost, who commanded in East-Florida; and it was intended, that Georgia should be invaded both on the north and south sides at the same time.

While the preparations for this conjunct expedition were carrying on, two armed bodies, consisting of regulars and refugees, made a sudden and rapid incursion into Georgia from East-Florida. One of them came in boats through the inland navigation, and the other marched over land by the way of the river Alatamaha. The first demanded the surrender of Sunbury; but on receiving from lieut. col. Mackintosh the laconic refusal—come 403and take it—they left the place. The latter pursued their march toward Savannah. Gen. Screven, with about a hundred militia repeatedly skirmished with the party in their advance through the country. In one of these engagements he received a wound from a musket ball, and fell from his horse, when several of the British came up and discharged their pieces at him. He died of his wounds much regretted for his private virtues, and public exertions in behalf of his country. The invaders pursued their march till within three miles of Ogeechee ferry, where Mr. Savage with his own slaves, had erected a breast work to prevent their passing. Col. Elbert, with about 200 continentals, took post in the works, and prepared to dispute the pessage of the river. These obstacles, together with information that the other party had failed in their design upon Sunbury, determined them to retreat without attempting to cross. On their return, they laid waste the country for miles, burnt St. John’s church, a number of houses, and all the rice and other grain within their reach, and also carried off all the negroes, horses, cattle, and plate they could remove either by land or water. When this desolating mode of carrying on war was complained of by the American officer to the British, the latter positively disclaimed any order or even approbation of such proceedings, but mentioned that the people under the immediate command of the former had given a precedent. The party rage which wrought on each side, led both into those cruelties, at which humanity shudders.

The expedition against Georgia was committed to col. Campbell, who had been taken in Boston-bay after gen. Howe had evacuated the town. The force appointed to act under him, consisted of the 71st regiment of foot, two battalions of Hessians, four of provincials, and a detachment of the royal artillery. The transports with the troops, amounting to full 2500, sailed from Sandy-Hook, [Nov. 27.] being escorted by a small squadron under commodore Hyde Parker. The fleet arrived at the isle of Tybee near the mouth of the Savannah: [Dec. 29.] and six days after, the troops effected a landing. From the landing-place a narrow causeway of six hundred yards in length, with a ditch on each side, led through a rice swamp. This causeway, had it been in a proper state of defence, might have effectually resisted a vast superiority of force; but the small party under capt. Smith, which was posted at it to impede the passage of the British, was too inconsiderable to check their progress. They pushed on with such vigor that the Americans were almost instantly dispersed. The continental army, on which the defence of Georgia chiefly rested, had lately returned from a fruitless summer’s expedition against East-Florida, in which they had suffered 404so great a diminuation, that joined with those present of the state militia, the whole made but about 820 men. General Robert Howe, who commanded the Amaricans, had taken his station on the main road between the landing-place and Savannah, with the river on his left, and a swamp in front, extended beyond his right flank. The British advanced till within a few hundred yards of the American army, when Campbell manœuvred so as to cherish an opinion that he meant to attack their left. For that purpose he ordered the first battalion of the 71st to form on the right of the road, thereby to impress a full idea of his designing to extend his front in that quarter. At the same time a considerable part of the royal army was detached to cross the swamp so high up as to get into the rear of the Americans. Chance had thrown into the hands of Campbell, a negro, who knew a private path through the swamp, by which he promised to lead the troops without observation or difficulty. At length the British commander, presuming that the detachment had got effectually round upon the rear of the American, suddenly advanced, and Howe ordered an immediate retreat. A few minutes delay would have made it impossible, and it was then only practicable in the face and under the fire of that part of the British army which had effected its passage through the swamp. A small body of about a hundred Georgia militia had been previously posted in the rear of the barracks near Savannah, which made some opposition to the British as they were issuing from the swamp, but was soon compelled to retreat, and its commander col. Walton, was wounded and taken prisoner. The Americans retreated with precipitation and in disorder. The British pursued with spirit and rapidity. No victory was ever more complete. Thirty-eight officers, and 415 non-commissioned and privates, 48 pieces of cannon, 23 morters, the fort with its ammunition and stores, the shipping in the river, a large quantity of provisions, with the capital of Georgia were all in the space of a few hours in the possession of the conquerors. The British pursued the Americans through the town of Savannah. In the impetuosity of the pursuit, some of the inhabitants who had not been in the action, were bayonetted in the streets several were killed or wounded in their flight, and a large number, finding their secape impracticable without swimming a deep watery swamp were obliged to sue for quarters. The Americans saved three field-pieces out of four: but many lost their arms. That part of the army which escaped retreated up the river Savannah to Zubly’s ferry, and crossed over into South-Carolina.^[94]