Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 3)

[June 28.] The fort on Sullivans’s Island is now to be attacked by the two 50 gun ships the Bristol and Experiment, four frigates, the Active, Acteon, Solebay and Syren, each of 28 guns; the Sphynx, of 20 guns, the Friendship armed vessel, of 22 guns, the Ranger sloop and Thunder bomb, each of eight guns. The Thunder bomb, covered by the armed ship, takes her station in the morning, and begins to throw shells between the hours of ten and eleven. The Active, Bristol, Experiment and Solebay come boldly on to the attack. A little before eleven, the garrison fires four or five shot at the Active, while under sail. When she comes near the fort, she drops anchor, and pours in a broadside. Her example is followed by the three other vessels, and a most furious and incessant cannonade ensues. The Sphynx, Acteon and Syren are ordered to take their station between the end of the island and Charleston, partly to enfilade the works of the 83fort, partly to cut off the communication between the island and the continent, and partly to prevent any attempts that may be made to interrupt the grand attack. The western extremity of the fort, off which they are to be stationed, is so unfinished as to afford very imperfect cover to the men at the guns in that part, and also so situated as to expose the men in the other parts of the fort to a very dangerous cross fire. Providence on this occasion remarkably interposes in behalf of the garrison, and saves them from a fate, that undoubtedly would otherwise be inevitable. About twelve o’clock, as the three last-mentioned ships are advancing, they all get entangled with a shoal call the Middle Ground; two of them run foul of each other. The Acteon sticks fast. The Sphynx, before she clears herself, loses her bowsprit; but the Syren gets off without much injury. They are too late however, or in no condition for executing the intended service. The Thunder bomb, after having thrown about 60 shells, is so damaged as to be incapable of firing longer. While the continued fire from the ships seem sufficient to shake the bravest enemy, and daunt the courage of the most veteran soldier, the return made from the fort calls for the respect of the brave British seamen, though highly incommoded by it. The garrison, which consists of col. Moultrie, 344 regulars and a few volunteer militia, nearly all raw and unexperienced, stick to their guns with the greatest constancy and firmness, amidst a most dreadful roar of artillery. They fire deliberately and slowly, and take a cool and effective aim. The ships suffer accordingly. They are torn almost to pieces, and the slaughter is deadful. Never did British valor shine more conspicuous, nor ever did their marine experience so rough an encounter, in an engagement of the same nature with any foreign enemy. The springs of the Bristol’s cable being cut by the shot, she is for some time most dreadfully raked by the Americans. Capt. Morris, who commands her, though he has received a number of wounds, disdains quitting his duty, till his arm being at length shot off, he is carried away in circumstances that afford no possibility of recovery. Sir Peter Parker suffers a slight contusion. Every man stationed in the beginning of the action on the quarter deck of the Bristol, is either killed or wounded. In the whole she has 40 men killed and 71 wounded. The Experiment had 23 killed and 76 wounded. Capt. Scott, who commands her, loses his arm and receives many other wounds. Lord Campbell, the late governor of the colony, who serves as a volunteer, with the greatest spirit and bravery, and is so condescending as to accept of the direction of some guns of the lower gun deck, receives a hurt in his left side, 84which may finally prove mortal^[14]. The fire of the fort is principally directed against the Bristol and Experiment, which suffer very much in their hulls, masts and rigging. Not less than 70 balls go through the former. The Acteon has a lieutenant killed and six men wounded. The Solebay has eight men wounded. The loss of the garrison is only ten men killed and twenty-two wounded.

The guns at the fort were at on time so long silenced, that it was thought to have been abandoned. When the garrison had received a recruit of powder, the expenditure of their stock having obliged them to cease firing, they began it again, and did amazing execution by its excessive severity. During the long, hot and obstinate conflict between the American fort and the British men of war, the seamen looked frequently and impatiently to the eastward, expecting to see the land forces, under general Clinton and lord Cornwallis, advance from Long-Island, and march up to second the attack; but in this they were disappointed. Though the creek between that island and Sullivan’s is easily fordable in general, yet at that time, through a long series of easterly winds it was uncommonly deep, and impassable at the usual place of passage. The British troops might have crossed higher up; but then they must have been exposed so completely and so long to the American fire, that they would have run the risk of being defeated. Col. Thompson, with 300 riflemen of his regiment; col. Clark, with 200 regulars of the North-Carolina line; col. Horry with 200 South-Carolina militia, and the Raccoon company of militia riflemen, with an eighteen pounder and a field piece, were stationed at the east end of Sullivan’s Island to oppose their crossing.

The British fire was kept up without intermission till near seven o’clock, when it slackened considerably. At half past nine, the firing on both sides ceased, and at eleven the shatered ships slipped their cables and withdrew from the scene of action, after an engagement which had been supported with uncommon courage and vigor on both sides for above ten hours. Next morning all the men of war, except the Acteon, had retired about two miles from the island. The garrison fired several shot at her; she at first returned them, but soon after the crew set her on fire and abandoned her, leaving the colours flying, the guns loaged, and all her ammunition and stores behind. She was in a short time boarded by a party of Americans, who brought off her colours, the ship’s bell and as many sail and stores as three boats could contain. While the flames were bursting out on all sides, they fired three of her guns at the commodore, and 85then quitted her; and in less than half an hour after she blew up.

There were many thousand shot fired at the fort from the shipping; but the works suffered little damage; those which struck the fort were buried in its soft wood. Hardly a hut or tree on the island escaped. Seven thousand balls have been picked up since the engagement.

When the British fleet appeared off the coast, there was so scanty a stock of lead, that to supply the musquetry with balls, it became necessary to strip the windows of the dwelling houses in Charleston of their weights. Powder also was very scarce, notwithstanding a seasonably supply received a few days before the engagement. The proportion allotted for the defence of the fort was but barely enough for slow firing. It was expended with great deliberation. The officers, in turn, pointed the guns with such exactness, that most of their shot took effect on the shipping. In the beginning of the action the flag-staff was shot away. Sergeant Jasper of the grenadiers immediately jumped on the beach, took up the flag, and fastened it on a sponge-staff. He mounted the merlon with it in his hand; and though the ships were directing their incessent broad sides at the spot, deliberately fixed it. The day after the action, gov. Rutledge presented the sergeant with a sword, as a mark of respect for his distinguished valor. Seven of the wounded of the garrison lost their limbs; but not with these their spirits; for they enthusiastically encouraged their comrades, never to abandon the standard of liberty and their country^[15]. This was particularly noticed of sergeant M’Donald who being mortally wounded by a cannon ball, employed the interval between the wounding and his death in exhortations to that purpose. He expired in a few minutes, when Jasper removed the body out of sight, calling out at the same instant, “revenge the brave mans death.”

Charleston has certainly had a narrow escape. Gen. Lee, wrote to the board of war July the second, “For the want of cavalry, Charleston and its dependencies had certainly been lost, if the enemy had acted with that vigor and expedition we had reason to expect, but a most unaccountable langor and inertness on their parts have saved us.” The unfinished state of the fort, the danger of its being enfiladed, and the difficulty of a retreat for want of a durable communication between the island and the main by a bridge, led the general to view the fort rather as untenable, and to incline to the abandoning of it: but when he found that col. Moultrie was determined at all adventures to 86attempt its defence, he satisfied himself with advising to a seasonable evacuation, and against risking too much in its support.—The colonel and his garrison have deserved the praises and thanks of their country and will undoubtedly meet with due honor.

Some think there was a capital mistake on the part of the British commander in stopping at the fort, when Charleston was the object; and that the fleet should have passed the island, in order to their attacking the town, which with a leading wind and tide, might have been done with a tenth part of the loss and damage that the ships have sustained. But had they passed the fort a successful attack upon the town was not a necessary consequence. The very attack of the fort would have been successful had the Acteon got safe to her station, instead of running aground.

The fate of this expedition will contribute greatly to establish the popular government it was intended to overset; while the news of it will fly like a meteor through the continent, and carry with it a most malignant influence on the royal cause. Sir Peter Parker will most probably sail soon, with the fleet and troops for the Hook, and in order the join lord Howe.

Now let us resume the momentous business of independency.

The Pennsylvania assembly withdrew from its union with congress, in consequence of instructions to their delegates, upon the congressional resolve of May the 15th, for suppressing all authority derived from the crown of Great-Britain in the united colonies. The committee of the city and liberties of Philadelphia apprehended, that by this step an appeal was made to the people; and in compliance with the request of a large majority of the inhabitants, issued letters on the 20th of May (by virtue of a power given to them in the provincial convention held in January 1775) for calling a conference of the committees of the counties, in order to collect the sense of the inhabitants upon the aforesaid resolve of congress, and to bring about a re-union of the provinces with the other colonies, by calling a provincial convention, with a view to form a government for that purpose. They intimated their belief, that the assembly had been dragged into a compliance with most of the resolutions of congress from fear of a provincial convention. Messrs. John Bayard and Daniel Roberdeau were particularly active in this business. The deputies of the people assembled [June 24.] in full provincial conference, and unanimously declared their willingness to concur in a vote of congress declaring the united colonies free and independent states. A change in their delegates followed. Mr. Dickenson opposed openly, and upon principle, the declaration of independence, and was therefore removed.

87The Maryland convention had instructed their delegates, last December, to propose the question of independency. These therefore, having given their vote against it, withdrew; not from a personal opposition, but in compliance with their public representation. Mr. Samuel Chase was strongly attached to it; and when he was returned to Maryland, procured county instructions to the members of convention, by which the last were induced to alter their own instructions. He transmitted an account of it to his friend in congress, in the following terms—“Annapolis [June 28.] Friday evening, nine o’clock. I am this moment from the house to procure an expresss to follow the post with an unanimous vote of our convention for independence, &c. See the glorious effects of county instructions. Our people have fire, if not smothered. S. Chase.”

[July 1.] Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole upon the subject of independency; but neither colonies nor members being unanimous, it was postponed till the next day.

[July 4.] They had it under further consideration, when the declaration of independence was agreed to and adopted. The title of it is,

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled.

The preamble follows in these words: “When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station, to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

“We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created equal—that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness—That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers, from the consent of the governed—that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes—and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed 88to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.” The declaration proceeds to give “a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.” It then enters upon a specification of injuries and complaints, to the following purport—

Assent has been refused to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

Governors have been forbidden to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till assented to in Britain; and when so suspended, an attention to them has been utterly neglected.

Legislative bodies have been called together at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into a compliance with favorite measures.

Houses of representatives have been dissolved repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness, invasions on the rights of the people.

For a long time after such dissolution, it has been refused to permit others to be elected; whereby the legislative power, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

Endeavors have been made to prevent the population of these states, by obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of land.

The administration of justice has been obstructed by the refusing of assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

Judges have been made dependent on the crown alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

A multitude of new offices have been erected, and swarms of officers have been sent hither to harrass the people, and eat out their substance.

89Standing armies have been kept up among us in times of peace, without the consent of our legislatures.

The military has been rendered independent of, and superior to the civil power.

A plan has been formed to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws.

Acts have been passed by the British legislature, for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us—for protecting them by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states—for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world—for imposing taxes on us without our consent—for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury—for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences—for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies—for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments—for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring the British parliament invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

The crown of Great-Britain has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of its protection and waging war against us.

Our seas have been plundered, our coasts ravaged, our towns burnt, and the lives of our people destroyed.

Large armies of foreign mercenaries are at this time transporting, to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy a civilized nation.

Our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, have been constrained to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

Domestic insurrections have been excited amongst us, and endeavors have been used to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. The declaration proceeds, saying,

“In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned 90them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.—They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. WE, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, DO, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great-Britain, is, and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.”

The declaration was by order of congress engrossed and signed by the following members, JOHN HANCOCK—New-Hampshire, Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Mathew Thornton—Massachusetts-Bay, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry—Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery—Connecticut, Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott—New-York, William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris—New-Jersey, Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark—Pennsylvania, Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross—Delaware, Cæsar Rodney, George Read—Maryland, Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton—Virginia, George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Neilson, jun., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Cartar Braxton—North-Carolina, William Hooper, 91Joseph Hewes, John Penn:—South-Carolina, Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hayward, jun., Thomas Lynch, jun., Arthur Middleton:—Georgia, Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.

The declaration of Congress is intended for their act of separation from the crown of Great-Britain; they therefore no longer regard that prudential state maxim, the king can do no wrong in his official character; but, in making their complaints, charge the specified grievances to majesty itself; by which they mean to justify, in the sight of mankind, the renunciation of their former allegiance. Thus has an event been produced which was not had in contemplation by any of the colonies, or even by any delegate, scarce by Mr. Samuel Adams, as what was so soon to happen, when congress first met in the year 1774. When Lexington engagement had taken place, he and some of his colleagues judged that the contest must then issue in independence, or slavery; and therefore laboured to establish the first, that the last might be prevented. But had a serious proposal of separating from the crown of Great-Britain been early introduced into congress, the dissolution of that body would have followed, through the general aversion of the people at large and of particular colonies to such separation. The Massachusetts delegates had a very nice part to act. The southern colonies were jealous of their republican spirit, and of their aiming at independency. These therefore, by a most prudent policy, secured those of the Virginia delegates that verged toward republicanism, with whom they intrusted any favourite measure which they wanted to have carried; and who brought the same forward and supported it in congress, against the other southern delegates, while their Massachusetts brethren attended the debates without showing themselves particularly interested, so that the jealousies of such as were most against it were not alarmed. They took occasion also, from the various occurrences that offered, gently to infuse their own sentiments into the minds of such as had before opposed them. Their wise procedure aided, on the one hand by certain trusty friends in congress, and on the other by the persevering blundering politics of the British ministry, have under the direction of Providence produced independency. It remains to be seen whether Providence will give to the same an abiding establishment. The measures which congress have adopted, may be deemed by some presumptuous, considering the weakness of their own army: the strength of the British, assisted by a powerful navy; and that they have not the least assurance of aid from foreign power. But how could it have been avoided? The people were ripe for it. Prudence dictated a compliance 92with their expectations and wishes. A disappointment might have disgusted, and produced disorder. The declaration may give confidence to the timid; and animate the friends of liberty to greater exertions. It may lead France to think, that the Americans have resources more than are known, and so incline her to entertain the thought of giving them assistance; while it admits of their applying for the same, with perfect consistency as an independent people. They have nothing worse to apprehend from the declaration than before. The force destined to act against them proves, that if possible, they are to be reduced to unconditional submission; the declaration cannot add to the misery of such submission. Beside, the quarrel is in such a stage, that it cannot be ended with safety to the inhabitants, but by their separating from Great-Britain, and becoming independent: any thing short of that must now prove a continual source of dissention and wretchedness. The members of congress have had it for some time rung in their ears.

“The middle way, the best, we sometimes call,

“But ’tis in politics no way at all.”

[July 8.] This day at twelve o’clock, the declaration of independence was proclaimed at the state-house in Philadelphia, amidst the greatest acclamations. The day, in consequence of general orders, it was read at the head of each brigade of the continental army at New-York, and every where received with loud huzzas, and the utmost demonstrations of joy. The same evening the equestrian statue of the king was laid prostrate on the ground. The lead of which it is made, is doomed to be run into bullets. The New-York congress have unanimously resolved, that they will at the risk of their lives and fortunes, join with the other colonies in supporting the declaration; and have authorised their delegates to adopt all such measures as may be conducive to the happiness of the United States.

The New-Jersey convention have declared their late governor, William Franklin, esq. a virulent enemy to the country, and a person who may prove dangerous, and who ought to be confined in such place and manner as congress may direct; congress have ordered him to be sent under guard to governor Trumbull of Connecticut, who is to admit him to his parole; but if he refuses to give it, he is to be secured the same as other prisoners. Matters are drawing on to such a crisis, that the next letter must necessarily contain very interesting intelligence.

93

LETTER IV.

Roxbury, Sept. 16, 1776.

Lord Dunmore has at length quitted Virginia and joined the British forces. He arrived with lord Campbell and Sir Peter Parker off Staten-Island. [August 14.] His lordship continued on the coast, and in the rivers of Virginia, till the closeness and filth of the small vessels in which the fugitives were crowded, together with the heat of the weather, the badness and scarcity of water and provisions, produced the pestilential fever, which made great havock, especially among the negroes, many of whom were swept away. When at length every place was shut against him, and neither water nor provisions were to be obtained, but at the expence of blood, it was found necessary, toward the beginning of August, to burn several of the smaller and least valuable vessels, to prevent their falling into the hands of the Americans, and to send the remainder, amounting to between forty and fifty, with the exiled friends of government, to seek shelter in Florida, Bermudas, and the West-Indies; a great number of negroes were sent at the same time to the last of these places for sale. The Virginians lost about 1000 of them in the whole, including those who were killed or died while attached to his lordship’s service. Thus have ended the hopes entertained of suppressing the opposition to government in Virginia by employing the negroes—a measure which being rather invidious than powerful, tended infinitely to inflame the discontents of the people without adding to the strength of the royal arms. The New-Jersey congress were so irritated by the plot for destroying the American army, that they used the utmost dispatch in forming their constitution, and finished it by the second of July.

Though they knew that the subject of independence was before the continental congress, and that these were upon the point of declaring the United Colonies independent: and though they had empowered their own delegates to join in the declaration, yet that not being made at the time, they closed with saying, “provided always, and it is the true intent and meaning of this congress, that if a reconciliation between Great-Britain and these colonies should take place, and the latter be taken again under the protection and government of the crown of Britain, this charter shall be null and void, otherwise to remain firm and inviolable.”

94The New-Jersey legislature, in the following September, chose William Livingston, esq; a gentleman of the law and of first-rate abilities, to be their governor. There was an equal number of votes for him and Mr. Stockton; but the latter having just at that moment, refused to furnish his team or horses for the service of the public, and the legislature coming to the knowledge of it, the choice of Mr. Livingston took place immediately.

[July 5.] The general convention of Virginia agreed upon a constitution. They began their session the fifth of May, and ten days after, when they were present 112 members, resolved ananimously, that their delegates should be instructed to propose to congress that the United Colonies be by that respectable body declared free and independent states. It might be from a full confidence of receiving such instructions, that Mr. R. Henry Lee gave notice, that he should move for a declaration of independence. One gentleman of eminence, who was employed in the great work of planning the constitution made it his incessant study so to frame the portrait of government, that a kindred with New-England might be discerned in it.

Let us now repair to New-York, and the neighbourhood.

Lord Howe arrived off Halifax toward the end of June; upon learning that the fleet and army had left that port on the 10th, and receiving the letter which the general his brother had left for him, he proceeded to New-York without coming to an anchor, and reached Staten-Island by the 12th of July; from whence he sent ashore by a flag to Amboy, a circular letter, together with a declartion to several of the late governors of the United States, then colonies, acquainting them with his powers, and desiring them to publish the same as generally as possible, for the information of the people. The declaration and letters were forwarded to congress by general Washington; and ordered by them to be published in the several news-papers, that the inhabitants might be informed of what nature the commissioners were, and what the terms, with the expectation of which the court of Britain had endeavoured to amuse and disarm them; and that the few who were still suspended by a hope founded either in the justice or moderation of the parties concerned, might be convinced, that the valor alone of their country was to save its liberties.

[July 14.] Lord Howe sent up a flag to New-York with a letter, under the subscription of “George Washington, esq.” but which the general refused to receive, as not being directed to him with the title and the stile suitable to his station. Congress applauded him for acting with a becoming dignity; and then directed 95that none of their officers should receive letters or messages that were not addressed to them according to their respective rank. Adjutant-general Paterson was at length sent [July 20.] with a letter addressed to “George Washington, &c. &c. &c.” The general exempted him from being blind-folded, as customary in passing through fortifications, and received him with the greatest politeness; but notwithstanding all the adjutant could offer, the et ceteras would not remove the impediments to the correspondence attempted. The general told him, “it is true the et ceteras imply every thing; but it is no less true they imply any thing.” The letter therefore was not accepted. The business served to discover the cast of the general’s temper, and to show that he was firm and guarded. A conference ensued on the subject of prisoners, and complaints on both sides, relative to the treatment they had received. The adjutant asserted on his honor, that the prisoners at Boston, whenever the state of the army there admitted it, were treated with humanity, and even indulgence. Upon his observing that the commissioners were entrusted with great powers, the general answered, “Their powers are only to grant pardon. They who have committed no fault, want no pardons. The Americans are only defending what they think their indisputable rights.” Thus ended a conference, from which it was evident, that all attempts in the same line, would prove ineffectual at present. The adjutant, through the whole conversation, addressed the general by the title of excellency, and behaved with the utmost attention and politeness. The arrival of the fleet and army in the neighborhood of New-York, made little impression on congress. They continued with the same inflexibility, in the pursuit of the measures they had adopted. Wherever the declaration of independence was published, it was received with the greatest joy. It reached Charleston within a few days, and was proclaimed in the most solemn manner to the troops under arms; and followed with all the usual parade of a public rejoicing. It found the people of South-Carolina exasperated against Great-Britain for her late hostile attack, and elated with their successful defence of the fort on Sullivan’s Island, henceforward to be called Fort Moultrie, in honor to the brave colonel who defended it. The declaration was equally acceptable to the military at New-York; and gave them fresh spirits and vigor. The fear of fighting for, what they apprehended would be a patched reconciliation, was finally at an end. Two days before, col. Paterson waited upon gen. Washington, and as if in defiance of all the then formidable appearances, independence was solemnly proclaimed by the civil authority; after which the king’s arms, and an elegant picture of his 96majesty, were destroyed. The episcopal clergy, however, upon these proceedings shut up their churches.

The military operations on the part of the British being delayed for want of the expected reinforcements, the Americans had the opportunity of strengthening themselves. Having endeavored to fortify the entrance of the harbour, so as to make it dangerous for the shipping, they expected that the military operations would commence on the side of Long-Island, where they threw up lines and erected redoubts, next to New-York, in order to prevent gen. Howe’s advancing to and possessing himself of those heights which overlook the city, and so attacking it from that quarter. Gen. Greene was entrusted with the command of this post; and studiously acquainted himself with all the defiles leading to it, that he might reap the full advantage of them whenever occasion required. Notwithstanding the efforts to prevent the passage of the British ships up the North-River, the same was effected [July 15.] by the Phœnix, the Rose, and two tenders, with little damage from a heavy cannonade. They sailed 25 miles, and took their station opposite Tarry-town, where the river is about four miles wide. Only 5000 of the new levies had arrived [July 21.] in the American camp, out of 15,000 ordered. The exertions of the states should have been far more vigorous, considering the formidable force their army had soon to cope with, such as no part of this new world had seen before, viz. a body of 30,000 excellent troops; great numbers of them experienced veterans, rendered the more formidable by the abundance of their military stores and warlike materials, by the goodness and quantity of the artillery with which they are provided, and by the numerous fleet that supports them.

The particular jealousies and prejudices of the continental troops from the different states, led them frequently to throw out reflections tending to irritate each other, and injure the common cause; so that the commander in chief interposed his influence to suppress it by general orders. [August 1.] This was a measure absolutely necessary, considering the state of his army; which was as follows [Aug. 8.] for the several posts on New-York, Long and Governor’s Islands and Powle’s-Hook, 10,514 fit for duty; sick present, 3039; sick absent, 629; on command, 2946; on furlough, 97—total 17,225. These were little other than raw troops, and much scattered, some being 15 miles apart.^[16] The two fleets of transports, with the expected reinforcements, arrived [Aug. 12.] under convoy of commodore Hotham and the Repulse, as did the camp equipage; so that general Howe was enabled to proceed upon the operations of the 97campaign, which ought to have commenced at least two months sooner. The scarcity of lead obliged the citizens of New-York to part with their window leads for the use of the American army. One house supplied them with 1200lb. and another with 1000lb. Gen. Washington provided some fire ships for hostile purposes, and the defence of the North-River. One of them, commanded by capt. Fosdick and another by capt. Thomas, went up after the Phœnix and Rose [Aug. 16.] the night being dark, they passed the Phœnix without seeing her; capt. Thomas fell on board the tender belonging to them, and burnt her. The light gave direction to capt. Fosdick, who grappled the Phœnix, but by the lowness of his vessel and the dexterity of the Phœnix’s hands, the latter got clear of the fire ship and sunk her. The enemy, however, thought it prudent to quit their station two days after; and just before day-light, taking the advantage of a fine wind, the tide and a very heavy rain, went down the river, through a continual fire from the American forts, but received no such damage as to prevent their rejoining the British fleet. Gen. Greene was so ill that he could serve no longer, and gen. Washington was obliged to appoint gen. Sullivan to command on Long-Island, notwithstanding the damage that might accrue to the public by the change at such a critical moment.

About one half of the Hessians were yet wanting; gen. Howe however, had under him the troops formerly at Boston, the reinforcement which arrived on the 12th, the forces from South-Carolina, which got in on the 14th, and some regiments from Florida and the West-Indies; so that he felt himself sufficiently strong to resolve upon attempting the island. The necessary measures being taken by the fleet for covering the descent, the army was landed [Aug. 22.] without opposition, between two small towns, Utrecht and Gravesend, not far from the Narrows, on the nearest shore to Staten-Island. The American works, erected under the eye of gen. Greene, cover the breadth of a small peninsula, having the East-River (which separates Long-Island from New-York) on the left, a marsh, extending to the water side, on the right, with the bay and Governor’s-Island at the back.—Within these works lies Brooklyne, where gen. Sullivan encamped with a strong force, a few miles distant from Utrecht. From the point of land which forms the east side of the Narrows, runs a ridge of hills about north-east, in length about five or six miles, covered with a thick wood, which terminates in a small rising land near Jamaica. Through these hills are three passes only; one near the Narrows; a second on the road called the Flatbush road; and a third called the Bedford road, being a cross road from Bedford to Flatbush, which lies 98on the southerly side of these hills. These passes through the mountains or hills, are easily defensible, being very narrow, and the lands high and mountainous on each side. These are the only roads which can be passed from the south side of the hills to the American lines, except a road leading round the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica. An early attention had been given to the importance of these passes. To the second of them the small American parties patrolling on the coast, retired upon the approach of the British boats with the troops. Lord Cornwallis pushed on immediately with the reserve and some other forces; but finding the Americans in possession of the pass, in compliance with orders, risked no attack. [Aug. 25.] Three days after, gen. de Heister, with two brigades of Hessians from Staten-Island, joined the army. It is said, that when landed, he was told by one high in command, “The Americans will give the foreigners no quarter;” and that he answered, “Well, as I know it, I am ready to fight on these terms.” The foreign officers and soldiers were let to believe that the Americans are a set of savages and barbarians, and to dread falling into their hands, under the apprehension of meeting with the cruelest treatment. The common men were taught to expect, that if taken, they should have their bodies stuck full with pieces of pine wood, and then be burnt to death. The propagation of these falshoods might be considered as just retaliation upon congress for advising and adopting a plan for encouraging the Hessians and other foreigners to desert the British service. Officers and men are totally ignorant of the nature of the quarrel between Britain and the United States; and have high notions of subjection to princely authority. They detest the thoughts of rebellion, and the Americans being stiled rebels, they are hearty in desiring and attempting their reduction, and need no incentives to whet their resentments.

The Americans had on each of the three above mentioned passes or roads, a guard of eight hundred men; and to the east of them in the wood, col. Miles was placed with his battalion, to guard the road from the south of the hills to Jamaica, and to watch the motion of the enemy on that side, with order to keep a party constantly reconnoitering to and across the Jamaica road. The sentinels were so placed as to keep a continual communication between the three guards on the three roads.

[Aug. 26.] Gen. Howe having fully settled a plan of surprise, gen. de Heister, with his Hessians, takes post at Flatbush in the evening, and composes the centre. About nine o’clock the same night, the principal army, containing much the greater part of the British forces, under the command of generals Clinton, earl Percy, and lord Cornwallis, march, in order to 99gain the road leading round the easterly end of the hills to Jamaica, and so to turn the left of the Americans. Col. Miles, whose duty it is to guard this road, suffers the British to march not less than six miles till they are near two miles in the rear of the guards before he discovers and gives notice of their approach. [Aug. 27.] Gen. Clinton arrives within half a mile of the road about two hours before day break, halts and settles his disposition for the attack. One of his patrols falls in with a patrol of American officers on horseback, who are trepanned, and made prisoners. Sullivan, though in expectation that they will bring him intelligence, neglects sending out a fresh patrol on finding himself disappointed. Clinton learning from the officers, that the Americans have not occupied the road, detaches a battalion of light-infantry to secure it; and advancing with his corps upon the appearance of day, possesses himself of the heights over which the road passes.

General Grant with the left wing advances along the coast by the west road, near the narrows. About midnight, the guard consisting all of New-Yorkers and Pennsylvanians, perceiving that there is danger at hand, flee without firing a gun, and bring to gen. Parsons, who commands them, the account of the enemy’s advancing in great numbers by that road. Grants movement is to divert the attention of the Americans from the left, where the main attack is to be made by Clinton. Parsons perceives by fair day-light, that the British are got through the wood, and are descending on the north side. He takes twenty of his fugitive guard, being all he can collect, and posts them on a height in front of the British, about half a mile distant which halts their column, and gives time for lord Stirling to come up with his forces, amounting to about 1500, who possesses himself of a hill about two miles from camp.

The engagement begins, soon after day-break, by the Hessians from Flatbush, under gen. Heister, and by gen. Grant on the coast; and a warm cannonade with a brisk fire of small arms, is eagerly supported on both sides for some considerable time. The Americans opposing gen. Heister, are the first who are apprized of the march of the British troops under gen. Clinton. They accordingly retreat in large bodies, and in tolerable order to recover their camp; but are soon intercepted by the right wing under gen. Clinton; who having halted and refreshed his forces after passing the heights, continues his march, and getting into the rear of the left of the Americans, about half past eight o’clock, attacks them with his light-infantry and light dragoons, while quitting the heights to return to their lines. They are driven back, and again meet the Hessians. Thus they are alternately 100chased and intercepted. In these desperate circumstances, some of their regiments, overpowered and out-numbered as they are, force their way to camp, through all the dangers with which they are pressed. The Americans under lord Stirling, consisting of col. Miles’s two battalions, col. Atlee’s, col. Smallwood’s and col. Hatch’s regiments, and who are engaged with gen. Grant, behave with great bravery and resolution, charging the enemy and maintaining their posts from about eight in the morning till two in the afternoon; but are so late in their knowledge of what passes elsewhere, that their retreat is intercepted by some of the British troops, who, beside turning the hills and the American left, have traversed the whole extent of country in their rear. Several break through the enemy’s line, and get into the woods. Gen. Parsons, with a small party, escapes by doing it. Numbers throw themselves into the marsh at Gowan’s Cove; some are drowned, others perish in the mud; a considerable body however, escapes by this way to the lines. The nature of the country, and the variety of the ground occasion a continuance and extension of small engagements, pursuits and slaughter, which last for many hours before the scene closes.

The British troops displayed great valor and activity on this occasion so impetuous was their ardor, that it was with difficulty that they could be restrained, by gen. Howe’s orders, from attacking the American lines. They would probably have entered them, had not the works been completed the night before the action, by closing an opening on the right, and placing an abbatis before it. The Americans were most completely surprised and effectually entrapped. Col. Smallwood’s Maryland regiment suffered extremely, and was almost cut to pieces. It lost two hundred and fifty-nine men. The loss was much regretted on account of their being young men of the best families in the country. All who were engaged in the actions of the day, did not display the same courage; nor was it to be expected from such raw troops. Many escaped from the want of discipline; for they broke at the sight of danger, and saved themselves through flight, whereas otherwise they must have been killed or taken. Large bodies however were captured. Generals Sullivan, lord Stirling and Udell, beside 3 colonels, 4 lieutenant-colonels, 3 majors, 18 captains, 43 lieutenants, 11 ensigns, an adjutant, 3 surgeons and 2 volunteers, were made prisoners, together with 1006 privates, in all 1097. As among the prisoners the wounded were included, an allowance between 4 and 500 for killed, drowned, perished in the woods, the mud and the like, must be reckoned sufficiently large. Only six brass ordnance were taken. The loss of the British, in killed and wounded, did not exceed 318; of 101whom only 61 were slain. The Hessians had 2 rank and file killed, and 23 privates and 3 officers wounded.

The brilliant success of the operations on Long-Island, may fascinate the judgment and crown the head of gen. Howe with laurels; but there are some sensible American officers, who judge that by commencing them in that quarter, he completely put into the hands of general Washington the only chance which offered for the defence of New-York; and that, if gen. Greene had not been prevented by sickness from continuing in command, all the passes or roads would have been so secured and defended, as that the royal army, in attempting or gaining them, would have been so crippled, as to have been arrested with regard to all future successful operations. Gen. Sullivan was too inattentive and confident. Though in the midst of royalists, he suffered them to go backward and forward just as they pleased. One of the American chaplains, fearing that the British would make a circuitous march, and take to the Jamaica road, asked him whether he had guarded that pass sufficiently, and received for answer, “Yes, so that an angel cannot force it.”

It may be thought by many, that if general Howe, instead of commencing his operations on Long-Island, had run up the North-River, and landed above New-York, he would either have compelled gen. Washington to a sudden evacuation of the city, with the loss of nearly all the stores of the army; or to have fought, though very unequal in numbers and troops; or to have surrendered for want of provision. That such a movement might have been made, wind and tide favoring, without any particular danger of a failure, had been established by the safe passage of the Phœnix and Rose up and down the river.

The victorious army encamped in front of the American works in the evening; and on the 28th at night, broke ground in form, about 4 or 500 yards distant from a redoubt which covered the left of the Americans. The same day gen. Mifflin crossed over from New-York with 1000 men; at night he made an offer to gen. Washington of going the rounds, which was accepted. He observed the approaches of the enemy, and the forwardness of their batteries; and was convinced that no time was to be lost. The next morning [Aug. 29.] he conversed with the general upon the subject, and said, “You must either fight or retreat immediately. What is your strength?” The general answered, “nine thousand.” The other replied, “It is not sufficient, we must therefore retreat.” They were both agreed as to the calling of a council of war; and gen. Mifflin was to propose a retreat. But as he was to make that proposal, lest his own character should suffer, he stipulated, that if a retreat should be agreed upon, he 102would command the rear; and if an action, the van. When the council was held, these reasons, among others, were mentioned for removing the army to New-York, viz.—“The heavy rains which have fallen two days and nights, with but little intermission, have injured the arms and spoiled a great part of the ammunition, and the soldiers, being without cover and obliged to lie in their lines, are worn out.”——“From the time the enemy moved from Flatbush, several large ships have attempted to get up, as supposed, into the East-River, to cut off our communication, by which the whole army would be destroyed, but the wind being north-east, they have not been able to effect it.”——“The troops are become dispirited by their incessant duty and watching.” It was unanimously agreed to quit. Col. Glover, who belonged to Marblehead, was called upon with the whole of his regiment fit for duty, to take the command of the vessels and flat-bottomed boats. Most of the men were formerly employed in the fishery, and so peculiarly well qualified for the service.—The colonel went over himself from New-York, to give directions; and about seven o’clock at night, officers and men went to work with a spirit and resolution peculiar to that corps. The embarkation of the troops was committed to gen. M’Dougall. He was upon the spot at Brooklye ferry, at eight o’clock, the hour fixed for the commencement of this important movement. To his great mortification he found that the militia had not yet embarked. The getting them over protracted the time till between ten and eleven o’clock. Meanwhile, about nine, the tide of ebb made, and the wind blew strong at north-east, which adding to the rapidity of the tide, rendered it impossible to effect the retreat in the course of the night, with only that number of row boats which they could command, and the state of the wind and tide put it out of the power of col. Glover’s men to make any use of the sail boats. Gen. M’Dougall sent colonel Grayson, one of the commander in chief’s aids, to report to his excellency their embarrassed situation; and gave it as his opinion, that the retreat was impracticable that night. The colonel returned soon after, not being able to find the commander in chief, on which the general went on with the embarkation, under all these discouragements. But about eleven the wind died away, and soon after sprung up at south-west, and blew fresh, which rendered the sail boats of use, and at the same time made the passage from the island to the city, direct, easy and expeditious. Providence further interposed in favor of the retreating army, by sending a thick fog about two o’clock in the morning [Aug. 30.] which hung over Long-Island, while on New-York side it was clear. During the embarkation, colonel 103Scammell was sent to gen. Mifflin with orders for a particular regiment to march down to the ferry; the colonel mistook the orders, and instead of a regiment understood the whole covering party, and delivered them accordingly. On that gen. Mifflin quitted the lines, and came down to the place of embarkation, to the great astonishment of gen. Washington, who with surprise enquired into the reason of such conduct. The mistake being cleared up, gen. Mifflin returned to the lines, after they had been abandoned about three-quarters of an hour, without its being discovered by the enemy, because of the fog. The fog and wind continued to favor the retreat, till the whole army, 9000 in number, with all the field artillery, such heavy ordnance as was of most value, ammunition, provision, cattle, horses, carts, &c. were safe over. The water was so remarkably smooth as to admit of the row boats being loaded within a few inches of the gunwale. Gen. Washington, though often entreated, would not leave the island till Mifflin, with his covering party, left the lines, at about six o’clock. The enemy were so nigh that they were heard at work with their pick-axes and shovels. In about half an hour after the lines were finally abandoned, the fog cleared off, and the British were seen taking possession of the American works. Four boats were on the river, three half-way over, full of troops; the fourth, within reach of the enemy’s fire upon the shore, was compelled to return; she had only three men in her, who tarried behind to plunder. The river is a mile or more across; and yet the retreat was effected in less than thirteen hours, a great part of which time it rained hard.

Had it not been for the providential shifting of the wind, not more than half the army could possibly have crossed, and the remainder, with a number of general officers, and all the heavy ordnance at least, must inevitably have fallen into the enemy’s hand. Had it not been also for that heavenly messenger, the fog, to cover tho first desertion of the lines, and the several proceedings of the Americans after day-break, they must have sustained considerable losses. The fog resembled a thick small mist, so that you could see but a little way before you. It was very unusual also to have a fog at that time of the year. My informer, a citizen of New-York, could not recollect his having known any at that season, within the space of twenty or thirty years.

Governor’s-Island, on which were two regiments, was evacuated likewise, with the loss of only one man’s arm, by a cannon shot from the ships. The Americans finished the removal of their military stores from thence [Sept. 2.] and took every 104thing off but a few pieces of cannon, notwithstanding the ships of war lay within a quarter of a mile of some part of it.^[17]

Since the affair of Long-Island, endeavors have been used to keep up the spirits of the people, by puffing accounts of the extraordinary bravery of the troops, and the destruction they made of the enemy. But that matters are not very promising, appears from a letter of gen. Mercer, who commands the flying camp, dated September the 4th, wherein he writes, “Gen. Washington has not, so far as I have seen, 5000 men to be depended on for the service of a campaign, and I have not 1000. Both our armies are composed of raw militia, perpetually fluctuating between the camp and their farms; poorly armed, and still worse disciplined. These are not a match for, were their numbers equal to, veteran troops, well fitted and urged on by able officers. Numbers and discipline must prevail at last. Giving soldiers, or even the lower orders of mankind, the choice of officers, will for ever mar the discipline of armies.” The wretched choice of officers in the Massachusetts, is complained of in a letter of this purport to a gentleman of that state—“I can account for the strange military appointments in your state, on no other principle, than that your people mean to guard against the danger of an army, by making it contemptible. Without officers we shall never have soldiers. They are sinking the state in the eyes of the whole continent. At the end of a campaign we find butchers, bakers, sutlers, and a large tribe of contractors, with fortunes made at the public expence, while a young officer of merit, on twenty-six dollars a month, is a beggar. A man of honor and spirit cannot herd with company unworthy of him; yet there is no one beneath a field officer, whose pay gives him a right to company above a shoe-black. The great number of southern officers now in York, who are but little used to the equality which prevails in New-England, are continually resenting the littleness of their pay.” A third gentleman tells a member of congress—“I cannot agree with you on the frequent calling out of the militia. They are uneasy, restless, and discontented. They leave their business in a most perplexing situation when called out suddenly, and must be very great sufferers in their private property. Their minds are always at home, in their shops, or on their farms. This renders them low spirited; a dejection fast seizes them; sickness and death are the consequences. The only purpose a militia can serve, under present 105regulations, is, on some sudden invasion, to assemble and repel the enemy, and return to their business again.”

The account will shock your humanity; and yet you must be told, that since the conquest of Long-Island, the American captives, in several instances, were tied up to be fired at by the royal troops, openly and without censure.^[18]

You will not wish a detention of this letter, that the intelligence from New-York may be brought down to a later period, it shall therefore be closed with an account of the troops to the northward, and of some proceedings in the Massachusetts.

The return of the troops serving in Canada, under gen. Sullivan, was 7006. When gen. Gates first joined them, the small-pox raged; not a cannot was mounted; the vessels were lumbered with stores; the men were dispirited with defeat and fatigue; in short, the whole was a scene variegated with every distress and disappointment which can conspire to ruin an army. Gen. Sullivan left it the 12th of July; when he first joined it in Canada, it was torn to pieces by sickness and unaccountable occurrences; its present security is thought to be owing to him; and therefore the field officers addressed him when leaving them; and said, “It is to you, Sir, the public are indebted for the preservation of their property in Canada. It is to you we owe our safety thus far. Your humanity will call forth the silent tear and grateful ejaculation of the sick; your universal impartiality will force the applause of the wearied soldier.”

With the losses sustained at Quebec, Three Rivers, the Cedars, the consequent retreat from Canada, together with the deaths and desertions which have happened since the first of April, the northern army has been diminished upward of 5000, exclusive of 3000 sick. Till these were separated, and sent off to Fort George, at the head of Lake George, where the general hospital has been established, the camp itself had the appearance of a general hospital rather than an army. The small-pox had infected every thing belonging to it, the cloths, the blankets, the air, the very ground the men walked on. Gen. Gates exerted all his powers to prevent this pestilence from fixing at Skeensborough, to which place the militia ordered to reinforce him, were directed to repair. The army is now at Crown-Point, for a council of general officers unanimously determined to retire from thence, and take post at the strong ground opposite to the east point of Tyconderoga. By the end of the month 106affairs began to wear a less gloomy aspect. The fleet upon Lake Champlain increased rapidly. The militia began to come to Skeensborough. On the 6th of August the general was joined by 600 from New-Hampshire; but many, both officers and soldiers, were detained on their march by inoculating, contrary to orders, through fear of being infected with the small-pox in the natural way. While the army was in Canada, regularity was dispensed with, or neglected; and the ruin of affairs there was ascribed by some members of congress to the want of regular returns. Who was general, who quarter-master, who pay-master, who commissary, were important secrets, which all their penetration was never able to discover. Gates has sent them a return, the most systematical they have seen. The utmost exertions are applied in building galleys and gondolas, to continue a naval superiority upon the lake, whereby to prevent Sir Guy Carleton’s penetrating into the United States by way of Ty. The post opposite to it, occupied by the army, has been called Mount Independence, since the declaration of independence reached them; for that was received with the usual applause.

[Sept. 2.] The Massachusetts house of representatives have, in an address to congress, requested that they would form a confederation. [Sept. 14.] They have also chosen gen. Lincoln to command the militia ordered to New-York. An attempt which is now making, to fix by an act of the general court, the price of various articles, may be well intended by the generality. The characters of many who are for the measure, are too fair to admit the suspicion of a bad intention. But the measure will at length prove ineffectual for the good meant to be answered by it, and be productive of great evil. The most conscientious and patriotic will be injured, while the crafty and unprincipled make their advantage of it. Prices of provision, and divers other articles, like water, will find their own level; and be high or low, according to the quantity of stock in hand, and the demand that there is for them. But warm theorists will not be easily convinced by any other arguments than those which result from experiments.

107

LETTER V.

Roxbury, Dec. 20, 1776.

The American army having providentially escaped from Long-Island, gen. Sullivan was immediately sent upon parole, with a verbal message from lord Howe to the congress; importing, that though he could not at present treat with them in that character, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider as private gentlemen. He informed them that he, with the general, had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great-Britain and America, upon terms advantageous to both—that he wished a compact might be settled at a time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say that it was compelled to enter into such agreement—that, were they disposed to treat, many things which they had not yet asked, might and ought to be granted—and that, if upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an accommodation, the authority of congress would be afterward acknowledged to render the treaty complete. The general arrived at congress with this message on the 2d of September; and was desired to reduce it to writing. They received a letter at the same time from gen. Washington, acquainting them with the removal of the army from Long-Island. On the 5th, gen. Sullivan was requested to inform lord Howe, “that congress being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, they cannot with propriety send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters, but that ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress for that purpose in behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same. The next day they elected by ballot, for their committee, Messrs. Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge. Eight days after, the committee met lord Howe, upon Staten-Island, opposite to Amboy, where his lordship received and entertained them with the utmost politeness; the committee in their report, summed up the account of the conference, by mentioning that it did not appear to them, that his lordship’s commission contained any other authority of importance than was contained in the act of parliament; for that as to the power of enquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned 108to them, and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result to the ministry, they apprehended any expectation from the effect of such power would have been too precarious for America to have relied upon, had she still continued in her state of dependence. Thus the hopes of negociation by the commissioners ended. The friends to independency rejoiced that it was brought to so happy a conclusion. They almost trembled lest it should prove insnaring and something should take place under it, which, in the present distressed circumstance of their military affairs, might demolish the fabric they were erecting. It served to gain time for recovering from the shock occasioned by the losses sustained on Long-Island. If it delayed the operations of gen. Howe, it answered another valuable purpose; and it is hard otherwise to account for his delay. The committee managed with great dexterity; and maintained the dignity of congress. Their sentiments and language became their character. His lordship was explicitly and authoritively assured, that neither the committee, nor the congress which sent them, had authority to treat in any other capacity than as independent states. His lordship had “no instructions on that subject.” The Americans must therefore fight it out, and trust in God for success.

General Washington’s situation, after evacuating Long-Island, was truly distressing. The check which the detachment had sustained, dispirited too great a proportion of the troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and dispair. The militia were dismayed, intractable and impatient to return. Great numbers went off, by companies at a time, by half regiments, and in some instances, almost by whole ones. The flying camp was too literally such. Whole battalions of them ran off from Powle’s (the mode of spelling Pauls two hundred years back^[19]) Hook and the height of Bergen, upon the firing of a broadside from a man of war, when no one was hurt by it. An entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary to the well-being of an army, made his condition still more alarming; and occasioned a want of confidence in the generality of the troops. The number of men fit for duty, taken in the main body and all the out posts, was for some days under 20,000; but the militia, too contemptible to merit the name of soldiers, with the new levies, alike despicable, composed more than a third of the army. The militia did inexpressible damage, by telling the other troops—“all is gone—the regulars must overcome.” 109By such language the men became more and more disheartened. What is said of the militia is not peculiar to those from any one state: as to their intractableness, and disregard of order and subordination, it is common to all militia, and must be generally expected; for men who have been free, and never subject to restraint or any kind of controul, cannot, in a day, be taught the necessity, or be taught to see the expediency of strict discipline. Within nine days after the evacuation, the number of the sick, by the returns, formed one quarter of the whole army.

Such were circumstances, that they demanded the greatest harmony possible among the troops; whereas no small animosity prevaled between those of the nothern and southern states, occasioned by general and illiberal reflections freely dealt out at head quarters. It was not countenanced by the commander in chief; but the adjudant general assiduously endevoured to make and promote it; so that his excellency, in order to remedy it in some measure, appointed David Henley, esq. deputy adjutant general. The day this appointment was announced to the army in general orders, the 6th of September, a letter was written to a member of congress, which says, “The infamous desertions, the shameless ravages, seditious speeches and mutinous behaviour which prevail in your army, call in the loudest language for a reform. The militia here are only an armed rabble, and all the troops are without discipline. If the congress does not raise an army for three years or during the contest, all the best officers will quit it. Had we been wise to engage the men, at first, during the war, we should now have had an army to have met British troops on an equal footing. As to having recourse to a militia, it is a most wretched subterfuge, experience has demonstrated they will not stand fire. They will not fight from home. Men must learn to fight as they learn any thing else. We have an exceeding good commander in chief, who is not wanting in intrepidity, nor the truest patriotism. I wish him more able counsellors and spirited assistants. Be assured, Sir, that our men have in a great measure, lost that virtue which first engaged them to fight, and are sinking into an army of mercenaries.”

One lieutenant colonel Zeidwitz was tried for writing a letter to the late governor Tryon, wherein he declared his attachment to the royal cause, and promised his service upon certain conditions: he was sentenced to be cashiered, and rendered incapable of any future military command. This strange sentence was owing to a militia brigadier general, and others of a similar judgment who being members of the court, said “it was only an attempt to correspond;” and so the fellow escaped.

110General Washington divided has army, leaving 4500 in the city of New-York, and posting 6,500 at Hearlem, and 12,000 at Kingsbridge.^[20] On the hills at, or in the neighborhood of these places forts had been erected, which the troops garrisoned.—The strongest was Fort Washington, nigh Hearlem, of difficult access, and overlooking the North-River, the passage of which it was meant to secure by the aid of Fort Lee, opposite to it on the Jersey side. When it became clear to the general, that the enemy meant to throw their whole army between part of his in New-York and its environs, and the remainder about Kingsbridge, he removed his quarters to col. Roger Morris’s, ten miles from New-York, and not very distant from Fort Washington. The day before the committee of congress met lord Howe, five ships of war were sent up the East River; on which it was thought necessary to evacuate the city as fast as possible, and to remove the sick, the ordnance, stores and provisions. Colonel Glover was employed in this service; he began upon it about nine at night. By sun rise the next morning, his brigade had got safe over the Jerseys, the sick in and about the city amounting to 500. On the Saturday, he was ordered to have the tents struck, and the heavy baggage carried down the North-River to be transported up in boats, while the tents and light baggage were carried up in waggons. This was completed about nine at night, when an alarm took place; and he was ordered to march his brigade to Haerlem to join gen. M’Dougall, leaving the whole baggage of two regiments behind, which afterward fell into the enemy’s hands. The next morning they marched to Kingsbridge. The poor lads had just unslung their packs, when up drives an express with an account that the enemy were landing: on which they marched back without any kind of refreshment, joined five other brigades, about 7000, and formed on Haerlem plains.

General Howe, having fully prepared for a descent on New-York Island, embarked a strong division of the army under the command of gen. Clinton and others, in boats at the head of Newtown inlet and at another place higher up, where they could not be observed by the Americans, who expected that the attack would be made on the side next to the East-River, and had therefore thrown up works and lines to defend themselves. [Sept. 15.] About eleven o’clock, gen. Howe’s troops landed, under cover of the five ships of war, in two divisions, between Kep’s-bay and Turtle-bay, the Hessians in one place and the British in another. As soon as gen. Washington heard the firing of the 111men of war, he rode with all dispatch toward the lines; but to his great mortification, found the troops posted in them retreating with the utmost precipitation; and those ordered to support them, Parsons and Fellow’s brigades, flying in every direction, and in the greatest confusion. His attempts to stop them were fruitless though he drew his sword and threatened to run them through, cocked and snapped his pistols. On the appearance of a small part of the enemy, not more than sixty or seventy, their disorder was increased, and they ran off without firing a single shot, and left the general in a hazardous situation, so that his attendants, to extricate him out of it, caught the bridle of his horse, and gave him a different direction. Three large ships were stationed in the North-River, opposite to those in the East-River; both of them kept up a constant cannonading with grape shot and langrage quite arcoss the island. The Hessians upon their landing, seized and secured in a neighbouring building as enemies, some persons, who had been placed there to serve as guides, which for a while subjected them to difficulty.—When the British were completely landed, they marched on toward the Kingsbridge road. The American brigades, that had fled upon the enemy’s approaching the lines, stopped not till met by col. Glover’s and the five other bridges, who were hastening down to them. Upon the junction, the whole marched forward and took post on some heights, when all at once, about 8000 of he enemy as was thought, hove in sight on the next height and halted. Gen. Washington at first consented to his troops marching forward to give them battle; but on a second consideration, counter-ordered as he could not have any dependence on the militia and the flying camp, which composed half the number then present. When the Americans were withdrawn and no prospect of action remained, the British generals repaired to the house of Mr. Robert Murray, a gentleman of the quaker persuasion. The lady of the house being at home, entertained them most civilly, with what served for, or was cakes and wine. They were well pleased with the entertainment and tarried there near two hours or more; gov. Tryon seasoning the repast, at times, by joking Mrs. Murray about her American friends, for, she was known to be a steady advocate for the liberties of the country. Meanwhile, the Hessians and the British, except a strong corps which marched down the road to take possessions of the city, remained upon their arms inactive; which gave gen. Putnam the opportunity of escaping with about 3500 men, including the guards, who had been left to shift for themselves, when colonel Glover had been ordered away from New-York. The general in order to escape any troops that might be advancing upon the 112direct road to the city, betook himself to that which lies along side the North-River, and marched to the end, where it turns off short to the right, and leads on to another and norrower, that goes to Blooming-dale. By this last road, he avoided every dangerous approach to the enemy, and retreated with safety. But nothing could have been easier than to have prevented his getting into it. A good body of troops with two field pieces, in about 20 minutes or less, could have taken such a position as would have necessarily cut off Putnam’s retreat. Col. Grayson has repeatedly said speaking humorously, “Mrs. Murray saved the American army.” On the day that gen. Howe’s forces landed and the following one they made prisoners 354 privates and 17 officers.^[21] Many think the general was greatly mistaken in landing on the island instead of throwing his army around it above Kingsbridge, and thereby hemming in the whole body of the Americans at once. Such a manœuvre they view as having been within the compass of easy practice, considering what a naval and military apparatus he had at his service.

[Sept. 16.] On the Monday there was a tolerable skirmish between two battalions of light infantry and highlanders, and three companies of Hessian riflemen commanded by brigadier Leslie, and detachments from the American army under the command of lieut. col. Knolton, of Connecticut, and major Leich of Virginia. The col. received a mortal wound, and the major three balls through his body, but is likely to do well. Their parties behaved with great bravery, and being supplied with fresh troops, beat the enemy fairly from the field. The lost of the Americans except in col. Knolton, a most valuable and gallant officer was inconsiderable; that of the enemy between 80 and 100 wounded, and 15 or 20 killed. This little advantage inspired the Americans prodigiously. They found it required only resolution and good officers to make an enemy, they stood too much in dread of, give way.^[22] The men will fight if led on by good officers, and as certainly run away if commanded by scoundrels. Sunday was an instance of the last, and the next day a confirmation of the first assertion. On Sunday, the officers, instead of heading and leading the men on to attack the enemy when landing, were the first to scamper off.

[Sept. 21.] A few day after the British had possessed themselves of New-York, a most terrible fire happened. A thousand houses, near one fourth of the city, were laid in ashes. Trinity church, the public charity school, the rector’s house, and a Lutheran 113chapel were among the buildings which were consumed. The loss sustained in houses, &c. by the corporation of Trinity church, is thought, upon a moderate computation, to be more than £.15,600 sterling. The fire broke out at a dram-shop, close in with the water side, on Whitehall-slip, about one o’clock in the morning. The reports spread of its breaking out in several places at the same time, were erroneous. Every thing was very dry, and a brisk southerly wind blew. The flames soon caught the neighboring houses, spread, raged with inconceivable violence, and made all the subsequent havock. There were few citizens in town; and the fire engines and pumps were out of order. Two regiments went immediately to the place, and many boats full of men were sent from the fleet; to these, under Providence, it was owing that the whole city was not reduced to ashes. A gentleman^[23] who was at Bergen (opposite the spot where the fire first broke out) saw it soon after it began, observed its progress, and is persuaded that it was not purposely kindled, but was merely accidental,^[24] and the probable consequence of the sailors having been suffered to go on shore the day before to regale and frolic. The dryness of the materials, the brisk southerly wind, and the covering of the houses (shingles instead of slate or tiles) easily account for its spreading, without calling in the aid of incendiaries.

A brigadier writes concerning the animosity in the American army above noticed—“It has already risen to such a height, that the Pennsylvania and New-England troops would as soon fight each other as the enemy. Officers of all ranks are indiscriminately treated in a most contemptible manner, and whole colonies traduced and vilified as cheats, knaves, cowards, paltroons, hypocrites, and every term of reproach, for no other reason but because they are situated east of New-York. Every honor is paid to the merit of good men from the south; the merit, if such be possible, from the north, is not acknowledged; but if too apparent to be blasted with falshood, is carefully buried in oblivion. The cowardice or misbehavior of the south, is carefully covered over, the least misconduct in the gentlemen of the north, is published with large comments and aggravations.”

Congress have at length adopted a new code for the government of the army. It was become absolutely necessary. “No laws can be too severe for the government of men who live by the sword, and who have this only reply for their ravages—quis negat arma tenenti?” This was the language of a gentleman 114whose concern in the army gave him the best opportunity of procuring certain information; and who said further to a member of congress—“Absolute tyranny is essential to the government of an army, and every man who carries arms, from the general officer to the private sentinel, must be content to be a temporary slave, if he would serve his country as a soldier. Almost every villanny and rascality that can disgrace the man, the soldier or the citizen, is daily practised without meeting the punishment they merit. So many of our officers want honor, and so many of our soldiers want virtue, civil, social, and military, that nothing but the severest punishments will keep both from practices which must ruin us. The infamous and cruel ravages, which have been made on the wretched distressed inhabitants of this unfortunate island (New-York) by many of our soldiers, must disgrace and expose our army to detestation. I have heard some tales of woe, occasioned by the robberies of our army, which would extort sighs from the hearts of tygers. Our men are at present only robbers; that they will soon be murderers unless some are hanged, I have little doubt.” The difficulty which the army has been under, from the want of almost every necessary, tents, campkettles, blankets and clothes of every kind, may have contributed toward the cause of these complaints. Unless the men can get supplied in a regular way, they will be inclined, notwithstanding the most positive general orders to the contrary, to help themselves, however irregularly; and when once they begin to trespass from necessity, they are tempted to proceed for convenience or pleasure.

[Sept. 24.] Nearly at the same time, an officer high in rank and much esteemed, communicated his thoughts in these words:—“We are now upon the eye of another dissolution of the army. Unless some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost. The few who act upon principles of disinterestedness are, comparatively speaking, no more than a drop in the ocean. As the war must be carried on systematically, you must establish your army upon a permanent footing, and give your officers good pay, that they may be, and support the character of gentlemen, and not be driven, by a scanty allowance, to the low and dirty arts, which many of them practise, to filch the public of more than the difference of pay would amount to. The men must be engaged by a good bounty for the continuance of the war. To depend upon militia is assuredly resting on a broken staff. They cannot brook subordination. It would be cheaper to keep fifty or hundred thousand in constant pay, than depend upon half the number, and supply the other half occasionally by militia. If I was to declare upon oath, whether 115the militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, upon the whole, I should subscribe to the latter. No man who regards order, regularity and economy, or who has any regard for his own honor, character or peace of mind, will risk them upon militia.”—While the American cause is thus exposed, some gentlemen observe with pleasure of the enemy [Sept. 25.] that—“Though they are brave, and furnished with all matters, yet from some causes, they discover very little of the great or vast in their designs and executions.”

It is not strange that there is a number of bad officers in the continental service, when you consider that many were chosen by their own men, who elected them, not from a regard to merit or any love of discipline, but from the knowledge they had of their being ready to associate with them on the foot of equality. It was the case in divers instances, that when a company was forming, the men would choose those for officers who consented to throw their pay into a joint stock with the privates, from which captains, lieutenants ensigns, sergeants, corporals, with drummers and privates, drew equal shares. Can it then be wondered at, however mortifying it may prove, that a captain should be tried and broken for stealing his soldiers blankets, or that another officer should be found shaving his men in the face of distinguished characters! Time must and will clear the army or these despicable commission-bearers.

Too many of the regimental surgeons have made a practice of selling recommendations to furloughs and discharges at a less sum than a shilling a man. Only one of the number supposed to merit the same distinction, was drummed out of the army for such a scandalous conduct. Had all who deserved it, met the like reward, a good reform would have been made: that one is too pitiful a subject to have his name recorded. He charged each man six-pence sterling, and any one was welcome to a certificate for that sum. Several of the regimental surgeons had no professional abilities, had never seen an operation of surgery; were unlettered and ignorant to a degree scarcely to be imagined. Others were amazingly deficient in the article of professional apparatus. From one general return of fifteen regiments, it appeared that for fifteen surgeons and as many mates, all the instruments (which were reported to be private property) amounted only to six sets of amputating—two of trepanning—fifteen cases of pocket instruments—seventy-five crooked and six straight needles—four incision knives for dilating wounds or other purposes—and three pair of forceps for extracting bullets.

Since the evacuation of New-York, the sick have suffered very much for want of necessaries, and have been in a miserable 116situation; but it appears to have been owing greatly to untoward circumstances, hurry, confusion, and actual want of the requisites for affording relief. The sick have amounted to many thousands, including what have been at different places; and many hundreds, if not some thousands, have been swept off by various diseases. Much censure has been cast upon Dr. Morgan, director-general of the hospital, for the sufferings which the sick have endured, more than is due, as apprehended. The army ought to have been early provided with medicines, instrumets and bandages, by a continental druggist or chosen committee, before the campaign began, instead of having them to procure afterward; and the militia which came late to the field, should have been provided by the different states, before they joined the army.

An unsuccessful attempt was made on the British out-post on Montresor-Island. A large party of Americans, in five flat-bottomed boats, under the command of colonel Jackson, went down Haerlem river to attack it, a little after four in the morning. They had two pieces of cannon with them; the post was guarded by about eighty men. The Brune frigate being at anchor near the island, fired at the boats in the dark, and sunk one of them. The colonel landed, and a skirmish ensued; but several of the officers and men behaved most scandalously; instead of supporting him they pushed off, so that he was obliged to retreat. He was himself wounded, and left two and twenty wounded behind. Major Thomas Henly, brother to the deputy adjutant-general, an intrepid officer, was killed.

General Howe had at length ripened his plan for cutting off gen. Washington’s communication with the eastern states, and enclosing him on all sides in his fastnesses on the north end of New-York island; which ought to have been executed a month back, by a bold and unexpected removal of the troops from Long-Island in the first instance, to Rochelle or the neighborhood.

The greater part of the army, being embarked in flat boats and other small craft, passed through Hell-gate, a passage terrible in name, but no way dangerous at the proper time of tide; entered the Sound [Oct 12.] and landed early in the morning, on Frog’s-Neck, in Westchester county, belonging to New-York, upon the side of Connecticut. Gen. Washington’s army, fit for duty, present and on command at different posts, militia included, was about 19,000. Officers and men were in expectation of active service. The former were out frequently in reconnoitering parties; the latter were looking out for the arrival of gen. Lee, on his way to the camp. The Americans had no intention of quitting their ground upon the island and the neighborhood 117of Kingsbridge; but a number of regiments were sent forward to counteract the operations of the enemy. When the royal army was landed, the general’s found they could not get upon the continent, by reason of the causeway’s being broken down, and of works being erected to oppose them. Six days were spent here to little purpose, while a dozen other places were open, where the troops might have landed with scarce any or no opposition or difficulty attending them. On the last of these days the second division of foreign mercenaries arrived at New-York. The fleet consisted of seventy-two sail, having on board 4000 Hessians, 1000 Waldeckers, two companies of chasseurs or riflemen, 200 English recruits, and 2000 baggage horses. The horse transports were heavy sailing Dutchmen. They left St. Helen’s the 28th of June, were obliged to put into Plymouth the 7th of July, and sailed from thence the 19th.

[Oct. 14.] General Lee arrived in the American camp two days after gen. Howe’s landing. The troops were mightily elated with his presence, and felt themselves stronger by 1000 men upon the occasion; for they had great confidence in his abilities, and expected much from him, because of the success which had attended him at Charleston. The general found that there was a prevailing inclination among the chief officers for remaining on the island. He strongly urged the absolute necessity of removing toward East and Westchester. Gen. Washington called a council of war. [Oct. 16.] Lee asked what they meant by entertaining a thought of holding their position, while the enemy had the command of the water on each side of them, and were so strong both in their front and rear; and when there was a bridge before them, over which they must pass to escape being wholly enclosed. He soon convinced them how much they had been mistaken. All agreed that the bulk of the army should quit the island. He was also for withdrawing the garrison from Fort Washington. Gen. Greene was otherwise minded, and argued, that the possessing of that post would divert a large body of the enemy, and keep them from joining the troops under general Howe. The latter had left earl Percy, with two brigades of British troops and one of Hessians, about 5000 men, in lines near Haerlem, to cover New-York from the insults of the garrison. Greene further urged the advantage it would be of in covering, with Fort Lee, the transportation of provision and other articles up the North-River, for the service of the American troops. He stated also, that the garrison could be brought off at any time by boats from the Jersey side of the river. It was concluded that the possession of Fort Washington and the lines annexed to it, 118should be continued; and more than 2000 men were assigned to this service.

General Howe, on the other hand, while at Frog’s-Neck, received provisions, stores and a reinforcement [Oct. 18.] then re-embarked several corps, passed round Frog’s-Neck, landed at the mouth of Hutchinson’s river, and secured a passage for the main body, which crossed at the same place, advanced immediately, and lay that night upon their arms, with their right near Rochelle. On their march to this ground they were annoyed by a regiment or two of Americans and one of the rifle battalions, whom gen. Lee posted behind a wall, and secreted for that purpose. Their advanced party was repulsed twice; and the Americans did not leave the wall till the enemy advanced a third time, in solid columns, when they gave them several fires, and then retreated by gen. Lee’s order. The British are thought to have lost a considerable number. The Americans had a few killed, and about sixty wounded. On the 21st the right and centre of the army moved two miles to the northward of Rochelle, on the road to the White Plains. Lieut. col. Rogers, with his corps of Rangers, was detached to possess Marrineck, where the carelessness of his sentries exposed him to surprise, by which he suffered. [Oct. 22.] Gen. Howe was joined by gen. Knyphausen, with the second division of Hessians and the regiment of Waldeckers.

General Washington, while moving the army from York island into the country, was careful to march and form the troops so as to make a front toward the enemy, from Eastchester almost to White Plains, on the east side of the highway, thereby to secure the march of those who were behind on their right, and to defend the removal of the sick, the cannon, stores, &c. Thus they made a line of small, detached and entrenched camps, occupying every height and strong ground, from Valentine’s Hill, about a mile from Kingsbridge on the right, to near the White Plains on the left. But the movement was attended with much difficulty, for want of waggons and artillery horses. The baggage and artillery were carried or drawn off by hand. When a part was forwarded, the other was fetched on. This was the general way of removing the camp equipage and other appendages of the army. The few teams which were at hand, were no ways equal to the service; and their deficiency could be made up only by the bodily labor of the men.