Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 2)

General Conway though in place, opposed administration; and condemned, in the most decisive terms, the American war, declaring it to be cruel, unnecessary and unnatural—calling it in plain terms, a butchery of his fellow subjects. He reprobated every idea of conquering America, upon all the grounds of justice, expediency and practicability. He declared in the most unreserved terms against the right of taxation, and wished to see the declaratory law repealed (though it had passed under his own auspices when in administration) rather than it should be employed to colour designs, the most opposite to the intentions, publicly declared, of those who supported it in parliament, and particularly opposite to the fullest declaration of his own at the time of his moving it. The ministry made as good a defence as their cause would admit; and pleaded, “We are now in a situation which doth not afford a possibility of receding without shame, ruin and disgrace.” Lord North acknowlegded, that he had been deceived; that he did not imagine that all America would have armed in the cause. Administration, he said, proceeded upon the information they had received; if other gentlemen were in possession of better, why did they not communicate it? Administration had opposite information, but they adhered to that which came from persons whose interest made them parties with the inclinations of ministry. That which they neglected, as proceeded from mistake or a wrong bias, they now find to have been the truest.

The space of a whole night was consumed in the debates upon the royal speech; it was near five in the morning when the motion made by the opposition was rejected by 48278, against 108; after which the address was carried without a division.

In the house of lords, the debate on the address was also long and warm. The duke of Grafton suddenly and unexpectedly quitted administration. He went into a decisive condemnation of all the acts of government for some time past, with respect to America, as well as of the measures held out by the speech. He declared that he had been deceived and misled upon that subject; and that, by the withholding of information and the misrepresentment of facts, he had been induced to lend his countenance to measures which he never approved; and that he was blindly led to give a support to the one of coercing America, from a firm persuasion held out, that matters would never come to an extremity of that nature, and that an appearance of coercion was all that was requisite to establish a reconciliation. He asserted that nothing less than a total repeal of all the American laws which had been passed since 1763, could now restore peace and happiness. The lords in administration did not deny the imperfectness of their information in some matters, but pleaded the impracticability of obtaining such knowledge as might have prevented several disappointments. They were obliged to depend upon the sagacity and judgment of those whom they trusted. They had taken all possible pains to proceed upon sure grounds. It would be unjust to make them answerable for failures which were occasioned by events totally unexpected by the shrewdest persons upon the spot; to such alone must be attributed the general want of success in the plans pursued in the course of the present year. There were two remarkable instances of this kind; the one was the total alteration of circumstances in the province of New-York, the other was the implicit acquiescence of the southern colonies in the views and arrangements of the northern. These were events that accelerated with irresistible rapidity the revolution of affairs through the continent, and equally surprised the ministry, who from their intelligence, could be no wise apprehensive of such an unhappy turn. The defection of New-York they imputed to its being compelled into measures by the Connecticut insurgents, which the people there would never have otherwise adopted. They pleaded, “We must either reduce the colonies to submission, or for ever relinquish all dominion over them, and all advantage from North-America.” The motion for the address was at length carried by 76 votes against 33. But a protest against it was drawn up, and signed by nineteen peers. In that they condemned the war commenced against America with the utmost freedom and asperity; and 49also censured with equal severity, the employing of foreign troops and various other parts of the ministerial conduct.

As none of the measures adopted by administration gave more umbrage than the employment of the Hanoverian troops, opposition determined to bring it before parliament in the most solemn and serious manner. A motion was accordingly made in the house of lords, declaring that to employ foreign troops without the previous consent of parliament, was dangerous and unconstitutional, as being clearly against law. In the debate which followed, various arguments were used for and against the legality of introducing foreign forces into the kingdom or its dependencies without consent of parliament. As an act of indemnity would have been a recognizance of its illegality, it was studiously warded off, as well as the motion itself which was defeated by the previous question, carried by a majority of 75 to 32. In the house of commons, the debates on this subject were no less elaborate, and consisted of much the same reasonings. The motion was similar to that in the house of lords, and was lost in like manner, 81 for, and 203 against it. Thus was a question, of which the magnitude is equal to that of any other fundamental point in the constitution, put off to future decision. While it was in agitation, an incomparable majority of the public agreed in the opinion adopted by the opposition. However they might differ concerning measures to be pursued respecting America, they cordially united with them in condemning the admission of foreign troops into the kingdom or its dependencies, without the express assent of parliament.

That the designs of the Americans might be completely frustrated, it was proposed in a committee of supply, that the naval establishment of sailors and marines should be augmented to 28,000 men, and that the number of ships of war on the American station should amount to eighty. The land forces were to consist of 25,000 of the selected troops in the service. These formidable preparations called up the attention of several principal members in the opposition. In order, if possible, to render the operations of war unnecessary, it was proposed to facilitate the means of reconciliation. [Nov. 7.] To this purpose, Mr. T. Luttrell moved for an address to his majesty, “humbly requesting, that he will authorize the commissioners who may be empowered to act in America, to receive proposals for conciliation from any general convention or congress, or other collective body that shall be found most perfectly to convey the sentiments of one or more of the several continental colonies, suspending all enquiry into the legal or illegal forms under which such colony or colonies may be disposed to treat, as the most effectual 50means to prevent the further effusion of blood, and to reconcile the honor and permanent interest of Great-Britain with the requisitions of his majesty’s American subjects.” The motion was seconded, but when the question was put, it passed in the negative without a division. Lord Barrington, in stating the army estimates, observed that the number of effective men in the army at Boston by the last returns, was 7415; but that the forces in America were augmented to 34 battalions, amounting in the whole to upward of 25,000 men. This augmentation being considerable, he thought it necessary to speak a few words on the subject. He said, he understood that the idea of taxation was entirely given up, and that being the case, it was absolutely necessary to secure the constitutional dependence of that country. The general plan of administration, he believed to be, first to arm, and send out commissioners; and then if the Americans should continue to resist, to employ against them the whole power sent out, in forcing them to obedience. His hint about the idea of taxation being entirely given up, alarmed many gentlemen who had supported government in their coercive measures, with a view, and in a firm persuasion that the revenue to be drawn from America, would, in a proportionable degree, lessen their own burdens.

Neither the secretary of state, who received the congressional petition brought by governor Penn, nor any other minister or person in authority, had since his arrival proposed a single question to him, or desired the smallest information from him. This circumstance gave countenance to the charge, that a system had been chalked out for ministers, which they were obliged blindly to pursue and to act in, merely as machines, without being at liberty to form an opinion as to justice, eligibility or consequence. [Nov. 10.] The duke of Richmond procured however, an examination of governor Penn before the house of lords. It appeared from his examination—that congress was in the highest veneration imaginable by all ranks and orders of men—that he believed implicit obedience was paid to their resolutions through all the provinces—that in Pennsylvania 20,000 effective men had voluntarily enrolled themselves to enter into actual service if necessity required; and that among them were persons of the most respectable character in the province—that he presumed the major part were in flourishing situations—that beside these 20,000, there were 4000 minute-men, whose duty was pointed out by their description. They were to be ready for service at a minutes warning—that the Pennsylvanians perfectly understood the art of making gun-powder—that they had made that and salt-petre—that the art of casting cannon had been carried to great perfection—that small arms had been made to as great 51a degree of perfection as could be imagined—that the Americans were equally expert with the Europeans at ship-building—that he was sure the language of congress expressed the sense of the people of America in general, as far as it applied to Pennsylvania; and for the other provinces he affirmed the same, though from information only—that the petition which he had presented to the king, had been considered as an olive branch, and that he had been complimented by his friends as the messenger of peace—that he imagined the Americans, who placed much reliance on the petition, would be driven to desperation by its nonsuccess—that he was apprehensive that sooner than yield to what were supposed to be the unjust claims of Great-Britain, the Americans would take the resolution of calling in the aid of foreign assistance—and that, in his opinion, the neglect with which the last petition was treated, would induce the Americans to resign all hopes of pacific negociations. When he was afterward cross-examined he answered to some questions put to him—that except in the case of taxation, he apprehended the Americans would have no objection to acknowledge the sovereignty of Great-Britain,—that he knew nothing of the proceedings of the congress, they were generally transacted under the seal of secrecy—and that in case a formidable force should be sent over to America in support of government, he did not imagine there were many who would openly profess submission to the authority of parliament. When governor Penn had withdrawn, the duke of Richmond, after speaking a few words, moved, “That the matter of the American petition affords ground for conciliation of the unhappy difference subsisting between the mother country and the colonies, and that it is highly necessary that proper steps be immediately taken for attaining so desirable an object.” After a long and violent debate, the motion in favor of the petition was rejected by a division of 86 against 33, including proxies.

The house of commons was filled with no less altercation in consequence of the demands for the supplies on account of the American war. The land-tax was to be raised to four shillings in the pound. This augmentation occasioned the country gentlemen to turn their attention to an object particularly interesting to themselves. They had supported coersive measures, in expectation that a revenue would arise from the colonies, to lessen the weight of the burdens with which this country is loaded. Actuated by such hope, they were willing to advance money, while they had a prospect of being relieved from exactions in future, by contributions to be drawn from America. It was therefore with no small surprize and concern that they observed, by the language 52of ministry, that the idea of taxation was in a manner abandoned as inexpedient or impracticable. They declared, that if that essential object was relinquished, they also should recede from their intention of granting money for the prosecuting of a contest, from which no substantial benefits were to be derived; and which was attended with an expence, that nothing but the well founded expectation of large pecuniary future emoluments could encourage them to support. These discontents of the landed gentlemen were a serious alarm to ministry. The only method of pacifying them was a solem assurance that the intention of obtaining a revenue from America had never been dropped. Whatever language might have been held on this subject, no more was meant, than that in times of so much trouble and confusion, it was not advisable to mix that with other causes of dissention and clamor in the colonies; but, though abandoned for the present, the idea fully subsisted in prospect. This explanatory answer having quieted the country gentlemen, the land tax was fixed at four shillings in the pound, by a majority of four to one.

An address, petition and memorial, has been transmitted from the representatives of Nova-Scotia to the king and parliament, in consequence of the minister’s conciliatory proposition during the last session. It proposes the raising of a revenue in the colony, by paying a certain fixed sum in the hundred on the importation of foreign goods. By which regulation the revenue will always bear a due proportion to the wealth and consumption of the colony. The rate of this duty is to be ascertained by parliament, and to remain unalterably fixed; the only future regulation to be allowed is, for making the duty correspond with the comparative value of money at the time the rates are settled. But it prays “that when the exigencies of the state may require any further supplies from this province, that then such requisitions may be made in the usual manner formerly practised;” by which the petitioners evidently mean to secure themselves the right of granting their own money in all such exigencies. It also contains a list of grievances of which they entreat the redress, while they intimate the necessity of such redress to insure a permanent connection, and to retain the affections of the people.

As the petition proposed the raising of a revenue under the direction of parliament, [Nov. 15.] administration received it; and on the day appointed the house of commons went into a committee upon it; when upon the motion of lord North it was resolved, “That the proposition in the petition is fit to be accepted, and that the amount of the duty should be eight pounds per centum, upon all such commodities—that on the formal settlement of this matter, all other taxes and duties should cease, such only excepted 53as regulated commerce; the produce of which was to be carried to the account of the province—and that a direct importation into Nova-Scotia, of all wines, oranges, lemons, currants and raisins, from the place of their growth and produce, should be admitted. A fortnight after, the resolutions were reported, with a view to frame a bill agreeable to the prayer of the petitioners. But a multiplicity of greater objects engaging the time and attention of the ministers, and further consideration, occasioned a total relinquishment of this business.

[Nov. 16.] The rapidity with which ministry carried all their measures, did not prevent Mr. Burke’s moving for a conciliatory bill. The motion was prefaced by a petition from the principal clothing towns in the county of Wilts; and that was intended to counteract another, which had been procured for a contrary purpose, and to prevent (in the petitioners words) the dreadful effects which might arise from such misrepresentation being conveyed to parliament. The debate that followed was not terminated till four in the morning, when the previous question being put, the motion was negatived by a majority of 210 to 105.

Some days after, the bill for prohibiting all intercourse with the Thirteen United Colonies was brought into parliament. You will have received it long before you can get this letter; and must have observed, that commissioners, whom it enables the crown to appoint, have only the power of simply granting pardons, but are not authorized to enquire into grievances, much less to offer the redress of them. This bill roused immediately the utmost fury of opposition; but the ministry were prepared to meet it without being moved from the ground they had taken. In the course of the various arguments and methods of reasoning employed against the bill, no few sarcasms were introduced. Among others, it was observed by one of its staunchest opposers, that the guardian genius of America had that day presided with full influence in the midst of the British councils. He had inspired the measures that had been resolved upon by those who directed the affairs of the country. They were evidently calculated to answer all the purposes which the most violent Americans, and their most zealous adherents could propose, by inducing the people in the colonies to unite in the most inflexible determination to cast off all dependence on this government, and to establish a free and independent state of their own. He therefore moved, that the title of the bill should be altered, and worded in such a manner as should express its real intent and meaning; in which case, he was of opinion, it should be stiled a bill for carrying more effectually into execution the resolves of congress. After a long and vehement 54altercation, the motion for the bill was carried, (Dec. 11.) by 192 votes against 64.

In the house of lords, the opposition to the bill was no less keen and severe. It was reprobated as neither equitable, expedient or politic. This bill (it is said) completes the measures of that severity which refuses to listen to representations of a people, who persist in spite of ill treatment, to call themselves the subjects of Great-Britain; and who implore its clemency to suspend the sword lifted to strike them, till one more hearing has been granted them.

In the course of this famous debate, it was observed by a great law lord, that the question of original right or wrong, was not so much to be attended to, as the indispensable necessity of self-defence. We are now engaged in a war, and must exert ourselves to prosecute it with success. The critical situation of our circumstances compels us to fight. The laconic speech, which a Scotch general in the army of Gustavus Adolphus made to his soldiers, is precisely applicable to our situation. Pointing to the enemy he said, “See you those men, kill them, my lads, or they will kill you.” After a contest which lasted till midnight, the motion for the commitment of the bill was carried by a division of 78 to 19.

It was followed by a protest of unusual length, and great energy, wherein it underwent a severe scrutiny. A minute investigation was made of every obnoxious part, and no censures were spared of which it was thought deserving. The protesting peers were Richmond, Ponsondy, Fitzwilliam, Abergavenny, Rockingham, Chedworth, Abingdon and Manchester. We dissent, say they, in one place, “Because we reject with indignation that clause of this bill, which by a refinement in tyranny, and in a sentence worse than death, obliges the unhappy men, who shall be made captives in this predatory war, to bear arms against their families, kindred, friends and country; and after being plundered themselves, to become accomplices in plundering their brethren.” His majesty went to the house of peers, (Dec. 21.) and gave his assent to the above bill; and to others at the same time.

In the course of the debates upon the American business, the great importance of the colonies to the mother country was urged, by the ministry, as a reason for exerting the force of the nation in order to reduce them to obedience, though upon other occasions they had been spoken of as little consequence. That this reduction might be the sooner and more effectually secured, the states-general were solicited, by a letter of his majesty’s own hand-writing, to dispose of their Scotch brigade, to serve against 55the Americans the ensuing campaign. The request, however, was not granted. The opinion gave by John Derk van der Chapelle, in the assembly of the states of Overyssel, was pointedly against it. When entered upon his last observation, he says, “Though not as principals, yet as auxiliaries, our troops would be employed toward suppressing (that what some please to call) a rebellion in the American colonies; for which purpose I would rather see Janissaries hired, than troops of a free state.”

“In what an odious light must this unnatural civil war appear to all Europe; a war in which even savages (if credit can be given to news-paper information) refuse to engage; more odious still would it appear for a people to take a part therein who were themselves once slaves, bore that hateful name, but at last had spirit to fight themselves free. But above all, it must appear superlatively detestable to me, who think the Americans worthy of every man’s esteem, and look on them as a brave people, defending in a becoming, manly and religious manner, those rights, which as men, they derive from God, not from the legislature of Great-Britain.”

“Their mode of proceeding will, I hope, serve as an example to every nation deprived by any means of its privileges; yet fortunate enough in being able to make suitable efforts toward retaining or regaining them.”

But though his majesty’s request to their high mightinesses was not complied with, his message to the parliament of Ireland had met with success, and they had voted on the 15th of November, “that 4000 troops out of the 12,000 voted for the defence of that kingdom, be spared for his majesty’s service abroad (the message had mentioned America) the same to be no charge to Ireland after quitting the kingdom.” But they declined voting, “that 4000 protestant troops be received to replace the like number sent abroad; these likewise to be no charge to Ireland;” which proposition was also contained in the message.

[Dec. 29.] Sir Peter Parker and earl Cornwallis, with the Acteon and Thunder bomb, sailed from Portsmouth for Corke, to convoy the troops and transports there to America. The Acteon put into Falmouth, and took on board col. Ethan Allen and his fellow prisoners, who had been confined in Pendennis castle, Cornwall; from whence they were removed by direction of government, upon a discovery that there was an intention of bringing them before the proper magistrate by the habeas corpus act, in order to ascertain whether they were legally chargable with any crime that could warrant their confinement. No assistance was given to Allen in England; but when the ship arrived at Corke, a subscription for him was begun in 56Ireland, and an ample supply of necessaries given him, of which he and his friends were in great need. About the 20th of Jan. 1776, the fleet and transports were ready to sail; but the lord lieutenant of Ireland, doubting his power of permitting the troops to go, a clause, giving particular leave on this occasion, was inserted in one of the Irish bills. When the bill came to England, the clause was struck out upon the idea, “that the king had a right by his prerogative to send the troops.” The lord lieutenant still retaining his doubts, the clause was inserted in another bill, which was hurried through with all possible dispatch. But so much time was lost by this affair, that it was the 13th of February before the fleet could sail. It consisted of forty-three sail, and about 2500 troops. On the 18th they met with a terrible storm that dispersed them. Some of their transports put back to Corke, others got into Plymouth, Portsmouth and the Western ports. The carcass bomb got into Portsmouth: When she parted with Sir Peter he had only twenty-five sail with him. It is generally thought, he is destined for the middle or southern colonies.

A single rifleman taken prisoner and brought over to England being carried before the mayor to be examined was dismissed; as no crime was charged upon him, of which that magistrate could take cognizance.

His majesty having entered into treaty with the landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the duke of Brunswick and other German princes, for 17000 men, to be employed in America, Lord North moved, [Feb. 29.] “that these treaties be referred to the committee of supply.” The troops were represented as equal to any in Europe for the regularity of their discipline: and one reason assigned for hiring them was, that men could be more readily had that way than by recruiting at home, and upon the whole on cheaper terms. But the measure of employing foreign auxiliaries was reprobated in all its parts by opposition: however, after debating till past two in the morning, his lordship’s motion was agreed to by a majority of 242 to 88. When the treaties came before the house of lords, they met with equal opposition. The duke of Richmond moved for an address to the king, requesting him to countermand the march of the German auxiliaries, and to give immediate orders for a suspension of hostilities in America, in order to lay a foundation for a treaty, to compose the differences between Great-Britain and her colonies. He took an historical view of the treaties between the British and Hessian court for many years past: showing that this had gradually risen in its demands, in every successive treaty. The present was said to have exceeded all the former in the exorbitancy 57of its conditions. He asserted, from the calculations he had made, that the body of 17,300 foreigners taken into British pay, would, including all contingencies, occasion an expence of no less than £.1,500,000 within the course of a twelvemonth.—It was said in the debates—the colonies are to be devoted to the horrors of war, and to be treated as a nation from which we have experienced every kind of contumelious usage. Unprovided with a sufficient number of troops for the cruel purposes designed, or unable to prevail upon the natives of this country to lend their hands to such a sanguinary business, ministers have applied to those foreign princes who trade in human blood, and hired armies of mercenaries for the work of destruction. An army of foreigners is now to be introduced into the British dominions, not to protect them from invasion, not to deliver them from the ravages of an hostile army, but to assist one half of the inhabitants in massacreing the other. This foreign connection will be productive of the most fatal events. Hitherto this unhappy dispute has been confined to the people of the British empire; the colonies have not shown a disposition for the calling in of any other nation as an umpire. They apparently depend upon themselves for its support and termination; and do not, in all probability, imagine that we can be so imprudent as to associate others to our domestic feuds. But when they see that we have recourse to this odious expedient, they will no longer think themselves bound to stand singly in the contest: they will, after our example, apply to strangers for assistance. They will connect themselves with such, as instead of requiring subsidies, will supply them with men and money—such as will espouse their quarrel, not from mercenary motives, but from hostile considerations to this country—from ancient habits of inveteracy—from a thirst of revenge for the losses and humiliations occasioned by our arms.

The plea of necessity was the constant shield with which the ministry covered all the measures that had been lately adopted. But with regard to the present, they asserted——Treating with foreign princes for the loan of their troops is far from being detrimental; the terms are not exorbitant, considering how indispensably they were known to be wanted, the extraordinary service they are to go upon, the lands and seas they are to traverse in going forth and coming home, and the great uncertainty of their return. The computation of the expences attending them are over-rated. But had the expence been greater, the emergency is such that we must have complied with any terms demanded. The Americans have thrown themselves out of our protection, and are become strangers; so that we should 58not scruple to employ against them, both our own forces and those of our allies. Little is to be apprehended from the countenance that foreign powers may give to America; it is so evident that their plainest interest militates against their undertaking the defence of the colonies, that it is not a subject deserving of discussion.

After violent debates, the question was carried in favor of ministry, by 100 votes to 32. But not without a protest, wherein the lords say, “We have reason to apprehend, that when the colonies come to understand that Great-Britain is forming alliances and hiring foreign troops for their destruction, they may think they are well justified by the example, in endeavoring to avail themselves of the like assistance; and that France, Spain, Prussia or other powers of Europe, may think they have as good a right as Hesse, Brunswick and Hanau, to interfere in our domestic quarrels.” When this business was decided, another came on, which occasioned no less ferment. The secretary of war gave notice [March 11.] that the sum of £.845,000 would be necessary to defray the extraordinary expences from the commencement of March the preceding year, to the end of last January. This information excited one of the most violent storms of opposition ever known. “Never, said they, was so vast a demand for contingent expences incurred in so short a time.” From the various calculations made on this occasion, they inferred that no less than one hundred pounds a man had been expended on the garrison of Boston, within less than the term of a year; during which time they had been reduced to great extremities through want of provisions; and had endured a variety of wretchedness. The ministry, though assailed with much vehemence, stood their ground, upon the approbation and authority of parliament. They argued—As to the expenditure of those sums, which are loaded with heavy censures, it ought to be remembered, that the operations they were employed in, were numerous and chargable; and that the various undertakings which had been resolved upon, were of so novel and difficult a nature, as to require the most resolute exertions and the most liberal support. The Massachusetts had exercised that resistance for which, not imagining it would have been carried to such extremities, they had not made an adequate preparation; but now that nothing less than the most daring and stubborn opposition was expected from the colonists, they should no longer withhold their strength; but should put it forth in such a manner as would shew that Britain was fully able to crush them. A session or two more of firmness and vigor, would bring about an alteration of affairs, and make the colonies repent of the provocations 59they had given to this country. The motion for the supply was carried by a majority of 180 to 57.

[March 14.] A fresh attempt was made in the house of lords to prevent a continuance of hostilities. The duke of Grafton moved, that an address should be presented to the throne, requesting that, in order to stop the further effusion of blood, and to manifest the sincere desire of king and parliament to restore peace, and redress grievances, a proclamation might be issued, declaring, that if the colonies should present a petition to the commander in chief of his majesty’s forces in America, or to the commissioners appointed for such purposes, setting fourth what they considered to be their just rights and real grievances, the king would consent to a suspension of arms, and refer their petition to parliament, where they might be confident it would be duly considered and answered. All the reasonings of those who supported the motion were totally ineffectual: it was rejected by a majority of near three to one. Thus ended a debate, which put a period, for a while, to all attempts for concilatory measures in either house of parliament. But the lord mayor, alderman, and commons of the city of London, still continued their endeavors, in an humble and decent address, which they presented to his majesty. [March 22.] The answer, though not according to their petition, was no wise irritating; and expressed as much mercy and clemency to the Americans, adjudged to be in a state of rebellion, as could be expected, considering what coercion was going forward. Some of the Brunswick troops sailed from Spithead [April 4.] under convoy of two men of war, and were followed the next day by generals Burgoyne and Philips; Burgoyne had left Boston in December, and returned home after a short passage.

[May 6.] Letters patent, by his majesty’s order, passed under the great seal constituting lord Howe and general Howe, to be his majesty’s commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies in North-America, and for granting pardon to such of his majesty’s subjects there, now in rebellion, as shall deserve the royall mercy. The same day, commodore Hotham, with all the transports, having the first division of Hessians on board, sailed from St. Helen’s for North-America. The troops are to assist in forcing the rebels to ask mercy. Five days after, his lordship followed in the Eagle man of war.

According to the estimates laid before parliament, the army to be employed against the Americans, in different quarters amounts to 55,000 men, besides all the recruits raised in Canada and other parts of the continent, which may amount to 5000. These estimates must however have supposed the regiments full. But 60after deducting for deficiencies in all conceivable ways, we may allow the whole land force, with which the united colonies will have to combat, to be at least 40,000 privates and officers.

[May 23.] His majesty went to the house of peers; gave his royal assent to such bills as were presented; and then put an end to the session. In his speech he said, “It is with pleasure I inform you, that the assurances which I have received of the dispositions of the several powers in Europe, promise a continuance of the general tranquility.”

Many in Britain are more then ever disgusted with coercive measures, from the ill success which has attended their execution. The disasters which have happened, have made a deep impression upon their minds; and they are ready to impute them, rather to the iniquity, than to the imprudence of the schemes in agitation. But administration has been supported by both the press and the pulpit. Several pamphlets, composed with much art and ability, and recommended by many of the beauties of language, have painted in black and hateful colours, the claims and conduct of the Americans; and have, by that mean, not a little inflamed the resentment of the mother country. One of the leading methodist preachers, Mr. W——, has revived the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, nearly as asserted in the last century. He declines practising them toward his superiors in the English church, of which he professes himself a member. The doctors Johnson and Shebbeare, as in duty and gratitude bound for their respective pensions, have published many ingenious things on the side of ministry. But none have distinguished themselves more among the political champions of the day, than Dr. Price. He published in February a most admirable peace, stiled “Observations on the nature of civil liberty, the principles of government, and the justice and policy of the American war.” Such was the avidity with which it was read, that it ran through four editions within a month. His opponents may write against it as much as they will, but they will never be able to confute it. On the 24th of March, at a court of common council, a motion was made and carried, “That the thanks of the court be given to Dr. Price, for his excellent pamphlet of civil liberty; also, that the freedom of the city be presented to him in a gold box.” Three days after, at a court of assistants of the drapers company, a motion was made and carried to present the doctor with the freedom of that company. The doctor has conveyed his acknowledgments to the lord mayor, alderman, and common council; and expressed his hope that their approbation would lead the public to fix their 61views more on such measures as should save a sinking constitution, and preserve us from impending calamities.

You may wish to know the sentiments of the French relative to the American contest. Those of the nobility and gentry, who are tolerably versed in the English language, accustom themselves to the reading of the papers containing the disputes between Britain and the colonies. The generality conceive of the affair as a family quarrel, which the parties will make up after a while. Whatever they may wish, as to its continuance and increase, and however they may covertly contribute towards its support, they will decline, for the present, all public interference, and give the most satisfactory assurances to the court of London, from an apprehension that both sides would otherwise accommodate, unite and fall upon them. Should the late acts which parliament have passed, and the hiring of German auxiliaries, force the congress into a declaration of independence, they will still remain inactive, whatever preparations they may make, until some very favourable occurrences brings them forward. Till then, they will not think of taking the colonies by the hand; lest Britain should, upon its being done, offer every thing short of independence, and thereby unite them afresh to the mother country; which might disgrace France in the eyes of other European powers, if not expose her to worse consequences.

You will easily conceive of my eager expectation of hearing from you shortly. The operations in America will soon be extremely interesting. Let your informations be as early and frequent as possible.

LETTER III.

Roxbury, July 19, 1776.

The affairs of Canada shall employ our first attention. Sir Guy Carleton has treated the prisoners, taken at the attack of Quebec, both officers and privates, with the utmost humanity. In conversation with major Meigs, when returning 62his sword, Sir Guy said, “You were certainly deceived in our numbers, and did not expect we were so strong.” The major answered, “No we knew your strength.” Carleton persisted, “You must have been deceived: for you never could have attacked us, had you known that we were double your number.” The major rejoined, “We were not deceived; but were persuaded, that many of your men would not fight, and thought that some of them might join us.” The discourse was changed, and soon ended.

The blockade of Quebec was continued; but great were the fears of the Americans, as they had no more than 400 men to do duty, while there were upward of three times the number in the city. They were in daily expectation, that the latter would sally out upon them. At length capt. Seaborn, with twenty-seven men from the Massachusetts arrived for their encouragement; (Jan. 25.) and was followed by other small reinforcements, whereby they were enabled to rest one night out of two, which had not been the case for a month. They advanced, and began again to erect works before Quebec: but their ordnance proved inadequate. All the troops that could be spared from the garrison of Montreal were sent down: but it was not till late in February, that the army before the city amounted to 960, officers included; of rank and file fit for duty, the number was only 772. Mr. Beaujeu imbodied a party of Canadians, with the design of raising the siege; but was encountered, and easily dispersed (Mar. 25.) by a detachment from the continentals. The misconduct of the American soldiery however, lost them the friendship of the Canadians. The account forwarded by an officer was to the following purport—“When gen. Montgomery first penetrated the country, the Canadians were friendly. His most unfortunate fate and other accidents have produced such a change, that they can be no more looked upon as friends. Their clergy have been neglected, perhaps ill used, and so are unanimously, though privately against the Americans. The peasantry in general have been mal-treated; in some instances have been dragooned with the point of the bayonet, to furnish wood at a lower rate than the current price. They have had given them, for articles furnished, certificates which are not legible, or are without a signature; so that one half them have, of consequence, been rejected by the quarter-master-general. They have had promises of payment, without being paid; and so been brought to look upon the promises as vague, their labor and property as lost, and congress as bankrupt. With respect to the better sort of people, both French and English, seven-eights wish to see the throats of the continentals cut. The whole country has been left without 63any kind of law, other than that of the arbitrary and despotic power of the sword, in the hands of the several commanding officers, too frequently abused in all cases of this nature. The Americans have themselves brought about by mismanagement, what gen. Carleton himself could never effect. A priest’s house has been entered with great violence, and his watch plundered from him. At another house the Americans ran in debt about twenty shillings sterling; and because the owner wanted to be paid, they ran him through the neck with the bayonet. Women and children have been terrified, and forced to furnish horses to private soldiers, without any prospect of pay. While the Canadians have in this way been alienated from, and imbittered against the continentals, these have been practising the most scandalous waste of provisions, and by it, absurdly adding to the danger arising from their other conduct.” On the receipt of this information, congress resolved [April 13.] “That instructions be sent to the commissioners, to cause justice to be done to the Canadians; and that the commanding officer in Canada be directed to be very attentive to military discipline, and to inflict exemplary punishment on all those who violate the military regulations established by congress.” They had before ordered four battalions to Canada, they now added six more; and directed the commissary-general to forward 2000 barrels of pork thither with all possible dispatch.

While the troops lay before Quebec, they caught the smallpox from a girl who had been a nurse in the city hospital, and came out among them. The distemper spread, and the soldiers inoculated themselves for their own safety, regardless of all orders to the contrary. The reinforcements, which were daily arriving, practised the same method; so that though, by the first of May, the army consisted of more than 3000 men, there were not 900 fit for duty at the several posts; and the whole were greatly scattered for want of barracks. What added to the distress, medicines and every thing necessary for the sick, were wanted. This was the situation of the troops when gen. Thomas arrived to take the command; but still something was attempted. The river about Quebec being sufficiently cleared from ice [May 3.] the Americans took the opportunity of the flood for sending up a fire-ship, about ten o’clock at night, in order to fire the shipping; and drew up ready to attack the walls, if the fire should take place. They were provided with ladders, and their scheme was well laid. Had it succeeded, the garrison must have been thrown into great confusion: and had that opportunity for making an assault been embraced, the town must have been in eminent danger of being taken. The ship coming from below was at first supposed to be a friend, arrived 64from sea to the relief of the besieged. Being night, it was not till she was very near the shipping, that she was discovered to be an enemy, when a heavy fire at her commenced; the people on board, finding that they were no longer concealed, lighted the train, and in a moment she was in a blaze; her sails took fire, and checked her way; and the tide beginning to ebb, she was carried down the river. The men made their escape in boats.

General Thomas, perceiving that nothing effectual could be done by the army in its present condition, learning that they had only three days provision, and apprehensive of the danger that would take place upon the arrival of British reinforcements [May 5.] called a council of war, when it was concluded to make the best retreat in their power. The measures which immediately followed, were sufficient indications to the enemy of what was intended. It so happened, that early in the morning [May 6.] after the retreat was concluded upon, the Surprise frigate, from Great-Britain arrived, and was soon followed by the Iris of 54 guns, and the Martin sloop, with succours. They had, by the zeal and activity of the officers and crews, forced their way through the ice while the passage up the river was deemed almost impracticable. They had on board 1000 marines, and two companies of the 29th regiment, which were landed with all expeditson. About noon, gen. Carleton having joined them to his own troops, marched out, 800 strong, to attack the Americans, who had began their retreat before; for gen. Thomas could not hazard waiting an attack, as he was not able to collect more than about 300 men, on account of their being so scattered on Point Levi, Isle of Orleans, Beau Port and other villages. The Americans abandoned their baggage, artillery, stores and other incumbrances. The sick got off as they could, creeping away from the hospitals, many with the small-pox full on them. The Canadians proved kind, secreted and took care of them till they were able to march off and join their comrades. Sir Guy Carleton did not take more than about 100 prisoners. The king’s troops that had just arrived, were in no condition for a pursuit; but could the whole have followed with vigor, they must have taken or destroyed nearly all the American forces, for they had little ammunition. They retreated forty-five miles before they stopped, having marched almost the whole night. After halting a few days, they proceeded to Sorel, in a condition not to be expressed by words; but had the satisfaction of being joined there by four regiments, that were waiting for them. Here they remained, and were reinforced by the arrival of other battalions. During this period gen. Thomas sickened by the small-pox, and died. Having ordered 65that the troops should not enoculate, he would not have a recourse to that precaution for his own security. The Americans have lost in him one of their best generals. He was amiable in public and private life. Contented with domestic happiness, he was not ambitious of an exalted station; but was ready to serve his country in the most hazardous situation. General Thompson commanded after. Thomas sickened, and when the latter died, the command devolved on general Sullivan, who had repaired to Canada early in May.

The Americans had for some time posted at the Cedars, a small fort forty-three miles above Montreal, a party of 390 men, under the command of col. Beadle. Capt. Foster, with a detachment of the 8th regiment, about 40, Canadians 100, and 500 Indians, but without cannon descended from the lakes, and approached toward the fort.^[8] The colonel, in a cowardly manner abandoned his command to major Butterfield, and repaired to Montreal for a reinforcemant. The major having little or no more courage than the other, surrender the fort [May 15.] without making any resistance worth noticing. Meanwhile, major Henry Sherberne was detached with 140 men from Montreal; but col. Beadle, valuing safety more than fidelity or honor, refused to return with the reinforcement. It was the day after the surrender before major Sherburne could proceed from the lake (which he was obliged to cross) with 100 men including himself. The rest were left for guards and other services [May 20.] About five, they were attacked by a body of about 500 Indians and Canadians, who, under cover of a wood fired upon them. The Americans maintained an obstinate engagement for an hour and forty minutes; when the Indians having surrounded them, rushed upon and disarmed them. Many of them were sacrificed to Indian fury, butchered with tomahawks and other instruments of death. They lost in the action twenty-eight killed and wounded. About twenty were afterward killed in cold blood; and seven or eight were carried off by the Indians. The prisoners were immediately stripped almost naked, drove to the fort, and delivered to capt. Foster, whose success in taking the fort was not known before the action. The enemy had twenty-two killed, among them a chief warrior of the Seneca tribe, on account of whose death the prisoners were probably treated with the grosser insult and abuse. Arnold, who had been made a brigadier general the beginning of January, had commanded in Montreal some time, having returned thither upon gen. Wooster’s going down to Quebec. He was desirous of remedying the evil that had taken 66place at the Cedars, and went forward with a party of between 8 and 900 men to the lake. When it was discovered that the general was approaching [May 26.] and making dispositions to attack the enemy, capt. Foster took care to acquaint him, that if he would not agree to a proposed cartel, (which major Sherburne and the other officers had been required to sign and had signed) but proceeded to attack him, every man of the prisoners would be put to instant death by the Indians. Gen. Arnold was extremely averse to entering into any agreement, but was at length induced by the motive of saving the prisoners. A cartel was concluded upon and signed on the 27th, for the exchange of 2 majors, 9 captains, 20 subalterns, and 443 soldiers. It was agreed [May 27.] that four American captain should be sent to Quebec as hostages, and remain there until the prisoners are exchanged.

Let us now direct our attention to Sir Guy Carleton, who had a fresh opportunity of exercising his humanity toward the Americans. That the sick, who were left behind and could not get off when the others fled from before Quedec, might not perish, he issued a proclamation, commanding the proper officers to find out and afford the unhappy persons all necessary relief at the public expence; and to render the benefit complete, and to prevent obstinacy or apprehension from marring its effect, he assured them, that upon recovering they should have free liberty of returning to their respective provinces.

Toward the end of May several regiments arrived; and the British force in Canada, when completed, was estimated at about 13,000 men. The general rendezvous was appointed to be at Three Rivers, half way between Quebec and Montreal, about 90 miles from each. The place takes its name from the viscinity of one of the branches of a large river, whose waters are discharged, through three mouths, into that of St. Lawrence. The British and Brunswick troops were at this time much separated. A considerable body was at Three Rivers under gen. Frazer. Another under gen. Nesbit lay near it on board the transports. A greater than either, with the generals Carleton, Burgoyne, Phillips and Reidesel, was in several divisions by land and water, on its way from Quebec. Gen. Sullivan, from the information he received, concluded upon an expedition against, as he apprehended, the British advance guard at Three Rivers, the execution of which was committed to gen. Thompson. The latter embarked at Sorel, with 1800 men, under colonels Maxwell, St. Clair and Wayne, in fifty boats, and coasting the south side of Lake St. Peter, where the St. Lawrance spreads to a great extent, arrived at Nicolet, from whence they fell down the river by night, 67and passed to the other side, with an intention of surprising the forces under gen. Frazer. Three Rivers is to be considered rather as a long village than a regular town. The plan was to land nine miles above the town, so seasonably as to march down under cover of the night, and to attack it a little before day-break. [June 8.] By reason of unexpected delays, it was so long ere the troops landed, that in a few minutes the day-light appeared. They had then to make a forced march of nine miles. They hastened, ran down hill and up, and got tired. The general pushed on, having procured a Canadian guide, who was either ignorant or unfaithful; for a little before sun-rise he found his forces were too much out of the way. They returned, but lost the road on the side of the river; were soon however, in view of some of the enemy’s boats, between which and the flanking party several balls were exchanged. They then quickened their pace, and continued advancing in sight of the shipping, with drum beating and fife playing, as they knew they were discovered. They soon heard the speaking trumpets sound, “land the troops—land the troops.” The general judging there was no possibility of passing the ships without being exposed to all their fire; and yet determining to persist in the expedition, filed off at a right angle from the river. He meant to take a circuitous route, and enter the town on the back side. A bad morass interposed; the troops entered it; they were then about two miles from the town. A worse march, for about a mile and a half, did not offer in all Alnold’s expedition, the men were almost mired. About nine o’clock they came to a cleared spot, formed and got into some order about ten. They advanced, but before the rear had got off the place of formation, the front received a heavy fire from the enemy, which struck them with terror. The fire was instantly repeated; and though the balls flew over the heads of the troops, without doing any material execution, they gave way and crowded back in the utmost confusion, which left them without a leader, so that every one did as he pleased. They turned their faces up the river, and hastened through the swamp as fast as possible. About eleven they began to collect, and after a while learnt from the Canadians, that the enemy had sent a detachment, with several field pieces by land, to cut off their retreat, and a party by water to seize their boats. About four they were told, that the enemy had secured the bridge before them, which it was supposed they must pass. They were also soon convinced, that a large body was close in their rear. Col. Maxwell ordered all who had collected together to halt, called the officers to him, and said, “What shall we do? Shall we fight those in the front or in the rear? or shall we tamely submit? or shall we turn off into the woods, and each 68man shift for himself?” The last proposal was preferred; but the enemy was so near that the rear of the Americans was exposed to another tremendous fire while going down the hill into the woods, but the balls flew over them without injuring any. The person who was trusted with the care of the boats, had removed them in time to a secure place, so that the loss of the Americans, which must otherwise have been much greater, amounted only to about 200 prisoners. The troops that escaped, began to collect about ten the next day, and by noon were considerably numerous. They got along by degrees, and by sun-set the day following arrived opposite Sorel. [June 10.] General Thompson and colonel Irwin, the second in command, with some other officers, were taken. The killed and wounded of the king’s troops was trifling. This attempt to surprize the British troops at Three Rivers, which may appear to have been a desperate undertaking, would scarce have been made, had it been known in time, how much they had been reinforced by fresh arrivals; and probably ought to have been abandoned the moment that the surprise was no longer possible.

The king’s forces having joined at Three Rivers, proceeded by land and water to Sorel [June 14.] off which the fleet arrived in the evening, a few hours after the rear of the Americans had left it. A considerable body was landed, and the command of the column given to gen. Burgoyne, with instructions to pursue the continental army up the river, to St. John’s, but without hazarding any thing till another column on his right, should be able to co-operate with him. Sir Guy’s extraordinary precaution in putting nothing to the hazard, when not absolutely necessary, gave the Americans the opportunity of escaping. Had Burgoyne been instructed to press on with the utmost expedition, great numbers of them must have been made prisoners, and but few would have crossed Lake Champlain.

Major Nathan Fuller, of col. Bond’s Massachusetts regiment, was entrusted with the care of the baggage when the Americans retreated up the Sorel. It was put on board several vessels. They had a fine passage for a while, but at length were becalmed so long as to give the advance of the British an opportunity of approaching them apace. The major acquainted gen. Sullivan, who was considerably a-head, of the dangerous situation he should soon be in. The gen. sent a hundred batteaux to bring off the men and baggage, and gave orders for burning the vessels. The major had but just time to accomplish the work, and was in some danger before it was finished. [June 15.] General Arnold, with his troops, left Montreal and crossed from the island of Longueil to the continent, in his way to Chamblee. A great part of the 69British fleet and army sailed for the same place, and had not the wind failed, would probably have arrived at Longueil the same night and about the same time with gen. Arnold. The general carried away with him from Montreal a quantity of goods, which he ordered col. Hazen to take the charge of; but the colonel disapproving the measure, would have nothing to do with them. When the troops entered the road near Chamblee, they occasioned such an alarm in the place, that the three companies of artillery formed immediately and marched up the hill to meet them, which brought on a discovery of their belonging to gen. Arnold, and being from Montreal. When the army left Chamblee, the men were obliged to draw their loaded batteaux, to the number of 100 or more, some with cannon in them, up the rapids, by bodily strength and up to the middle in water. Here they destroyed the saw-mills, three vessels and three gondolas, together with all the batteaux which they could not bring off. Major Fuller commanded the rear, consisting of five hundred men, and had under his care the batteaux and baggage. The British entered Chamblee at one end while he quitted it at the other. When he was about a mile beyond the town, all his party except seventy, pushed off to escape danger. Soon after you leave Chamblee, in the way to St. John’s, the road enters a wood, which thickens as you advance in it. Though the road is open and good, yet the brush, wood and trees on each side, afford such a cover to parties, that you cannot ascertain their number, nor be sure that there are not ambushes in various places. The major had an active, sensible, bold officer in the second lieutenant, Mr. George,^[9] who remained with him. The lieutenant was ordered, with 27 men, to flank the advancing parties of the enemy. He, by dividing his men, concealing them on each side of the road, employing them in popping with their guns on the enemy, first in one place then in another, and so changing the scene of their attack, as though they were far more numerous, amused the advance of the enemy in such a manner as to save the rear. Major fuller imputes it very much to the conduct of lieutenant George, that the rear, and of course the boats and baggage were saved. The salvation of these was probably the salvation of the army. When the major found himself abandoned, he sent forward a messenger to col. Stark and other officers, who were not far before, acquainting them with his situation, and requesting their assistance. Cols. Stark, Poor, Porter and others, immediately put themselves under the command of the major, who had also sent on an express to St. John’s, to inform gen. Sullivan of 70his danger, and the necessity of a speedy reinforcement. The general hastened away 1500 men under col. Bond, who met the major about half way between the two places, seven miles from Chamblee. The danger being ended by the arrrival of the reinforcement, the major left the command to his colonel, and went forward to carry gen. Sullivan the agreeable news of all being safe, which, after the various false distracting reports that had reached him, was received with inconceivable transport. The major lost but two men in the retreat; the loss was occasioned by their getting drunk; but from them the enemy could learn nothing of the major’s real condition time enough to take the advantage of it.^[10]

[June 18.] General Burgoyne arrived at St. John’s in the evening. The Americans had taken away every thing and set fire to the forts and barracks. Major John Bigelow staid with about 40 men till they were destroyed, and at dusk pushed off his boats for Isle aux Noix, to which the whole army had repaired. Greater confusion than it had been in during the retreat, is seldom heard of; and yet the loss it sustained is too inconsiderable to be given in detail, or in sum total. From the Isle the army proceeded to Crown-Point without any danger from a pursuit—every boat that could be found being destroyed, and every thing done to impede the enemy. The Americans had also the command of Lake Champlain, and will continue masters of it until a number of vessels can be procured to give Sir Guy Carleton a superiority, and enable him to traverse it with safety. Other matters will now demand our attention.

[June 15.] The New-Hampshire representatives voted unanimously, that their delegates at the continental congress be instructed to join with the other colonies in declaring the Thirteen United Colonies, a free and independent state (not states) &c. provided the regulation of their internal police be under the direction of their own assembly.

It appears by a return of the inhabitants, that the sum total of all the males, females, whites and negroes, amounts to 82,394—The total excess of males is 1131. The males in the continental army are 2488. If of these so many as 1357 survive the service and return, the males and females are equal. In about twenty years the inhabitants will be double the number. “It has been found by calculations, that America has doubled her numbers even by natural generation alone, upon an average, about once in eighteen years.”^[11] The continuance of the war, unless excessively 71destructive, will make no material difference. “In the French war, which lasted from 1755 to 1763 (during which time the colonies made great exertions, and had in the field a great number of men) it was found that the population had increased nearly as fast as in times of peace^[12].”

One Mugford, who had been a master of some trading vessel, applied to gen. Ward for the command of a continental cruiser which lay unemployed. By his importuninity and professions he prevailed and had an order given him. The captain made all possible expedition, got possession of the vessel, procured powder and ball and with twenty men pushed immediately into Boston bay. After he was gone from the general, the latter received such a bad character of him, that he sent off an express to recal the order: but it was to late, Mugford had sailed. He was no sooner in the bay but the ship Hope of 270 tons, 4 guns, and 17 men, presented to view. She was last from Cork, and had on board 1500 barrels of powder, beside carbines and bayonets, travelling carriages for heavy cannon, a vast variety of tools, implements and necessaries for the army and artillery. Capt. Mugford in his cruiser of fifty tons and four guns ran up to her, [May 17.] and ordered her to strike. The Hope, either from the sailors declining to fight, or from other motives, made no resistance. Commodore Banks lay a few miles off with his men of war, and in sight; and his boats might soon have been up with the ship. The captain of the Hope, sensible of this advantage, gave orders for the men to cut the top-sail halliards and ties.—Mugford heard the orders, and knew the consequence of executing them—that the sailing of the ship would be so long prevented, that the men of war’s boats would recover her. He therefore opened with vollies of oaths and execrations: and in the most horrid manner threatened the captain and every one on board with immediate death if the orders were executed, upon which the captain was so terrified as to desist. When Mugford had taken possession of his prize, he was joined by two other small cruisers, who assisted in carrying her safe through Pulling-Point-Gut. The inhabitants of Boston, who have been devoutly engaged in keeping the continental fast, had on leaving their respective places of worship in the afternoon, the peculiar pleasure of seeing the most valuable prize, on account of the powden, taken since the commencement of the war, entering the harbour.

Captain Mugford having secured the Hope, and meaning to go out again without loss of time, sailed down and came to an 72anchor in Pulling-Point-Gut, with the Lady Washington, on Sunday evening. [May 19.] They were attacked, about nine o’clock, by thirteen boats from the men of war at Nantasket.—The boats were beaten off, with great loss on the part of the enemy, in the deaths of the brave lieutenant, who commanded, and several of his men, but Mugford exerting himself heroically, was killed, and was the only person lost on the side of the American cruisers.

The Massachusetts general court for promoting the making of salt-petre, had some time back agreed to take in all that could be made by the first of June at five and three-pence sterling the pound. On the week that closed the period of receiving it, they had purchased in this way 102,635lb. There are such quantities yet coming in, made before the first of June, that the court passed an order to receive for some time to come, at the said price, all that shall appear to be made before that time.

The harbor of Boston had been left in a defenceless state ever since the evacuation of the town, liable to the intrusions of a small naval force, which might have entered and fired the town, or laid it under contribution. The inhabitants of that and the neighbouring towns, being dissatisfied with its continuing so, concluded upon assisting in erecting a fort upon Noddle’s-Island.

In the beginning of May a number of volunteers both laity and clergy, repaired thither from time to time, and aided in the work till it was finished: while the poorer class were rewarded for their labours. Something having been done for the security of the harbor, general Benjamin Lincoln, while the court was sitting, entertained the thought of driving the British shipping from Nantasket, and planned a scheme for effecting it. They consisted of a fifty gun ship, commanded by commodore Banks, the Milford man of war, the Yankee Hero privateer, taken by the last and seven large transports lately arrived with highlanders, an armed brig and two schooners. The highlanders were supposed to be at least seven hundred. On Thursday the 13th of June, the Bostonians were acquainted by beat of drum, that an expedition was going to be undertaken against the enemy at Nantasket. Detachments from colonels Marshall and Witney’s regiments, and a battalion of train, commanded by col. Crafts, were embarked at the Long wharf, together with cannon, ammunicion, provisions, &c. and proceeded for Pettick’s Island and Hull, where they were joined by more troops and sea-coast companies so as to make near six hundred men at each place. Militia from the towns in the vicinity of Boston harbour, with a detachment from the train and some field pieces, took post on Moon Island, at Hoff’s-Neck, and at point Alderton. A detachment 73from the continental army under col. Whitcomb, with two eighteen pounders and a thirteen inch mortar, &c. were embarked for Long-Island, and there took post. The troops did not arrive at the several places of destination till near morning; but when arrived, were active and alert in the highest degree. The cannon were soon planted, and a shot from Long-Island announced their design; on which a signal was made for the fleet to get under way. The commodore bore and returned the American fire with spirit, till a shot from Long-Island pierced his upper works, when he got under sail. Several shells were thrown at him, which might hasten his departure.

Thus was free egress and ingress to the harbour for all friendly vessels, recovered on that very day on which, two years before, the sailing of every one of that kind from the port of Boston ceased by virtue of a British act of parliament. This circumstance was not thought of when the expedition commenced, but was merely accidental, though it could not be overlooked when it had happened. The same day the house of assembly received a letter from the president of the general convention of Virginia, enclosing their resolutions with respect to independency.

Commodore Banks omitting to leave cruisers in the bay, afforded an opportunity to the American privateers of taking a number of highlanders. Three days after his quitting it [June 17.] the George and Annabella transports entered, after a passage of seven weeks from Scotland, during the course of which they had not an opportunity of speaking a single vessel that could give them the smallest information of the British troops having evacuated Boston. They were attacked in the morning by four privateers, with whom they engaged till evening; when the privateers bore away, on which the transports pushed for Boston harbour, not doubting but that they should receive protection, either from a fort or ship of force stationed for the security of British ships. They stood up for Nantasket Road, when an American battery opened upon them, which was the first serious proof they had of the situation of affairs at the port to which they were destined. They were too far embayed to retreat, as the wind had died away, and the tide of flood was not half expended. The privateers with which they had been engaged, joined by two others, made toward them. They prepared for action. By some misfortune the Annabella got aground so far a-stern of the George, that the latter expected but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven at night, the privateers anchored close by, and hailed them to strike the British flag. The mate of the George, and every sailor on board, 74the captain excepted, refused to fight any longer; but every officer and private of the seventy-first regiment, who were in the ship, stood to their quarters with ready obedience to the lieutenant-colonel. On their refusing to strike, the action was renewed, when after a sharp combat of an hour and a half, they had expended every shot belonging to their artillery. They were then obliged to yield, there being no power of escaping, nor the most distant hope of relief. Their killed were eight privates and major Menzies, beside seventeen wounded. The major was buried with the honors of war at Boston. The prisoners experienced the utmost civility and good treatment. A week before the capture of these transports, the Ann, in the same service, was taken and carried into Marblehead, though commodore Banks was then at Nantasket. The number of highlanders taken is two hundred and sixty-seven privates, forty-eight others, beside the honorable Archibald Campbell, lieutenant-colonel to the second battalion of the seventy-first regiment.

[July 3.] On motion in the Massachusetts assembly, it was voted unanimously, “that if congress shall think proper to declare the colonies independent, this house will approve of the measure.”

There is no doubt of its being approved by all the colonies; but there has been manœuvreing in order to produce the necessary disposition among the New-Yorkers; of which you will form the best idea from the following letter, written the beginning of May, from New-York, in answer to one of the preceding month from Philadelphia—“Soon after I received your letter, I sent for colonel Sears, Mr. John Smith and some others, whom I knew to be staunch, to spend an evening with me, that I might converse with them upon the subject (supposed to be that of taking up government.) It would not do to show your letter, or even hint that I had received it; but an opportunity for introducing the subject soon offered. A captain of my guard came and reported, that the committee of safety had sent some persons to the main-guard, who had no complaint lodged against them. I immediately sent to the committee, and they sent a sub-committee to wait upon me. I asked them what charge they had to lay against the prisoners. They informed me one was a collector who had not accounted for the money he had collected, and had abused their congress. The others were in for different crimes. I told them that I could by no means consent to have free citizens subjected to trials by court-martial. They must try them by proper courts, if such there were; and if not, the offenders must run at large, till necessity obliged them to constitute the proper courts. This opened the door for me, and I took 75advantage of it. The sub-committee thanked me for my care over the liberties of their fellow citizens, and owned the necessity of taking up government. Sears, Smith, &c. were strongly of that opinion, and all went home perfectly satisfied, and without suspecting the conversation was any thing more than accidental. The next day Greene and I were ordered to the jail to see some prisoners of war. There I found some persons in for robbery, and one for murder. As I found I had good success in the beginning I determined to keep on, and frequently took occasion to mention the great difficulty which must attend their present state:—that it would be tyrannical to execute those persons without a trial:—to try and execute them, by process in the name of a king, with whom we were at war, would be absurd; and if neither of these methods were taken, they must whether guilty or not suffer perpetual imprisonment. The argument took effect; and even tories themselves acknowledged it was best to take up government, till reconciliation should take place.—This doctrine pleased me well; for I knew if government was once assumed upon whatever motives, they would find that the Rubicon was passed, and that they could never return to their ancient form. I then, by the advice of my privy council, drew up a piece purporting a petition to the committee of safety, to request leave from the continental congress to take up government.—This piece I enclose you, and though badly wrote, it steers so directly between whiggism and toryism, that no person can tell whether it was drawn by a whig or tory. My privy council informed me, that it had the desired effect; the whigs were fond of it because it took effect, their point was carried, and no retreat could ever take place; the tories were fond of it, because it held up the d—d reconciliation they were seeking after. Being well informed of my success, I thought it time to sound our colonel (thought to be M’Dougall.) I sent for him. We conversed freely upon the matter of taking up government. He owned the necessity of it, and said it would be carried into execution at all events, at the meeting of their convention. He informed me, that almost every person began to see the necessity, and that the instructions, then drawing up for their delegates, mentioned nothing about effecting a reconciliation, but to protect and defend America. When I found him in the true way to happiness, I dismissed him, and attacked others;—to tories I painted the evils attending their present state; to whigs I held up the advantage of seizing the precious moment, I soon found my party increase with surprising rapidity.”

Within seven days after this letter was sent to Philadelphia, congress resolved, [May 10.] “That it be recommended to the 76respective assemblies and conventions, of the united colonies where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs hath been hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.” The following preamble was prepared and agreed to, five days after, “Whereas his Britannic majesty, in conjunction with the lords and commons of Great-Britain has, by a late act of parliament, excluded the inhabitants of these united colonies from the protection of his crown; and whereas no answer whatever to the humble petitions of the colonies for redress of grievancies and reconciliation with Great-Britain has been or is likely to be given, but the whole force of that kingdom, aided by foreign mercenaries, is to be exerted for the destruction of the good people of these colonies; and whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good conscience, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great-Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority, under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties and properties against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies, therefore resolved.” &c. as above.

[May 18.] The secret committee was ordered to endeavour to discover the design of the French in assembling so large a fleet and so great a number of troops in the West-Indies, and whether they mean to act for or against America. By this it appears that the congress have no assurance or certainty of support from France.

Corporal Cruz, the rifleman who was carried to England and discharged by the mayor, is arrived with dispatches from Arthur Lee, esq. containing intelligence of the whole naval and land force intended for the attack of the united colonies, and of the places for which they were destined. He got a passage to Halifax, from whence he made his escape to Boston; and then went on to head quarters at New-York. Soon after, congress resolved, [May 23.] That a committee of five be appointed to confer with generals Washington, Gates and Mifflin, upon the most speedy and effectual means for supporting the American cause in Canada. It was the opinion of the generals, that it would be impossible to keep the Indians in a state of neutrality; that they would undoubtedly take an active part, either for or 77against the Americans; and that it would be best immediately to engage them on their side, and to use their utmost endeavors to prevent their minds being poisoned by ministerial emissaries. When the committee brought in their report, it was resolved, among other things [May 25.] “That it is highly expedient to engage the Indians in the service of the united colonies.”

Upon the first intelligence received at Philadelphia of the troops to be employed against the Americans, a citizen of eminence wrote to his correspondent, “We now know who the commissioners are, and their numbers, viz. Messrs. the Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, English, Scotch and Irish. This gives the coup de grace to the British and American connection. It has already wrought wonders in this city; conversions have been more rapid than ever under Mr. Whitefield. The Pennsylvania farmer (Dickinson) told me yesterday in the field, that his sentiments were changed; he had been desirous of keeping the door open as long as possible, and was now convinced that nothing was to be expected from our enemies but slavery.”

The detaching of the ten strongest regiments to Canada, made the most strenuous exertions necessary for getting New-York into a proper state of defence. Congress therefore authorised general Washington to direct the building of as many fire rafts, row gallies, armed boats and floating batteries, as might be judged requisite for the immediate defence of that port and of Hudson’s river. They afterward resolved [June 3.] that 13,800 militia be employed to reinforce the army; and that a flying camp be immediately established in the middle colonies, to consist of 10,000 men. They did not overlook Canada; but on the same day agreed that the general should be empowered to employ in that province a number of Indians, not exceeding two thousand; and two days after [June 5.] ordered that the standing committee for Indian affairs, do devise ways and means for carrying the same into effect. Within four and twenty hours after, they complimented the earl of Effingham, for the singularly noble part he had acted, by naming one of their frigates now building, the Effingham. The names of the rest are, the Congress, Randolph, Hancock, Washington, Trumbull, Raleigh, Montgomery, Warren, Boston, Virginia, Providence and Delaware.

[June 7.] Certain resolutions respecting independency, were moved and seconded, and the consideration of them referred till the next day. Richard Henry Lee, esq. one of the Virginia delegates, had given notice to congress, that on that day he should move for a declaration of independence; he accordingly made the motion. Various occurrences had contributed to ripen 78the colonies for the measure: several of which have been occasionally mentioned: others remain to be noticed. The North-Carolinians were at one time violent against a separation from Great-Britain; a delegate in their convention mentioning independence, the cry was—treason—treason; and he was called to order: but they have been wearied out by the proceedings of the British ministry, and the methods pursued and countenanced by governor Martin; so that all regard and fondness for the king and nation of Great-Britain has subsided, and independence has become the word most in use among them. They ask, “Is it possible that any colony, after what has passed, can wish for reconciliation? The constant publications, which have appeared and been read with attention, have greatly promoted the spirit of independency: but no one so much as the pamphlet under the signature of Common Sense, written by Mr. Thomas Paine, an Englishman. The stile, manner, and language of the author is singular and captivating. He undertakes to prove the necessity, the advantages, and practicability of independence. That no lurking affection for the sovereign may impede it, kings are placed in a light, that tends not only to destroy all attachment to them, but to make them distasteful; their very office is attempted to be rendered odious; from whence the transition to the royal person is easy. Nothing could have been better timed that this performance. In unison with the sentiments and feelings of the people, it has produced most astonishing effects and been received with vast applause; read by almost every American; and recommended as a work replete with truth; and against which none but the partial and prejudiced can form any objections. It has satisfied multitudes, that it is their true interests immediately to cut the Gordian knot by which the American colonies have been bound to Great-Britain, and to open their commerce, as an independent people, to all the nations of the world. It has been greatly instrumental in producing a similarity of sentiment through the continent, upon the subject under the consideration of congress. On the 10th, the business was postponed to the 1st of July; but that no time might be lost, the next day Messrs. Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman and R. R. Livingston, were appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of independence. Directly upon which, congress resolved, “That a committee be appointed to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies; and that a committee be appointed to prepare a plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign powers.”

Let us pass for a while to other matters.

[June 17.] Congress resolved to send major general Gates into Canada, to take the command of the forces in that province; 79but before the latter could reach them, they were at Crown-Point; this however could not be known by congress. They concluded upon authorizing gen. Washington to offer the Indians a reward of a hundred dollars for every commissioned officer, and thirty dollars for every private soldier of the king’s troops, that they should take prisoners in the Indian country or on the frontiers of the united colonies. The general’s army is surrounded by a great number of secret foes, who, he is persuaded, will stick at nothing to effect their purposes of destroying it. They had laid a deep scheme for doing it, which was prosecuted with the utmost vigilance, but has been happily discovered. The general has full proof as to their intentions against the army; but is not so clear whether there was any thing personal designed against himself. The reliance however, which he has on the protection of an all-wise and beneficent Being, has secured him at least against the fear of it; and will prevent any change in his conduct from taking place through apprehension.^[13] Two of the general’s guard were concerned; a third, it is said, whom they tempted to join them, made the discovery. Several were taken into custody; and among them the mayor of New-York, who confessed the bringing of money from governor Tryon to pay for rifles made by a gunsmith now in irons. The mayor, after being twice examined, was remanded to prison, under a proper guard.

This affair produced a change in the politics of New-Jersey. That colony, it was thought, would be among the last to alter its government, whereas it will now be among the first that gets a settled constitution. Nothing more than a bare majority in favor of the alteration, was expected in the provincial congress; but the plot against the general wrought wonders; there were but four dissenting voices. On the 21st, however, before they could know the plot as a body, they proceeded to elect delegates for the continental congress, whom they empowered to join in declaring the united colonies independent of Great-Britain. In this election they left out William Livingston, esq. under a strong persuasion that he was not favorable to independency; and chose the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, the president of the college at Princeton, from a conviction that he would support it with all his abilities.

[June 25.] Gen. Howe arrived at Sandy-Hook in the Greyhound frigate. He soon received from gov. Tryon a full account of the state and disposition of the province, as well as of the strength of the Americans. Gen. Washington’s army was small, rather below nine thousand fit for duty. Of this little army, he wrote [June 28.] “at least 2000 are wholly destitute of 80arms, and near as many with arms in such condition as to be rather calculated to discourage than animate the user.” The same day the British fleet arrived with gen. Howe’s troops from Halifax. They took possession of Staten-Island July the 2d. On the 4th the American adjutant-general, col. Joseph Reed, wrote to a member of congress, “With an army of force before and a secret one behind, we stand on a point of land, with 6000 old troops, if a year’s service of about half, can entitle them to the name, and about 1500 new levies of this province, many disaffected, and more doubtful. In this situation we are, every man in the army, from the general to the private (acquainted with our true situation) is exceedingly discouraged. Had I known the true posture of affairs, no consideration would have tempted me to have taken an active part of this scene; and this sentiment is universal.” Gen. Howe is sufficiently strong, considering the goodness of his troops, to make a successful attempt upon the Americans; but being in daily expectation of the reinforcement from Europe, he will undoubtedly remain inactive till their arrival.

This then is a proper opportunity for relating the operations in South Carolina.

The designs of ministry against the southern colonies, were providentially discovered before the arrival of Sir Peter Parker. In the beginning of April capt. James Barron arrived at Williamsburgh, with dispatches from the secretary of state, for governor Eden of Maryland, which he took from on board a small vessel sent by lord Dunmore to carry them to Annapolis. The secretary’s letter is dated Whitehall, December 23, 1775, and says,

“SIR,

“An armament of seven regiments, with a fleet of frigates and small ships, is now in readiness to proceed to the southern colonies, in order to attempt the restoration of legal government in that part of America. It will proceed in the first place to North-Carolina, and from thence either to South-Carolina or Virginia, as circumstances shall point out.” This discovery is ranked, by the American commander in chief, among many other signal interpositions of Providence, and as serving to inspire every reflecting mind with confidence. No one professes “a more firm reliance on the all-wise and powerful dispensations of the supreme Being, or thinks his aid more necessary.”

[April 18.] The Ann and Isabella arrived at Cape-Fear with part of the 17th regiment; she was the first vessel of Sir Peter Parker’s fleet. From her arrival to the second of May, thirteen transports got in. On the third of May, Sir Peter and twenty sail 81arrived with lord Cornwallis, gen. Vaughan and others; when they met with gen. Clinton, who after leaving New-York, proceeded to Virginia, where he saw lord Dunmore; but finding that no service could be effected in that colony, he repaired to Cape Fear river, and waited the arrival of the armament from Europe. [May 5.] Gen. Clinton issued out a proclamation from on board the Pallas transport, offering free pardon to all such as should lay down their arms, &c. excepting Cornelius Harnett and Robert Howe. The defeat of the highlanders and regulators in February, and the measures afterward taken for the safety of the colony, diverted the commanders from attempting any thing against it; and led them to conclude upon attacking Charleston, which they were in full expectation of subduing, as they had about 2800 land forces to co-operate with the men of war. Prior to their arrival and junction every exertion had been made to put the colony of South-Carolina, and especially its capital in a respectable posture of defence. As one mean conducing to it, works were erected on Sullivan’s Island, situated so near the channel as to be a very convenient post for annoying ships approaching the town; and about thirty cannon, 32, 18 and 19 pounders, were mounted on a fort constructed with palmetto. This is a tree peculiar to the southern states, which grows from twenty to forty feet high, without branches, and then terminates in something resembling the head of a cabbage. The wood is remarkably spongy. A bullet entering it, makes no extended fracture, but buries itself without injuring the parts adjacent.

On the first of June advices were received in Charleston, that a fleet of forty or fifty sail was at anchor about six leagues to the northward of Sullivan’s Island. The next day the alarm signal was fired, and expresses sent to the officers commanding the militia in the country, to repair to the immediate defence of the capital, with the forces under their respective command. In a few days several hundred of the enemy’s troops were landed on Long-Island, situated to the eastward of Sullivan’s, and separated from it by a creek. On the 10th the Bristol, a 50 gun ship, her guns being previously taken out, got safe over the bar. About this time a proclamation was sent ashore, in which gen. Clinton promised pardon to the inhabitants upon their laying down their arms and quietly submitting to the re-establishment of royal government. It produced none of the effects wished from it. The militia of the country very generally obeyed the summons of president Rutledge, and repaired in great numbers to the capital. The regular regiments of the adjacent northern colonies, having been ordered to the assistance of their southern neighbors, arrived at this critical juncture. The whole were commanded by gen. Lee, 82who had been sent to the southward on gen. Clinton’s leaving the Hook. The great opinion every where entertained of his ability and experience, add to the spirits of the troops and inhabitants. In a few days the Americans, including the militia of the town and country amounted to five or six thousand men. The first South-Carolina regular regiment, commanded by col. Gadsden, was stationed at Fort Johnson, on the most northerly point of James Island, and within point blank shot of the channel. The second and third regular regiments of the colony, commanded by cols. Moultrie and Thompson, occupied the two extremities of Sullivan’s Island. The other forces had their posts assigned them at Haddrell’s Point, James Island, and along the bay in front of the town. The streets near the water were in different places strongly barricaded. The stores on the wharfs, though immensely valuable, were pulled down, and lines of defence continued along the water’s edge. Domestic conveniencies were exchanged for blankets and knapsacks, and gentlemen of the most independent fortune, labored with the hoe and spade in their hands. Gov. Rutledge, sore against his will, was obliged to adopt some absolute measures for the defence of the place. He pressed 700 negroes, with tools, &c. belonging to non-associators, to work upon the fortifications and trenches; and seized, for the present, the cash and papers of many associators in name only, to prevent their doing mischief, as they hung back in the hour of trial. In a few days, by the labor of the citizens, in conjunction with the negroes, such obstructions were thrown in the way, as would have greatly embarrassed the royal army, had it attempted landing in the town. [June 26.] The Experiment, of 50 guns, safely crossed the bar, after taking similar precautions with the Bristol.