Volume 2 — THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN REVOLUTION. (continued 10)

During the recess of parliament, measures were pursued by the ministry and their friends for obtaining a body of new troops by a voluntary supply from the people. The towns of Manchester and Liverpool were leaders in this business; engaged in it with the greatest fervor; and immediately sent to court an offer to raise each a regiment of 1000 men. In other places, public meetings of towns, counties and great corporate bodies were encouraged, at which resolutions were proposed for the levying of men for 334the service. Much artifice was practised to draw the city of London into the like measure; and the ministerial party, with the chief magistrate at their head (who might have received instructions and encouragement from his superiors) expected to have effected it; but to their astonishment found themselves deserted by the greater part of those who had hitherto regularly obeyed all their mandates respecting elections to city offices. Such was the effect of the original aversion to the American war, and such the disgust toward ministry on the late unfavorable events. But the chief magistrate would not desist; he suddenly called a court on this business; when they met [Jan. 16.] it was softened down to a proposal for the city to give a bounty for the raising of men for the land and sea service. Warm debates ensued, and the motion was thrown out by a very great majority of the common council. Then followed a resolution, condemning in strong terms, the giving of any countenance to, or being in any manner instrumental in the further continuance of the present ruinous and destructive war. The disappointed persons however, opened a subscription, “to support the authority of Great-Britain over her rebellious colonies in America;” the stile proving offensive, it was changed for the support of king and government; as they were monied men, and liberal, £.20,000 was soon subscribed.

A similar attempt was made in Bristol, and the event was similar. But a number of names to large sums of money, appeared in a private subscription, which rivalled in the amount, that at London. Neither of these subscriptions have been found to produce any great effect. The ministerial measure succeeded no better in the counties. A strong government interest was foiled in Norfolk; and the attempt produced a petition of uncommon force and energy from the freeholders of the county to parliament, against the American war.

The measure of raising new regiments was adopted in Scotland with the greatest avidity. The cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, raised a regiment of 1000 men each; and were indulged, like Manchester and Liverpool, with the nomination of officers. Several individuals undertook and performed the raising of regiments in the highlands. The conditions were generally the same, and very advantageous to both the raisers and officers. Several independent companies, amounting to about a regiment in point of number, were raised in Wales; but the battalions, except those of Manchester and Liverpool, were all formed in Scotland.

When the measures of raising men and money came to be debated, a great law lord pronounced the measure of raising 335troops, without the consent and during the sitting of parliament, to be absolutely illegal, unconstitutional, and a high violation of the fundamental privileges of parliament; and declared that the committees at the London Tavern and at Bristol, who conducted the subscriptions in these cities, had acted a daringly illegal and truly alarming part, having assumed a legislative power, and acted in that capacity, in which, according to the spirit of the constitution, and the express meaning of the bill of rights, parliament only were empowered to act.

The question of benevolence and free gifts did not undergo less discussion, nor their being brought into practice incur less censure, than the doctrine of raising forces without the participation of parliament. They were declared to have been illegal at all times, and in all the stages of the constitution. It was observed, that the present measure overthrew the only colourable argument ever brought to justify the conduct of parliament in endeavouring to tax the colonies. It had held out, “That if the colonies, now that they are grown powerful and opulent, should give free grants to the crown, as they have hitherto customarily done upon requisition, the crown may become independent on parliament for supplies.” This, it was said, became the constant cry of ministers to amuse and deceive the people, and the cloak to hide their worst designs.

On the 6th of February, the treaties between France and the United States were signed. The alliance between these two powers had not been concluded much more than eight and forty hours before it was known by the British ministy.

Mr. Fox, in a debate five days after, made it appear from different calculations, that the number of men lost to the army, in killed, disabled, deserted, and from various other causes, since the commencement of hostilities, amounted to about twenty thousand.

The duke of Richmond in a committee of the house of lords stated, about the same time, the following facts—that since the commencement of hostilities, the number of vessels belonging to Great-Britain and Ireland, taken by the American ships of war and privateers, amounted to seven hundred and thirty-three; forty-seven of which had been released, and one hundred and twenty-seven retaken:—That the loss of the remaining five hundred an fifty nine appeared from the examination of merchants to have been worth at least two millions and six hundred thousand pounds: That of two hundred ships employed every year, in the African trade, before the present troubles, whose value upon an average was nine thousand pounds each, only forty remained in that branch of trade, which was therefore diminished 336one million four hundred and forty thousand pounds annually;—and that the number of American ships of war and privateers, amounted to one hundred and seventy-three, carrying two thousand five hundred and fifty-six guns, and about fourteen thousand seamen. Lord Sandwich on the other side, stated the number of American prizes that had been taken at nine hundred and four, which he estimated at two thousand pounds each, making altogether one million eight hundred and eight thousand pounds; to which he added the value of the fisheries, from which the Americans were excluded, and then fixed the damage they had sustained at two millions two hundred thousand pounds. Upon another occasion the duke stated the extraordinary war-expences of each of the four last years separately; and the whole being ascertained, as near as could be possibly done for the present, amounted to the gross sum of twenty-three millions eight hundred ninety-four thousand seven hundred and ninety-two pounds. He showed also, that was a pacification to take place, no less than nine millions more would be requisite to bring all matters relating to the war to a final settlement.

[Feb. 17.] Lord North introduced his conciliatory propositions. His plan was to enable the crown to appoint commissioners to treat with the colonies concerning the means of putting an end to the present contest between them and Great-Britain. Five persons were to be invested with ample powers; and authorized to treat with congress as a lawful assembly, representing America—with any of the provincial assemblies—and with any individuals. They were to be empowered to order a suspension of arms; to suspend the operation of laws; and to grant pardons, immunities and rewards. The title of Independent States might be allowed till the treaty had been ratified by the king and parliament: The commissioners were to negociate, upon a re-union of the empire, for a reasonable contribution to its common exigencies; but this demand was not to be insisted on, and to be given up rather than not terminate the quarrel. His lordship said in his speech, that Sir W. Howe had been, in the late actions and in the whole course of the campaign, not only in the goodness of troops, and in all manner of supplies, but also in point of numbers, much superior to the American army which opposed him in the field; that general Burgoyne had been in numbers, until the affair of Bennington, near twice as strong as the army of the enemy: that he promised a great army should be sent out; and that a great army had accordingly been sent out, to the amount of 60,000 men and upward. The speech was long, able and eloquent, and kept him up two full hours.—A dull melancholy silence for some time succeeded. It was heard 337with profound attention; but without a single mark of approbation. Astonishment, dejection and fear, over-clouded the whole assembly. It was conjectured that some powerful motive had induced ministry to adopt such an alteration of measures. The idea was confirmed by the positive assertion of Mr. Fox, that a treaty had been signed at Paris, between the colonies and France by which she recognized their independence. Some of the country gentlemen being piqued at Lord North’s having said, that “they had not been misled or deceived,” rose with great warmth, and asserted with indignation, that they had been grossly deceived and misled by the uniform language of government for three years past. In general the party declared, that as the point of taxation, which could be the only rational ground of the war, was now given up, peace should be procured by any means, and in the speediest manner.”

His lordship should have early attended to the hints contained in the letter to Dr. Fothergill, which the doctor got transcribed and sent him, but the minister thought the doctor’s correspondent too sanguine. The intimation that a foreign power might interfere, should have produced a determination to treat immediately——a message to the American commissioners assuring them of it—and the introduction, if possible of the passing of the conciliatory bills before the delivery of the preliminaries to the commissioners on the 16th of December; whereas they were not passed till the 2d of March.

The day before the conciliatory propositions were introduced, a particular incident happened in the house of lords.——After the Saratoga convention, general Gates wrote a very pathetic and interesting letter to the earl of Thanet, with whom he had formerly lived upon a footing of great intimacy. It related chiefly to the situation of affairs between Great-Britain and America. He lamented the misfortunes that had befallen his native country, and the danger to which it was exposed; and then stated the necessity of speedily applying the only remedy remaining, for the cure of the many evils that afflicted or threatened Great-Britain. This remedy he declared to be an acknowledgment of American independence, which he said the United States never would part with. “A wise minister,” he added, “by rescinding the resolutions passed to support that system which no power on earth can establish, will endeavor to preserve so much of the empire in prosperity and honor, as the circumstances of the times, and the mal-administration of those who ruled before him, have left to his government. The United States of America are willing to be the friends, but never will submit to be the slaves of the parent country. They are by consanguinity, 338by language, and by the affection which naturally springs from these more attached to England than to any other country under the sun. Therefore spurn not the blessing which yet remains; instantly withdraw your fleets and armies; cultivate the commerce and friendship of America. Thus, and thus only can England hope to be great and happy. Seek that in a commercial alliance; seek it ere it be too late; for there only you must expect to find it.” The earl of Thanet produced this letter in the house; and after some controversy it was read; and the duke of Richmond moved that it should lie upon the table. The motion was rejected after a warm debate, to the concern of several, who flattered themselves that the letter might have afforded an opening to a favorable accommodation.

The French ambassador delivered a rescript to lord Waymouth, in which he informed the court of London, that the king had signed a treaty of friendship and commerce with the United States of America. The knowledge of this transaction was communicated under the parade of cultivating the understanding subsisting between France and Great-Britain; and was accompanied with a declaration, that the contracting parties have paid great attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantages in favor of France; and that the United States have reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatever, upon the same footing of equality and reciprocity. The rescript concludes with an intimation that the French king being determined to protect effectually the lawful commerce of his subjects, and to maintain the dignity of his flag, had, in consequence, taken eventual measures for these purposes, in concert with the United States of America. No sooner was the account conveyed to the French court, of the immediate effects which the delivery of the rescript seemed to have produced in London, than orders were issued for the seizure of all the British vessels in any of the French ports. The example was followed by a similar order in Great-Britain. But there were few ships in the ports of either. The French are still for preserving certain appearances, and therefore the king’s ordnance, affording new and extraordinary advantages to the captors of prizes, although signed on the twenty-eighth of March, is kept dormant, without publication or effect.

The reception of this rescript was notified by the minister to the house of commons on the 17th. The notice was accompanied with a message from the king, intimating that he should be under the necessity of resenting so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the honor of his crown and the essential interests of his kingdom, and expressing his firm confidence on the zealous 339and affectionate support of his faithful people. An address was moved for in answer to it, to assure the king of the readiness of his people to stand by him in asserting the dignity of his crown and the honor of the nation, and to submit with cheerfulness and spitit, to the expences that would be requisite for that necessary purpose; and was carried after a long debate. In the house of lords, the debates upon the like occasion, were attended with an acrimony of language and a freedom of thought, that seemed to scorn all restraint. In the course of them it was said in substance—“The treatment we have received from France is mortifying; but if we are wise, we shall suppress our resentment at the present hour, and reserve it for a more convenient opportunity. In the continual vicissitude of political events on the continent of Europe, we need not wait long for a favorable occasion of returning the blow given us by France in the present instance. Nor let us forget, that we have ourselves, on former occasions, acted a part similar to that of which we now so grievously complain. When the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, threw off the yoke of Spain, England befriended them in the same manner France does now the United States of America. When France was torn by civil dissentions, we made it our business to interfere, and to espouse the cause of one of the parties. The frequency of the practice, has rendered it a common rule of European politics. Every nation is watchful of what passes among its neighbors, to the well known intent of profiting by their divisions. It was by a strict and constant observance of this maxim, that some of the greatest princes and ministers had made so splendid a figure. Queen Elizabeth in England, and cardinal Richlieu in France, had ruled with so much prosperity, and risen to such fame, by never losing sight of it. The safest way of revenging ourselves, will be by following their example.” The question for an address was carried by a majority of nearly three to one.

[March 21.] A public audience and reception was given to the American commissioners, Messrs. Franklin, Deane and Lee, by the French monarch. They were introduced by Monsieur Vergennes, and received by the king with the usual formalities and ceremonials. This striking acknowledgment of the plenipotentiaries from the United States, must have mortified the ministry and crown of Great-Britain; and may be pronounced the political phenomenon of Europe. The day before it was exhibited, the French ambassador, in consequence of orders to quit London, set out for Paris.

An enquiry into the state of the nation had been proposed some time back, and continued with unabated assiduity in both houses. 340In the house of peers, the duke of Richmond, its principal conductor, brought all matters relating to it, into a clear and perspicuous arrangement. He at length, on the 7th of April, put an end to that intricate and laborious service, by one of the most resolute and animated speeches ever pronounced in that assembly. He moved for an address to the king, in which a representation of the state of his dominions was given, and the conduct of the ministers severely censured, and his majesty urged to put an end to that system which had prevailed in his court and administration. He insisted upon it, as he had repeatedly done on former occasions, that the only measure of safety was to recal the British forces from the colonies, and to conclude an accommodation with them upon the most advantageous terms that could be obtained. He would even agree to their independence. Opposition was not, however, unanimous. The earl of Chatham resisted it with a strength of determination, and a vehemence of speech that were peculiar. The earl of Shelburne embraced similar sentiments. They jointly protested against any measure that tended to the dismemberment of the empire, and to the acknowledgment of American independence. The latter emphatically stiled it the “setting forever of the British sun.” All dangers and all trials were to be encountered sooner than to submit to such a dismemberment. Great-Britain was in possession of ample resources to prevent such a disaster. The numbers and spirit of her people, their riches and their strength, were greater than her foes suspected; and even than she herself could well ascertain till they had been justly tried. During the debate of the day, the earl of Chatham, while engaged in his eager speech against the acknowledgment of American independence, was seized with that fainting which was the prelude to his death on the 11th of May, in the seventieth year of his age. He has left behind him the character of one of the greatest orators and statesmen that this or any other country has ever produced; with the finest opportunities in his hands of acquiring an ample fortune, he left his family destitute of all suitable provision. The house of commons, however, to testify their gratitude to him for his important and eminent public services, provided for the payment of his debts, and settled an honorable income upon his posterity.

The Duke of Richmond’s proposed address was rejected by a great majority. But a protest was signed upon the occasion, by twenty peers, wherein they condemned, with the utmost freedom and asperity of language, the design to persist in the measures carried on in the colonies.

341[April 13.] A French squadron which had for several months been equipping at Toulon, sailed from that port under the command of count d’Estaing. It consisted of twelve ships of the line, and four frigates of superior size. Mr. Silas Deane and Mr. Gerard, who has been appointed the French minister to congress, were on board. On the 4th of May, authentic intelligence of his sailing, arrived at St. James’s. Some of the ministers happening to be out of town, the cabinet could not meet till the sixth; when orders and instructions were instantly dispatched to Portsmouth; and on the next day all hands were employed in preparing for the immediate sailing of a powerful squadron. On Friday the 8th, the wind changed to the west, and it was not till the 20th that admirals Byron and Hyde Parker sailed from Portsmouth, with twelve ships of the line; but the British minister’s not knowing whither count d’Estaing’s squadron was destined, nor that Deane and Gerard were on board, they sent an express to stop their final sailing till further orders, so that they put into Plymouth. At length being relieved from their doubts by the 5th of June, they determined to send admiral Byron to America, and at the same time to give him the command on that station, by sending with him that leave to return which lord Howe had desired; and on the 9th the admiral sailed from Plymouth. Lord Howe had been deceived into his command; had been deceived while in the exercise of it; and being tired and disgusted, had required permission to resign.^[86]

[May 13.] General Burgoyne landed at Portsmouth. On his arrival at London, he soon discovered that he was no longer an object of court favor. He was refused admission to the royal presence; and from thence experienced all those marks of being in disgrace, which are so well understood, and so quickly observed by the retainers and followers of courts.

[May 14.] Sir George Saville moved for leave to bring in a bill for the repeal of certain penalties and disabilities provided in an act of the 10th and 11th of William III. entitled an act to prevent the further growth of popery. He proposed that a sufficient test might be formed, by which the papists should bind themselves to the support of the civil government by law established. The motion was received with universal approbation. A bill was brought in and carried through both houses with uncommon unanimity; ministry and opposition vied with each other in activity to forward it; the first considered it as a prelude to the employing of papists in the fleets and armies; that respectable body who called themselves old whigs, took the lead avowedly in support of it; and the bench of bishops co-operated heartily with the other promoters of it; it was passed without a 342single negative, and received the royal assent on the 27th of May. By this act the clause in the act of William III. for prosecuting of popish bishops, priests or jesuits, is repealed; also that for subjecting papists keeping schools for the education of youth, to perpetual imprisonment; and that likewise which disables papists from inheriting lands by descent, and gives to the next of kin (being protestants) a right to inherit such lands; beside that which disables papists from purchasing manors, lands or hereditaments, in England or Wales; but the act leaves all lands in possession, just as they were, and all causes in litigation, as if it had never been made; and the benefits arising from it, rest on the condition of taking a certain prescribed oath of allegiance within six months of its passing into a law.

[May 25.] Sir William Meredith observed in the house of commons, that the British ministers had early and complete intelligence of the French preparations at Toulon. He said that on the 3d of January they had notice of the equipment; on the 8th of February they had advice of the number of ships that was to compose the squadron; and on the 28th of the same month, that the crews were all completed; and that they had early information of count d’Estaing’s arrival, and of the day on which he intended to sail. He moved, among other matters, that it did not appear to the house, that any orders were sent until the 29th of April, for any fleet of observation, to attend the motions of that from Toulon; but the strength of ministry was too great to admit of its being carried.

On the 3d of June a period was put to the session of parliament; and on the 9th the earl of Chatham’s remains were honorably interred in Westminster Abbey, at the public expence; at which also, a magnificent monument has been ordered to be erected in the same place, to his remembrance.

Warlike preparations are going forward in every part of Great-Britain; but the French have undoubtedly the start, and are in the greater forwardness. Admiral Keppel sailed from St. Helen’s on a cruise off Ushant [June 13.] with twenty ships of the line; but not in that excellent order, nor so well manned, as the critical situation of affairs between the two nations appears to require.

What could not be mentioned in the order of time, must now be related, that capt. Jones, of the Ranger privateer, from Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire state, toward the end of April, landed in the night, at Whitehaven, in Cumberland, a party of 30 men, and set fire to one of the ships in the harbour; by the exertion of the inhabitants the flames were extinguished before they had reached the rigging. He afterward landed some men on the 343western coast of Scotland, and plundered the house of Lord Selkirk, near Kirkudbright, of plate, jewels and other valuable articles. He is a Scotchman by birth, and is said to have lived formerly with his lordship.

You may expect from me the earliest intelligence of those important transactions, that are about to commence in this quarter of the world.

LETTER XII.

Rotterdam, Aug. 15, 1778.

Friend Gordon,

The French, to perplex the councils of the British court assembled a multitude of regiments from all parts of the kingdom, and marched them down to the sea side, where they formed large encampments opposite to the shores of Great-Britain.—These manœuvres occasioned the calling out and embodying of the militia of England upon the rising of parliament. The militia being joined by the regular forces, camps were formed in different places: but the nation trusted most to the navy.

My last closed with the account of Admiral Keppel’s having sailed. He was deservedly in the highest esteem with his own profession, as well as the public. It was extremely proper therefore that he should be appointed to command that fleet, to which was committed the defence of the island, the protection of the homeward bound trade, and the preservation of the dignity of the British flag in the adjoining seas. On his arrival at Portsmouth toward the end of March, he found matters very different from the opinion that had been generally circulated, and from what he himself had been led to expect. Instead of a strong and well appointed fleet, he discovered to his astonishment, that there were only six sail of the line in any degree of condition for immediate service; even these on his reviewing them, with a seaman’s eye, gave him no peculiar pleasure. The paucity and condition of both men and ships was not more alarming, than the deficiency of all kinds of naval stores was lamentable; 344but the admiral acted with such prudence and caution, as to prevent that increase of the public alarm, that a display of these circumstances must have occasioned. He urged his private applications to the admiralty, with such assiduity and effect, that a new spirit and unusual degree of vigor were suddenly seen to prevade the naval department: and such industry was used, that beside dispatching the twelve ships for America under Byron, he was enabled to take the seas with a fleet of twenty sail of the line, at the time already mentioned. He had scarcely arrived at his station in the Bay of Biscay, when two French frigates, with two smaller vessels appeared in sight, and were evidently taking a survey of the fleet. War had not been declared nor reprisals ordered: but it was necessary to stop these frigates, as well to obtain intelligence, as to prevent its being conveyed. A general signal for chasing was made; a ship of the line got at length along side of the Licorne of 32 guns; on her firing a gun, the Frechman stood to her and was brought into the fleet. Mean while, the other French frigate, La Belle Poule, of twenty-six heavy twelve pounders, beside several others of lighter metal, with a schooner of ten guns in company were closely pursued by the Arethusa frigate of only twenty-eight six pounders, and the Alert cutter, till ought of sight of the fleet. The Arethusa getting up with her chase, captain Marshall requested the French officer, lieutenant Chedeau de la Clocheterie to bring to, and acquainded him with the order for conducting him to the admiral. A compliance being refused, the captain fired a shot across the Belle Poule, which she instantly returned, by pouring her whole broadside into the Arethusa. A desperate engagement ensued with unusual warmth and animosity for above two hours, each side vying with the utmost degree of national emulation to obtain the palm of victory, in this first action and opening of a new war. The Belle Poule had the superiority not only in the weight of metal, but to number of men. The Arethusa was so shattered, that she became almost unmanageable as there was little wind. The captain was obliged to act with the more caution, as he was upon the French coast, and close on shore at midnight. The Belle Poule having her head in with the land, and meeting with no further interruption from the Arethusa, embraced the opportunity of standing into a small bay. During the forepart of this action, the engagement was no less warm between the Alert cutter and French schooner.—Their force was about equal. The contest was well supported for upward of an hour, when the schooner was compelled to strike. Next morning an unexpected movement made by the Licorne, occasioned one of the convoy to fire a shot across her 345way, as a signal for keeping her course, when to the astonishment of admiral Keppel and the whole fleet, she suddenly poured her whole broad-side, accompanied with a general discharge of musketry, into the America, of 74 guns, at the instant lord Longford, her commander, was standing upon the gunwale, and talking in terms of the utmost politeness to the French captain. The frigate instantly struck her colours, as soon as she had discharged her fire. Only four of the America’s people were wounded. Notwithstanding the provocation, lord Longford had such command of his temper as not to return a single shot.—Another French frigate falling in with the fleet, was detained by the admiral, under the plea of hostility committed by the Licorne; but several French merchantmen wer suffered to pass through the fleet unmolested. The capture of the French frigates afforded the admiral a source of the most critical and alarming information. He was now within sight of Ushant, when he discovered to his astonishment, that the French fleet in Brest road and Brest water, amounted to thirty-two ships of the line, beside ten or twelve frigates, while his own force consisted only of twenty of the former and three of the latter. The odds between the two fleets was so vast, that he could not justify risking an action, which might prove fatal to the kingdom. But it gave him the greatest uneasiness to find himself obliged to turn his back on France. The French no sooner determined to take a decided part with the Americans, than they assiduously applied themselves to the getting of their navy into the utmost forwardness for actual service; and had proceeded with such profound secrecy that the strength of it had not transpired so as to reach the British ministry, who appear to have been wanting in procuring good and early intelligence; which was a matter of so much importance in the estimation of the French, that they used every means for obtaining it. The Brest fleet lay ready for sailing; and was only detained till the destination of admiral Byron’s force could be ascertained at Paris.

[June 27.] On the return of the British fleet to Portsmouth, the admiral’s conduct was branded with the most opprobrious terms, and ascribed to the most disgraceful motives, and his general character treated with the most indecent scurrility in those publications which he considered as under the immediate direction of the ministers. He bore all with wonderful temper; made no complaints; pressed forward the preparations for his return to sea, without noise or parade; and submitted to all the unmerited reproach thrown upon him, without being provoked to a justification, which, by the narration of the fact, must have criminated the first lord of the admiralty. The seasonable arrival 346of the two first of the British West-India fleets, and of the Levant trade, brought in a supply of seamen at the most critical period in which they could have been wanted. By this mean, and the exertions every where used by the admiralty, Keppel was enabled to put again to sea, on the ninth of July, with 24 ships of the line, and was joined on the way by six more; he had also an addition of one frigate and two fire ships. Mean while the French king made use of the engagement with the Belle Poule and the taking of the other frigates, as the ostensible ground for issuing out orders for a reprisal on British ships, and the ordinance signed the 28th of March, was immediately published. Similar measures were pursued in Great-Britain, when the account of these transactions was received. Thus nothing of war was wanting between the two nations, excepting the formality of the declaration.

The force and destination of admiral Byron being at length made certain to the French ministry, orders were sent to the Brest fleet to proceed to sea. They instantly weighed anchor, and sailed the day preceding the departure of the British fleet from Portsmouth. They amounted to 32 ships of the line, and a cloud of frigates, and were divided into three squadrons, the whole under the command of the count d’Orvilliers, who was assisted in his own particular division, by admiral the count de Guichen. The second was commanded by the count Duchaffault, assisted by monsieur de Rochechovart; and the third by the duke of Chartres, a prince of the blood, seconded by admiral the count de Grasse. The duke was sent on board by the court to animate the fleet, and to intimate the greatness of the objects proposed, and how much reliance was placed on the courage and exertions of the officers and seamen. The British fleet was also thrown into three divisions, the van being commanded by Sir Robert Harland, and the rear by Sir Hugh Palliser. The commander in chief, with the centre division, was assisted by the voluntary services of admiral Campbell, a brave and experienced officer, who from ancient friendship and a long participation of danger and service, condescended to act as first captain in Keppel’s own ship, the Victory. The two fleets came in sight of each other on the 23d, in the afternoon. From the movements of the French admiral, it was inferred that he had no knowledge of the increase of Keppel’s strength; but considered his fleet as being in number the same as when on its station before Brest. He appeared disposed to bring on an immediate action; but when the fleets approached so near as to discover each other’s force, he apparently relinquished that determination, and continued afterward to evade, with great caution and knowledge in his profession, 347all those endeavours which were used on the other side to bring on an engagement. Through a fresh gale and a change of wind in the night, the French gained the weather gage, by which they had the advantage either of bringing it on, or of totally avoiding it. But two of their line of battle ships fell considerably to the leeward, and were so effectually cut off from the rest of the fleet, that they were never able to rejoin it during the remainder of the cruise. This put the hostile fleets on an equality in point of number, with respect to line of battle ships. The British fleet continued constantly to beat up against the wind in pursuit of the French, who declined coming to a general engagement, as they daily expected a strong reinforcement, and hoped to intercept the commercial fleets, that, while making for the British ports, would have to pass through the track in which their numerous frigates were stationed. Admiral Keppel penetrated their motives, and labored to bring them to action; and as the preserving of a regular line of battle with any hope of it was evidently impracticable, the signal for chasing to windward was kept constantly flying. [July 27.] Some sudden shifts of wind, together with an unexpected and unintentional effect produced by an evolution on the French side, being all improved by the most masterly efforts on the other, brought the two fleet so close that they could not part without an action. But the French endeavored to avade its consequences as much as possible; and by suddenly putting about on the contrary tack, altered the course of the ships in each fleet, so that they could engage only as they passed, instead of lying side to side, and thereby making an effectual impression.

The French began, by firing at a great distance on the headmost of Sir Robert Harland’s division as the ships led up, but not a shot was returned till they were near the enemy. The example was followed, or a similar conduct pursued by the fleet in general, as fast as each ship could close up with the French; and notwithstanding their having been necessarily extended by the chase, they were all soon in battle. As the fleets passed each other very close on the opposite tacks, the cannonade was heavy, and the effect considerable. The action lasted about three hours. As the French in their usual way, directed their fire principally against the rigging, several of the British ships suffered considerably in their masts, yards and sails. The British fire which was principally levelled at the hulls of the enemy, was not deficient in its effect of another kind, the destruction of the seamen. The action being over for the present, admiral Keppel hauled down the signal for battle, till the ships could recover their stations, or get near enough to support each other on the renewal 348of the action. To call them together for that purpose, he immediately made the signal to form the line of battle a-head, which was considered as commanding the most prompt obedience. Admiral Palliser was at this moment in his proper station; but quitted it and passing Keppel to leeward on the contrary tack, while the latter was advancing to the enemy, never came into the line during the rest of the day. Palliser being totally out of the line, other ships for a-stern, and 5 disabled in their rigging, at a great distance to leeward, the British admiral, about 3 o’clock in the afternoon, could not collect above twelve ships to renew the engagement. The French observing the exposed situation of the British ships which had fallen to leeward to repair their damages, edged away with an evident intention of cutting them off from the rest of the fleet. Adm. Keppel instantly discerned their design and the danger of the ships, and suddenly wore and stood athwart the van of the enemy, in a diagonal line, for their protection. He also dispatched orders to Sir Robert Harland to form his division at a distance astern of the Victory, to cover the rear and keep the enemy in check, till Palliser should, in obedience to the signal, come with his division into his proper station. The protection of the disabled ships being accomplished, and the French continuing to form their line, ranging up to leeward parallel to the centre division, it became the admiral’s immediate object to form his as speedily as possible, in order to bear down upon them and renew the battle. Seeing Palliser still to windward, he sent capt. Windsor of the Fox frigate with express orders to him to bear down into his wake; and to tell him, that he only waited for him and his division to renew the attack. This order not producing the desired effect, the admiral threw out the signal for all ships to come into their stations; and again at seven o’clock, being wearied out with fruitless expectation, he made the signal for each particular ship of Palliser’s division to come into her station in the line; but before they had complied with this signal, night put an end to all further operations.—From a motive of delicacy, no signal was particularly thrown out to the Formidable, Sir Hugh Palliser’s own ship.

The French could have renewed the action during every hour of the afternoon, with apparent advantages, which from the situation of affairs could not possibly have escaped their observation. Their conduct the following night indicated their indisposition to a renewal of it. Three of their best sailing vessels were stationed at proper distances with lights to divert the attention of the British fleet, and to induce a belief that their whole line still kept its position. During this deception the rest of the fleet withdrew in the most silent manner, without lights or other signals 349than the throwing up of some rockets; and made the best of their way to Brest, where they arrived the next evening. By day-light the French fleet had got at such a distance, that the British admiral concluded, he had not the smallest prospect of coming up with them, and that neither a general nor partial pursuit could answer any beneficial purpose. He therefore left only a proper force to protect the homeward bound trade, and then made the best of his way to Plymouth, as being the nearest port, in order to put the fleet into a proper condition to return in quest of the enemy.

It was observed on the day of action with equal surprise and regret, and by some of the bravest and most experienced British officers, that the French worked and manœuvred their ships, with a degree of seaman-like address and dexterity, which they never before perceived. The event of the day, and the consequent escape of the French fleet were to admiral Keppel intolerably grievous. By his consummate skill, and the most incessant industry, he had gained after four days pursuit of the enemy, one of the fairest opportunities of doing the most signal service to his country, in the most critical exigency, and of raising his own name to the summit of naval renown. He hoped to have made the 27th of July, “a proud day to Great-Britain.” All these mighty advantages and glorious rewards were unaccountably ravished from him, when they appeared within his grasp. In Plymouth, the failure of a complete victory was attributed to Sir Hugh Palliser; whose non-compliance with the admiral’s signals has been ascribed by many to the disabled condition of some of the ships in his division.

The admiral, with wonderful temper, and no less prudence, accommodated his conduct to the necessity of his situation, and made the public security and interest the only objects of his direction. He advanced no charge against Palliser. His public letter was short, general, and barren of information. It stated facts so far as it went, threw no blame upon any body, and commended the bravery of the officers in general, and of Sir Robert Harland and Sir Hugh Palliser in particular. But this approbation is to be applied only to the particular circumstances and immediate time of the action: the subsequent transactions of the afternoon, were in general thrown into the shade; and the causes that prevented a renewal of the engagement left in such obscurity, as has drawn no small share of censure upon Keppel himself.

The French fleet returned to Brest considerably damaged in their hulls, but glorying in an action, wherein they had engaged an equal number of British ships without the loss of a single vessel, 350as though they had gained a victory. It will be some time before they are fully repaired, through a scarcity of the necessary means.

The Americans have many friends in Holland, who will be ready to assist them when an opportunity offers; but not a-la-mode de Paris. They have not the same inducements with the French to venture on a war with Britain, in favor of the independence of your United States. Dutch policy will keep them from it, that they may enjoy the sweets of a neutrality while others are fighting. They may supply you with a loan; but they will not draw the sword in your behalf. Nothing will bring them to this unless Britain should add to their long catalogue of political errors, that of compelling them to it.

LETTER XIII.

Roxbury, Nov. 12, 1778.

Lieutenant colonel Ethen Allen was at length exchanged; and congress granted him a brevet commission of colonel, [May 14.] in reward of his fortitude and zeal in the cause of his country.

General Sullivan being sent to command at Providence, gen. Pigot who was at Newport, inferred that there was a design of attacking Rhode-Island whenever an opportunity offered: the latter therefore concluded upon an expedition that might delay or frustrate the event. Lieutenant col. Campbell, with about 500 British and Hessians was sent off in the night of the 24th, passed up the river, and landed from the ships, tenders, and boats before day, between Warren and Poppasquash-point. At day-light [May 25.] they marched in two bodies, one for Warren, and the other for the head of Kickemut-river, where they destroyed about seventy flat-bottomed boats, and set fire to one of the state gallies, which was extinguished without doing much injury. They burnt also a quantity of pitch, tar, plank, &c.—They then fired the meeting-house at Warren, and several dwelling houses; and retreated toward Bristol, where their ships and boats had fallen down to receive them. In Bristol they burnt 351two and twenty houses, and through mistake, the church instead of the meeting-house. The destruction of houses and places of worship, was afterward attributed chiefly to the licentiousness of the soldiers, who treated both friends and foes with cruelty, plundering houses and robbing women of their shoe-buckles, gold rings and handkerchiefs. They carried off with them a state galley. A few days after, a party of 150 men were sent from Newport, to burn the saw-mills and contiguous houses at Tiverton. They fired an old mill and old house near the place of landing; and then proceeded for the town, to execute the business they were sent upon; but the bridge leading to it being defended by five and twenty men, they could not cross, though they attempted it repeatedly. The advancing season will close these small excursions, by bringing forward more capital operations; and for the counteracting of which the Americans must depend much upon supplies from France.——This reminds me, that on the 28th, a French 50 gun ship, with 350 men, a brig and a schooner, bringing arms and dry goods, arrived in James River, Virginia, from Rochford. Congress the next day, to commemorate the agreeable event which has taken place between France and the United States, resolved that a new continental frigate, built in the Massachusetts, and lately launched, should be called the Alliance. Within three weeks after, the command of her was bestowed upon captain Peter Landais.

In the beginning of June the Trident arrived in the Delaware, with the earl of Carlisle, Mr. Eden and governor Johnstone, three of the commissioners for restoring peace between Great-Britain and America. On the 9th Sir Henry Clinton informed gen. Washington of their being at Philadelphia, and requested a passport for doctor Ferguson, their secretary, with a letter from them to congress. The general declined granting a passport, which was unanimously approved by congress. The refusal made it necessary to forward the letter, with the acts, a copy of their commission and other papers, by the common intercourse. They were received by an express from Washington on the 13th, and the letter was read till some offensive language against his most Christian majesty offered, on which the further reading of it was suspended till the 16th, when the reading of that and the other papers was finished. They were referred to a committee, who drew up a letter to be sent by the president, in answer to the letter and papers from the commissioners, which was unanimously agreed to by the delegates on the 17th, and was as follows—“I have received the letter from your excellencies on the 9th instant, with the enclosures, and laid them before congress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the further effusion 352of human blood, could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his most Christian majesty, the good and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an independent nation. The acts of the British parliament, the commission from your sovereign, and your letter, suppose the people of these states to be subjects to the crown of Great-Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible. I am further directed to inform your excellencies that congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the savage manner in which it hath been conducted. They will therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of Great-Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies.—I have the honor to be, your excellencies most obedient and humble servant.” Before this letter could be received by the commissioners, a movement took place at Philadelphia, which must have completely frustrated all negociation, had the same been even in a train answering to the wishes of the British agents, for it indicated an apprehension of great danger to the royal forces should they continue in the city.”

Mr. Eden brought with him secret orders for the speedy evacuation of Philadelphia; they were so secret as not to be made known either to himself or governor Johnstone. Whether the earl of Carlisle met with the like treatment, is not yet ascertained. It has been publicly asserted, that the orders were dated exactly three weeks before the commissioners sailed from England, which carries the date back to the last of March. On their delivery, Sir Henry Clinton immediately applied himself to the putting of them into execution. By the eighteenth every thing being ready, the British army evacuated the city, at three o’clock in the morning. They proceeded to Gloucester-Point, three miles down the river, and before ten the whole had passed in safety across the Delaware, into New Jersey. At ten they began their march to Haddonfield, which they reached the same day. Your curiosity may make you desirous of knowing in what condition the British left Philadelphia. An American son of liberty, who visited it in the beginning of July, wrote to his friend—“The whole north side of the city, before you enter, is a promiscuous scene of ruin. Upon getting into the city, I was surprised to find it had suffered so little. I question whether it would have fared better, had our own troops been in possession 353of it, that is, as to the buildings.” The necessary preparations for its evacuation, could not be concealed from general Washington; when the appearance of their intending to march through Jersey became serious, he detached general Maxwell’s brigade, in conjunction with the militia of that state, to impede the progress of the royal troops, so as to give the American army time to come up with them, and to take advantage of any favorable circumstances that might offer. Some time before, gen. Lee having been exchanged, had joined the army at Valley-forge. The evening preceding the evacuation, the principles of the operations proper to be adopted, were taken up and fully discussed by his excellency and the general officers, when it appeared to be the common sentiment, that it would be highly criminal to hazard a general action with the enemy at present, as by it they might lose every advantage which a three years war, combined with many fortunate circumstances, had given to America. The next day his excellency, after observing, “near 11,000 men would be able to march off the ground in a condition for service,” proposed in writing, a set of queries to the several general officers, in order to learn the particular opinion of each, as to “what is to be done?” which was to be returned on paper. The answers were in common the same with the prevailing sentiment of the council on the preceding day. Gen. Mifflin was not of the number consulted. He would have gloried in being present to have taken an active part upon this occasion; but by some secret manœuvres was thrown at a distance. He desired and obtained leave of congress, on the 4th of May, to join the army, and repaired to Valley-forge. Some of the general officers were disgusted at the thought of his returning to his command now the campaign was opening, to share in the honors it might yield, when he had not shared with them in the peculiar distresses of their winter-quarters. When their sentiments came to be known to certain members of congress, measures were taken to produce and perfect the following motion on June 11th, “That gen. Washington be directed to order an enquiry to be made into the conduct of major-general Mifflin, late quarter-master-general, and the other officers who acted under him in that department; and if it shall appear that the extraordinary deficiencies thereof, and the consequent distresses of the army were chargeable to the misconduct of the quarter-master-general, or any of the said officers, that a court-martial be held on the delinquents.” When this enquiry was ordered to be made, he was with the army, and in a fair way of obtaining a just proportion of his countrymen’s confidence. He clearly saw the meaning of the stroke; but the order made it necessary for 354him to obtain leave of absence for some weeks, to collect materials for his justification.

When intelligence of Sir Henry Clinton’s having evacuated Philadelphia and marched to Haddonfield, reached the American head-quarters, the next measure to be taken by gen. Washington, was apparent. Gen. Greene, by his conduct and industry as quarter-master-general, had effected such a happy change in the line of his department, as enabled his excellency with great facility to move with the whole army and baggage from Valley-forge in pursuit of the enemy. The troops proceeded to and crossed the Delaware at Corriel’s ferry; when a select corps of 600 men were immediately detached under col. Morgan, to reinforce gen. Maxwell. The slow advance of Sir Henry, led his excellency to suspect that he had a design of bringing on a general action, could he draw the Americans into the lower country. This consideration, and a desire of refreshing the troops after the fatigues they had endured from rainy and excessive hot weather, determined the American general to halt about five miles from Princeton. While there he stated to the general officers [June 24.] the following facts—“the enemy’s force is between 9 and 10,000 rank and file—the American army on the ground is 10,684 rank and file, beside the advanced brigade under general Maxwell, of about 1200, and about 1200 militia,” on which he proposed the question, “Will it be advisable to hazard a general action?” The answer was—“Not advisable, but a detachment of 1500 to be immediately sent to act as occasion may serve, on the enemy’s left flank and rear, in conjunction with the other continental troops and militia already hanging about them, and the main body to preserve a relative position, to act as circumstances may require.——Lee, Stirling, Greene, Fayette, Steuben, Poor, Paterson, Woodward, Scott, Portail, Knox.” The detachment was immediately made under general Scott. The same day Sir Henry concluding that gen. Washington, who had alway hitherto avoided a general action, would not now give into it against every dictate of policy, and that the American views were directed against his baggage, in which part he was indeed vulnerable, determined to take the right hand road leading to Sandy-Hook, instead of making for the Rariton, where he suspected general Gates with the northern army might join that under general Washington. Gates arrived at Fishkill about the middle of May, to take the command in that quarter. The troops under him were so few, that he could not answer for the defence of that pass through the highlands, with which he was entrusted; and was persuaded that if the enemy made a sudden and determined push to carry it, the militia would 355not come in time to save it. On the 17th of June draughts arrived, and militia were hourly expected; after mentioning this in a letter to congress, he exclaims—“Thank heaven for the precious time the enemy have so foolishly lost!” He had no idea of marching for the Rariton; but his cavalry, and a considerable body of infantry, was at this period so posted, as to give the alarm of an attack upon New-York: and he proposed moving the main body of his army to White-Plains, and taking a strong camp in that neighbourhood, to keep up the alarm: which was highly approved of by gen. Washington, and procured his thanks. On the 25th his excellency moved his army to Kingston. Upon receiving intelligence that Sir Henry was prosecuting his route towards Monmouth court-house, he dispatched 1000 select men under brigadier gen. Wayne, and sent the Marquis de la Fayette to take the command of the whole advanced corps, with orders to seize the first fair opportunity of attacking the enemy’s rear. Gen. Lee declined the command, as he was against attacking, on which it was offered to the marquis, who accepted it with pleasure. In the evening of the same day, the whole army marched from Kingston, intending to preserve a proper distance for supporting the advanced corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the next morning. The intense heat of the weather, and a storm coming on, made it impossible to resume the march that day without great injury to the troops. The advanced corps, being in consequence hereof too remote from the main body, and too far upon the right to be supported, the marquis had orders sent him to file off by his left toward English-town, which he executed early in the morning of the 27th. Sir Henry being sensible of the approach of the American army, changed the disposition of his troops, and placed in the rear what were deemed the best, consisting of all the grenadiers, light-infantry and chasseurs of the line; at the same time gen. Knyphausen was requested to take the baggage of the whole army under the charge of his division, which made the first column. Under the head of baggage was comprised, not only all the wheel carriages of every department, but also the bat-horses—a train which, as the country admitted but of one rout for carriages, extended near twelve miles. The alteration made by Sir Henry laid gen. Washington under the necessity of increasing the number of the advanced corps. His excellency embraced this opportunity of gratifying gen. Lee, with the consent of the marquis. Lee observed that his having declined the command of the advanced corps had lessened him in the opinion of officers and soldiers, wished to be appointed afresh. Washington would not consent to remove the marquis; but a reinforcement being wanted, he detached Lee with two 356brigades to join the marquis at English-town, and of course to take upon him the command of the whole. The main body marched the same day, and encamped within three miles of that place. Morgans corps was left hovering on Sir Henry’s right flank, and the Jersey militia, amounting to about 700, under gen. Dickinson, on his left. The royal army was strongly encamped in the neighbourhood of Monmouth court-house, where they halted till the morning of the 28th. When once arrived at the heights of Middletown, about twelve miles in advance, there would have been no possibility of attempting any thing against them with a prospect of success, the American general therefore determined to attack their rear the moment they moved from their present ground, and communicated his intention to Lee, who was ordered to make the necessary disposition, and to keep his troops in readiness for the shortest notice. The like was done with respect to the troops under his own immediate command.

[June 28.] General Knyphausen moved at day-break: Sir Henry, that he might not press upon him, did not follow till near eight o’clock, with the other division, composed of the 3d, 4th, and 5th brigades of British, two battalions of British grenadiers, the Hessian grenadiers, a battalion of light-infantry, the guards, and the 16th regiment of light-dragoons, a body of troops not easily to be equalled.

About one o’clock in the morning, gen. Lee received a letter from gen. Washington, and in pursuance of the directions it contained, wrote to gen. Dickinson to select some hundreds of his best men, and detach them as nigh to the British rear as he could. These troops were to act as a corps of observation, and to forward the earliest intelligence respecting the enemy. He also ordered col. Morgan to advance with the men under his command so near as to attack them on their first movement: but it was left to him how to act, only he was to take care and not expose his troops, in that manner as to disable him from acting in conjunction with Lee, should there be a necessity for it. Orders were likewise sent to Grayson, as the commanding officer of the two brigades (of Scot and Varnum) consisting of about 600 men, to get them instantly in readiness to march. By daylight they entered English-town; but it was not till between five and six that they marched from thence toward Monmouth court-house, having been detained for want of guides. Nearly at the same time, Lee gave orders to the several detachments and Maxwell’s brigade, to prepare for marching immediately, leaving their packs behind under proper guard: they followed the two just mentioned brigades about seven o’clock. About five Dickinson 357sent an express to general Washington, informing that the front of the enemy had began their march. His excellency instantly put the army in motion, and sent orders to Lee to move on and attack them, unless there should be very powerful reasons to the contrary;^[87] and acquainted him that he was marching to support him, and for doing it with the greater expedition and convenience, should make the men disencumber themselves of their packs and blankets. The exceptive clause in the orders rendered them discretionary; they manifested the earnest desire of the commander in chief, that an important blow might be struck which the enemy should feel; but Lee could not consider them as requiring him to risk a general engagement, in direct repugnency to the spirit of those councils of war that had been repeatedly held upon the subject. While Lee was advancing with his column, he sent forward an aid to order Grayson to push on as fast as possible and attack the enemy. Before the aid overtook him, he had passed Freehold meeting-house with the two brigades. The aid delivered Lee’s orders: but gave it as his opinion, that Grayson had better not move on, for that he had been informed that the main body of the enemy was near Monmouth court-house and was thought to be marching to attack them, of which circumstance he supposed Lee was ignorant. The aid on his return fell in with Dickinson, who gave him the same information, and charged him with a message to Lee. Lee conformed to it on its delivery, and gave orders for posting two militia regiments upon a hill for the securing of a particular road, and then pushed forward over a morass or ravine, by the bridge or sauseway, to a height where Dickinson was with a few militia. During his stay on this height, intelligence of the most extraordinary nature was continually brought him. Some asserted, that the enemy had moved off with precipitation, and that it was only a covering party which remained; others averred, that the main force was still on the ground, and filing off in columns to the right and left—one while the enemy’s troops were turning the flanks of the American’s—at another, pushing in front. These opposite reports occasioned Varnum’s brigade, and part of Scott’s, and col. Durgee’s brigade of Lee’s column, to pass and repass the bridge over the morass several times, as it was universally agreed to be by no means warrantable to risk an action, with a ravine in the rear, over which there was only one good passage. While these marchings and counter-marchings took place, the marquis de la Fayette arrived at the head of the main body of Lee’s troops; when the general having reconnoitred a wood, into which it had been reported a battalion or two of the enemy had thrown themselves, and being satisfied that 358it was groundless, determined to march on, and ascertain with his own eyes, the number, order and disposition of the enemy, and then to conduct himself accordingly. His whole command amounted to about 4000 men, exclusive of Morgan’s corps and the Jersey militia; and consisted of gen. Scott’s detachment, gen. Wayne’s, gen. Maxwell’s brigade, gen. Varnum’s, general Scott’s and col. Jackson’s regiment. When they had nearly passed through the woods, with which the country abounds, and were arrived at a point facing the court-house, and on the edge of a plain about three miles in length and one in breadth, they were formed, but within the skirt of the wood, that the enemy might not discover them. Here they remained while generals Lee and Wayne, and a few others, went out upon the right and rode forward to reconnoitre. From the observations Lee made, and the intelligence he obtained, he concluded that the forces he saw, were no other than the enemy’s covering party, and entertained hopes of an interval between them and the main body, sufficient to afford him the opportunity of cutting them off. That he might perfect this business, Wayne was appointed to command 700 men, to whom were attached two pieces of artillery. Wayne was to attack the covering party in the rear faintly, so as to halt them, but not with vigor lest that should occasion their retreating with celerity to the main body, or drawing from it so powerful a reinforcement as to defeat the principal design.—Mean time Lee was to endeavor, by a short road leading to the left, to gain the front of the party. While marching on this road, one of gen. Washington’s suite came up to procure intelligence. Lee, with a fixed firm tone of voice and countenance which suggested confidence of success, desired him to infrom his excellency, that the enemy did not appear well to understand the roads; that the route he was on cut off two miles; that the rear of the enemy was composed of 1500 or 2000; that he expected to fall in with them, and had great certainty of cutting them off; and that general Wayne and col. Butler were amusing them with a few loose shot while he was performing the route. Wayne’s command was advanced to the right and drawn up. The enemy appeared just in the edge of the wood upon an eminence with their light-dragoons. A few of the American light-horsemen were advanced upon the right, at a very considerable distance. One of Lee’s aids-de-camp observed the queen’s light-dragoons parading as though they meant to charge these American light-horsemen, who had no officer of eminence to head them: he therefore rode up and advised them to let the British dragoons come as near as could be done with safety, and then to retreat off to where gen. Wayne was, and let him receive them. 359The British horse pursued till they came near the general, when receiving a fire from col. Butler’s regiment, posted on the skirt of a wood, they wheeled and galloped off in great haste to their own body; as they were retiring, the two pieces of artillery fired a few shot at them. Wayne then advanced, and encouraged his men to follow on, and charge the enemy with bayonets. The aid rode back to Lee, who immediately sent him forward to Wayne, with orders that he should only feign an attack, and not push on too precipitately, as that would subvert his plan and disappoint his intentions. Lieut. col. Oswald, who commanded the artillery, supposed that the enemy were retreating, and so passed the morass in front, over a causeway, into a grain field, and began to cannonade. This happened after ten o’clock.—About the same time a part of Lee’s troops issued out of a wood on the left of, and about a mile below the court-house, in small columns, and in an oblique direction with respect to the royal forces, rather toward their right, and within cannon shot.—These were drawn up ready to face the Americans, with their right near a wood, and their left on open ground, covered by their cavalry, and forming an obtuse angle with the court-house. The cavalry filed off to the left, as if with design to attempt something on the right of Lee’s troops, which occasioned an order to the marquis de la Fayette to wheel his column by his right, and to gain and attack the enemy’s left flank. Lee having also ordered to the right the three regiments in Wayne’s detachment, Wesson’s, Stewart’s and Livingston’s, rode toward Oswald’s artillery and reconnoitred the enemy, who appeared in full view, marching back again toward the court-house, and in greater numbers than was expected, so that Lee said, he believed he was mistaken in their strength.

Let us now advert to the manœuvres of Sir Henry Clinton. Soon after he had begun with his column to follow gen. Knyphausen, reconnoitring parties of the Jersey militia appeared on his left flank. The queen’s rangers fell in with, and dispersed some detachments among the woods in the same quarter. His rear-guard having descended from the heights above Freehold into the plain, some American columns appeared likewise descending into it, and began the cannonade on his rear, which was returned by a superior fire. At this instant intelligence was brought to Sir Henry, that the enemy were discovered marching in force on both his flanks. He conjectured that the object of the Americans was the baggage, which at that juncture was engaged in defiles that continued for miles. He conceived that the only means of parrying the apprehended blow, was by facing about, attacking the corps which harrassed his rear, and pressing 360it so hard as to oblige the detachments to return from his flanks to its assistance. Thinking that the measure might possibly draw on a general action, he sent for a brigade of British, and the 17th light dragoons from Knyphausen’s division, and at the same time gave directions that on their arrival they should take a position for covering his right flank. He then made a disposition, and advanced in a direction toward the right of the Americans.

This happened while Lee was reconnoitring. The American column to the left of him, under gen. Scott, quitted the wood, crossed a morass, and formed in the plain field, about a hundred yards in front of Maxwell, who expected an opportunity to form his brigade by Scott’s moving to the right, as there was a vacancy between the latter and the troops with Lee. These were at that moment moving to the right, and every step they gained came nearer to the royal forces, who were also pushing to the right of the Americans. Lee’s discernment led him immediately to send off one of his aids with orders to Scott, whom he supposed to be in the wood on the other side of the morass, to halt his column in the wood, and continue there till further orders; that there might be no possible misconception, another aid was speedily dispatched with similar orders. Before these could be delivered, Scott had mistaken the movements on his right for a retreat; and apprehended danger to his own column in case of its remaining where he was, notwithstanding his detachment and Maxwell’s brigade, with the other troops to the left, made full two-thirds of Lee’s whole command, and though the enemy appeared to bend their course from the left to the right of the Americans. Under such apprehension, Scott re-crossed the morass, re-entered the wood, and retreated; Maxwell and the others did the like of course. When the first aid reached that part of the wood to which he had been directed, and found that Scott had marched off the ground, he rode back; while returning he met the second aid, and acquainted him with what had taken place; upon their coming to Lee, and communicating their information, the general discovered much surprise, and expressed his disapprobation of Scott’s conduct in strong terms; but immediately upon the intelligence, directed a light-horse officer to carry orders to the marquis de la Fayette to return to the court-house. A general retreat now commenced on the right, till the troops reached Freehold and a neighboring wood. When these were quitted, the British pursued as far as the village, where they halted. Mean while the Americans marched on and passed the next morass in front of Carr’s house, about half a mile from the village. The retreats and advances 361which took place were attended with cannonadings on each side. The halt of the British, on account of the intense heat of the weather, and their having suffered severely from fatigue, admitted of the Americans halting also for a considerable space, which heat and fatigue had rendered equally necessary for them. But upon the advance of the British from Freehold, and Lee’s discerning that the position he at first meant to occupy with the design of receiving the enemy and baffling their attack, was not suitable; the whole of his command, Scott, Maxwell, and the others having now joined the corps which before formed the right, were ordered to retreat from the neighbourhood of Carr’s house toward a wood and eminence behind the morass they had crossed in the morning, which had been pointed out to him as a desirable and proper spot. Before they had wholly left the ground about Carr’s house, the British cavalry made a sudden and rapid charge upon some parties of the American horse, who were in the rear reconnoitring. It was expected they would have attempted a charge on the whole rear, but they did not venture upon it.

Soon after Lee with his columns issued out of the woods below the court-house into the plain, gen. Washington was advancing with the main body of the army between English-town and Freehold meeting. Expecting from the information brought him, than the van of Lee’s command and the rear of the British would ere long engage, he ordered the right wing under gen. Greene to go to the right to prevent the enemy’s turning his right flank: and then prepared to follow with the left wing directly in Lee’s rear to support him. While this disposition was making, he learned, to his great surprise, from a countryman, that the continental troops were retreating. Though the account was confirmed by two or three persons whom he met on the road, after moving a few paces forward, yet he appeared to discredit it, having not heard any firing except a few cannon a considerable time before. He rode on, and between Freehold meeting and the morass, which he had just crossed, met the retreating troops marching toward the same, as Lee meant that they should re-pass it and then occupy the ground behind it, where he proposed making a stand against the enemy. Washington was exceedingly alarmed at finding the advanced corps falling back upon the main body, without the least notice given him. He desired one of the retreating colonels to march his men over the morass, halt them on the eminence, and refresh them. Seeing Lee at the head of the next column, he rode up to him with a degree of astonishment and indignation, and proposed certain questions that implied censure. Lee felt it, and answered 362with warmth and unsuitable language. Hard and irritating words passed between them for a short space, when Washington rode on toward the rear of the retreating troops. He had not gone many yards before he met his secretary, who told him that the British army were within fifteen minutes march of that place, which was the first intelligence he received of their pushing on so briskly. He remained there till the extreme rear of the retreating troops got up, when looking about, and judging the ground to be an advantageous spot for giving the enemy the first check, he ordered col. Stewart’s and lieut. col. Ramsay’s battalions to form, and incline to their left, that they might be under cover of a corner of woods, and not be exposed to the enemy’s cannon in front. Lee having been told by one of his aids, that Washington had taken the command, answered, “Then I have nothing further to do;” turned his horse and rode after his excellency in front. Washington on his coming up asked, “Will you command on this ground or not? If you will, I will return to the main body and have them formed upon the next height.” Lee replied, “It is equal to me where I command.” Washington then told him, “I expect you will take proper measures for checking the enemy.” Lee said, “Your orders shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the field.” Washington then rode to the main army, which was formed with the utmost expedition on the eminence with the morass in front. Immediately upon his riding off a warm cannonade commenced between the British and American artillery on the right of Stewart and Ramsay; between whom and the advanced troops of the British army a heavy fire began soon after in the skirt of the woods before mentioned. The British pressed on close, their light-horse charged upon the right of the Americans, and the latter were obliged to give way in such haste, that the British horse and infantry came out of the wood seemingly mixed with them. The action then commenced between the British and col. Livingston’s regiment together with Varnum’s brigade, which had been drawn up by Lee’s order, and lined the fence that stretched across the open field in front of the bridge over the morass, with the view of covering the retreat of the artillery and the troops advanced with them. The artillery had timely retired to the rear of the fence, and from an eminence discharged several grapes of shot at the British, engaged with Livingston’s and Varnum’s troops; these were soon broken by a charge of the former and retired. The artillery were then ordered off. Prior to the commencement of the last action, Lee sent orders to col. Ogden, who had drawn up in the wood nearest the bridge, to defend that post to the last extremity, thereby to cover the 363retreat of the whole over the bridge. Lee was one of the last that remained on the field, and brought off the rear of the retreating troops. Upon his addressing general Washington, after passing the morass, with—“Sir, here are my troops, how is it your pleasure that I should dispose of them?” he was ordered to arrange them in the rear of English-town.

The check the British received, gave time to make a disposition of the left wing and second line of the main army in the wood and on the eminence to which Lee had been directed and was retreating. On this were placed some batteries of cannon by lord Stirling, who commanded the left wing, which played upon the British with great effect, and seconded by parties of infantry detached to oppose them, effectually put a stop to their advance. Gen. Greene, who had early filed off to the right, on intelligence of the retreat of the advanced corps, marched up, and took a very advantageous position on the right of Stirling. The British finding themselves warmly opposed in front, attempted to turn the American left flank, but were repulsed. They also made a movement to the American right, with as little success. Greene having advanced a body of troops with artillery to a commanding piece of ground, which not only disappointed their design, but severely infiladed those in the front of the left wing. In addition to this, Wayne advanced with a body of troops, and kept up so severe and well directed a fire, that the British were soon compelled to give way. They retired and took the position about Carr’s house, which Lee had before occupied. Here their flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses, while their front could be approached only through a narrow pass. Washington however, resolved to attack them; and for that purpose ordered gen. Poor, with his own and the Carolina brigade, to move round upon their right, and gen. Woodward to their left; and the artillery to gall them in front; but they were prevented getting within reach before dark. They remained upon the ground which they had been directed to occupy, during the night, with an intention to begin the attack early the next morning, and the main body continued lying upon their arms in the field of action, to be in readiness for supporting them. During the action, Washington animated his forces by his gallant example; and by exposing his person to every danger common to the meanest soldier, taught them to hold nothing too dear for the good of their country. At night he laid down and reposed himself in his cloak, under a tree, in hope, as may be supposed, of a general action the ensuing day; for it appears from several circumstances, that he was all along rather desirous of that event, notwithstanding the prevailing contrary opinion of the general 364officers whom he consulted. In the mean time Sir Henry Clinton’s troops were employed in removing their wounded; and about twelve o’clock^[88] at night, they marched away in such silence, that though Poor lay extremely near them, their retreat was effected without his knowledge. They left behind them four officers and about forty privates, whose wounds were too dangerous to permit their removal.

The extreme heat of the weather, the distance Sir Henry had gained by marching in the night, and the fatigue of the Americans, made a pursuit on the part of gen. Washington impracticable and fruitless. It would only have been fatal to numbers of the men, several of whom died on the day of action through the excessive heat; for Farenheit’s thermometer was at 96 degrees in the Jerseys, and is said to have been 112 at Philadelphia. It was a deep sandy country through which they marched, almost destitute of water; but had there been a plenty, many more would probably have perished by unguarded drinking to allay their thirst; some were lost in that way. Sir Henry, without having been joined by the brigade of British and the 17th light dragoons from Knyphausen’s division, secured by his manœuvres the arrival of the royal army in the neighborhood of Sandy-Hook on the 30th of June, without the loss of either the covering party or the baggage; but not without a considerable diminution of troops; for by a moderate calculation, from the evacuation of Philadelphia down to that day, about eight hundred deserted, a great number of whom were hessians. By the returns of the officers who had the charge of the burying parties, they left 245 non-commissioned and privates on the field, and four officers. There were also beside these, several fresh graves and burying holes found near the field, in which they had put their dead before they had quitted it.^[89] Fifty-nine of their soldiers perished without receiving a wound, in the same manner as several of the Americans, merely through fatigue and heat. The loss of lieut. col. Monckton, who was slain, was much lamented 365by the British. Upward of a hundred were made prisoners, including the officers and privates left upon the field. On the part of the Americans, lieutenant-colonel Bonner and major Dickinson, officers of distinguished merit, were slain; beside six others of inferior rank, and 61 non-commissioned and privates. The wounded were 24 officers and 136 non-commissioned and privates. The missing amounted to 130, but many of them, having only dropped through fatigue, soon joined the army. General Washington commended the zeal and bravery of the officers in general, but particularized Wayne as deserving special commendation. The behavior of the troops in general, after recovering from the first surprise, occasioned by the retreat of the advanced corps, was mentioned as what could not be surpassed. The public acknowledgments of congress were very flattering to the army, and particularly so to the general and his officers. The general having declined all further pursuit, detached only some light troops to attend the motions of the royal forces, and drew of the main body of his army to the borders of the North-River.

The general, on his second interview with Lee upon the day of action, intimated by his reinstating and leaving him in the command of the advanced corps, that he meant to pass by what had happened without further notice; but the latter could not brook the expressions used by the former at their first meeting; and therefore wrote him two passionate letters, which occasioned his being put under an arrest, and brought to trial four days after the action, on the following charges, exhibited against him by his excellency—1st, For disobedience of orders, in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of June, agreeable to repeated instructions—2dly, For misbehavior before the enemy on the same day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly and shameful retreat—3dly, For disrespect to the commander in chief, in two letters, dated the 1st of July and the 28th of June. The letter dated 1st of July, was so dated through mistake, being written on the 28th of June. On the 12th of August, the court-martial, at which lord Stirling presided, found him guilty upon every charge, and sentenced him to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United States of North-America, for the term of twelve months. The terms of the second charge were softened down, as he was only found guilty of misbehavior before the enemy, by making an unnecessary, and in some few instances, a disorderly retreat. Many were displeased with the conduct of the court-martial; and thought he ought not to have been found guilty, except upon the last charge. They argued, “It appears from Washington’s own letter, and other circumstances, 366that it was submitted to Lee’s judgment whether to attack, in what manner, and when. There was manifest proof of Lee’s intending to attack, in hope of cutting off the enemy’s covering party; but he altered his opinion as to the promising prospect he had of doing it, on his coming into the plain, reconnoitring the enemy, and concluding that they were more numerous than before supposed; and upon finding Scott had quitted the point of wood where he meant to order him to remain, he judged an immediate retreat necessary. The detachment with which Lee was, amounted to no more than one-third of his whole command; Scott’s column, Maxwell’s brigade, and the other troops to his left, being full two-thirds. When he began to retire, the main body was more than six miles distant, though advancing. The enemy’s force was rendered the more formidable by their great superiority in cavalry, which was thought to be between four and five hundred. The ground being open, was by no means advantageous to the Americans, as the British cavalry could have turned their flank. Would then an immediate attack, under these circumstances, though it might have distressed the enemy’s rear on the first onset, have been advisable, as it might probably have involved a general action before the detachment could have received support? Did not prudence dictate falling back, and taking a new position, rather than hazarding an action in the plain? If Lee’s judgment determined for the affirmative, how could he be declared guilty of disobeying orders?” The circumstances already noted are in favor of the retreat’s being necessary in the first instance; and when commenced, the prosecution of it was absolutely necessary till a good position could be taken for making an effectual stand against the enemy, to which position Lee was marching when met by Washington. The strenuous efforts of the British after the main army was drawn up in that position, before they retired three miles from the scene of action, tend also to justify the commencement of the retreat. No mention should have been made of its being in a few instances, unless such instances were really chargeable to Lee’s misconduct; whereas of these few it is certain, that some were owing to fatigue and the enormous heat of the weather. The very sentence of the court-martial is in favor of Lee’s innocence as to the two first charges; for a year’s suspension from command is in no wise proportioned to his crimes, if guilty. Several are of opinion that he would not have been condemned on these two, had it not been for his disrespectful conduct toward Washington. On the other hand, some have surmised, that his manœuvres were owing either to treachery or want of courage; but 367they who have the opportunity of knowing him most, will be furtherest from such apprehensions.^[90]

No sooner had Sir Henry Clinton with the army evacuted Philadelphia, than lord Howe prepared to sail with the fleet for New-York. Repeated calms retarded his passage down the Delaware, so that he could not quit the river till the evening of June the 28th: however he anchored off Sandy-Hook the next day, followed by the transports. The succeeding day Sir Henry arrived, and the artillery, baggage, and part of the troops were removed from the main, as the weather permitted: the rest of the army passed, on the 5th of July, over a bridge of boats across a narrow channel to Sandy-Hook. They were afterward carried up to New-York. On the 7th, lord Howe received advice that the Toulon squadron was arrived on the coast of Virginia. Count d’Estaing anchored at night on the 8th at the entrance of the Delaware, after being 87 days at sea. On that day the count wrote to congress: on the receipt of his letter, they sent word to gen. Washington, that it was their desire he would co-operate with the count, in the execution of such offensive operations as they should mutually approve. The same day the congress resolved that a suitable house should be provided for Monsieur Gerard and chose a committee of five to wait on him upon his arrival, and conduct him to his lodgings. The next morning d’Estaing weighed and sailed toward the Hook, and in the evening of the 11th anchored without it. Had not bad weather and unexpected impediments prevented, the count must have surprised Howe’s fleet in the Delaware, as the latter would not have had time to escape after being apprized of his danger.—The destruction of the fleet must have been the consequence of such surprisal; and that must have occasioned the inevitable loss of the royal army, which would have been so enclosed by the French squadron on the one side, and the American forces on the other, that the Saratoga catastrophe must have been repeated. This fatal stroke would have been of an amount and magnitude (with respect to both the marine and land service, and the consequences hanging upon it) not easily to be conceived. The prevention of it, by the various hindrances that d’Estaing met with on his voyage, ought to be considered by Great-Britain as a signally providential deliverance.

Lord Howe’s fleet consisted only of six 64 gun ships, three of 50, and two of 40, with some frigates and sloops. Count 368d’Estaing had twelve ships of the line, several of which were of great force and weight of metal, one carrying 90, another 80, and six 74 guns each; he had beside present with him three of the four stout large frigates that had attended him on his voyage. He anchored on the Jersey side, about four miles without the Hook; and American pilots of the first abilities, provided for the purpose, went on board the fleet: among them were persons whose circumstances placed them above the rank of common pilots. Lord Howe had the advantage of possessing the harbor formed by Sandy-Hook, the entrance of which is covered by a bar, and from whence the inlet passes to New-York. As it could no be known whether the French would not attempt passing in force over the bar, it was necessary that the British should be prepared to oppose them. On this occasion a spirit displayed itself not only in the fleet and army, but through every order and denomination of seamen, that is not often equalled. The crews of the transports hastened with eagerness to the fleet, that it might be completely manned; masters and mates solicited employment, and took their stations at the guns with the common sailors, the light-infantry, granadiers, and even wounded officers so contended to serve as marines on board the men of war, that the point of honor was obliged to be decided by lot. In a word, the patriotism, zeal, bravery and magnanimity which appeared at this juncture, was a credit even to Great-Britain. It must however be acknowledged, that the popularity of lord Howe, and the confidence founded on his abilities, contributed not a little to these exertions. But the American pilots declaring it impossible to carry the large ships of d’Estaing’s squadron over the bar into the Hook, on account of their draught of water, and gen. Washington pressing him to sail to Newport, he left the Hook after eleven days tarriance, [July 22.] and in a few hours was out of sight. Nothing could be more providential. While he remained, about twenty sail of vessels bound to New-York fell into his possession: they were chiefly prizes taken from the Americans; but had he stayed a few days longer admiral Byron’s fleet must have fallen a defenceless pray into his hands. That squadron had met with unusual bad weather and being separated in different storms, and lingering through a tedious passage, arrived, scattered, broken, sickly, dismasted, or otherwise damaged, in various degrees of distress, upon different and remote parts of the American coast. Between the departure of d’Estaing and the thirtieth of July, the Renown of 50 guns from the West-Indies, the Raisonable and Centurion of 64 and 50 from Hallifax, and the Cornwall of 74 guns, all arrived singly at Sandy-Hook. By his speedy departure a number of provision 369ships from Cork escaped also, together with their convoy.—They went up the Delaware within fifty miles of Philadelphia after lord Howe had quitted the river, not having obtained any information of what had happened. The British ministry had neglected countermanding their destination, though orders for the evacuation of Philadelphia had been sent off so early as to have admitted of their receiving fresh directions where to have steered, before sailing. Great rejoicings were made at New-York upon their safe arrival, especially as provisions were much wanted by both the fleet and army.