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The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, Volume 1 (of 3)

LECTURE II

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THE SAVAGE CONCEPTION OF DEATH

The subject of these lectures is the belief in immortality and the worship of the dead.

Last day I explained the subject of which I propose to treat and the method which I intend to follow in these lectures. I shall describe the belief in immortality, or rather in the continued existence of the human soul after death, as that belief is found among certain of the lower races, and I shall give some account of the religion which has been based upon it. That religion is in brief a propitiation or worship of the human dead, who according to the degree of power ascribed to them by the living are supposed to vary in dignity from the humble rank of a mere common ghost up to the proud position of deity. The elements of such a worship appear to exist among all races of men, though in some they have been much more highly developed than in others.

Preliminary account of savage beliefs concerning the nature and origin of death.

But before I address myself to the description of particular races, I wish in this and the following lecture to give you some general account of the beliefs of savages concerning the nature and origin of death. The problem of death has very naturally exercised the minds of men in all ages. Unlike so many problems which interest only a few solitary thinkers this one concerns us all alike, since simpletons as well as sages must die, and even the most heedless and feather-brained can hardly help sometimes asking themselves what comes after death. The question is therefore thrust in a practical, indeed importunate form on our attention; and we need not wonder that in the long history of human speculation some of the highest intellects should have occupied themselves with it and sought to find an answer to the riddle. Some of their solutions of the problem, though dressed out in all the beauty of exquisite language and poetic imagery, singularly resemble the rude guesses of savages. So little, it would seem, do the natural powers even of the greatest minds avail to pierce the thick veil that hides the end of life.

The problem of death is one of universal interest.

In saying that the problem is thrust home upon us all, I do not mean to imply that all men are constantly or even often engaged in meditating on the nature and origin of death. Far from it. Few people trouble themselves about that or any other purely abstract question: the common man would probably not give a straw for an answer to it. What he wants to know, what we all want to know, is whether death is the end of all things for the individual, whether our conscious personality perishes with the body or survives it for a time or for eternity. That is the enigma propounded to every human being who has been born into the world: that is the door at which so many enquirers have knocked in vain. Stated in this limited form the problem has indeed been of universal interest: there is no race of men known to us which has not pondered the mystery and arrived at some conclusions to which it more or less confidently adheres. Not that all races have paid an equal attention to it. On some it has weighed much more heavily than on others. While some races, like some individuals, take death almost lightly, and are too busy with the certainties of the present world to pay much heed to the uncertainties of a world to come, the minds of others have dwelt on the prospect of a life beyond the grave till the thought of it has risen with them to a passion, almost to an obsession, and has begotten a contempt for the fleeting joys of this ephemeral existence by comparison with the hoped-for bliss of an eternal existence hereafter. To the sceptic, examining the evidence for immortality by the cold light of reason, such peoples and such individuals may seem to sacrifice the substance for the shadow: to adopt a homely comparison, they are like the dog in the fable who dropped the real leg of mutton, from his mouth in order to snap at its reflection in the water. Be that as it may, where such beliefs and hopes are entertained in full force, the whole activity of the mind and the whole energy of the body are apt to be devoted to a preparation for a blissful or at all events an untroubled eternity, and life becomes, in the language of Plato, a meditation or practising of death. This excessive preoccupation with a problematic future has been a fruitful source of the most fatal aberrations both for nations and individuals. In pursuit of these visionary aims the few short years of life have been frittered away: wealth has been squandered: blood has been poured out in torrents: the natural affections have been stifled; and the cheerful serenity of reason has been exchanged for the melancholy gloom of madness.

"Oh threats of Hell and Hopes of Paradise! One thing at least is certain—This Life flies; One thing is certain and the rest is Lies; The Flower that once has blown for ever dies."

The belief in immortality general among mankind.

Belief of many savages that they would never die if their lives were not cut short by sorcery. Belief of the Abipones.

Belief of the Araucanians.

Belief of the Bakaïri.

Belief of the Indians of Guiana in sorcery as the cause of sickness and death.

Some deaths attributed to sorcery and others to evil spirits: practical consequence of this distinction.

Among the Indians of Guiana death is oftener attributed to sorcery than to demons.

Belief of the Tinneh Indians in sorcery as the cause of death.

Belief of the Australian aborigines in sorcery as the cause of death.

Belief of the natives of Western Australia in sorcery as a cause of death. Beliefs of the tribes of Victoria and South Australia.

Other testimonies as to the belief of the natives of South Australia and Victoria.

Belief of the aborigines of New South Wales in sorcery as the cause of sickness and death.

Belief of the aborigines of Central Australia in sorcery as the cause of death.

Belief of the natives of the Torres Straits Islands and New Guinea in sorcery as the cause of death.

Belief of the Melanesians in sorcery as the cause of sickness and death.

The belief of the Malagasy in sorcery as a cause of death.

Belief of African tribes in sorcery as the cause of sickness and death.

Effect of such beliefs in thinning the population by causing multitudes to die for the imaginary crime of sorcery.

General conclusion as to the belief in sorcery as the great cause of death.

Much more evidence of the same kind could be adduced, but without pursuing the theme further I think we may lay it down as a general rule that at a certain stage of social and intellectual evolution men have believed themselves to be naturally immortal in this life and have regarded death by disease or even by accident or violence as an unnatural event which has been brought about by sorcery and which must be avenged by the death of the sorcerer. If that has been so, we seem bound to conclude that a belief in magic or sorcery has had a most potent influence in keeping down the numbers of savage tribes; since as a rule every natural death has entailed at least one, often several, sometimes many deaths by violence. This may help us to understand what an immense power for evil the world-wide faith in magic or sorcery has been among men.

But some savages have attributed death to other causes than sorcery.

But even savages come in time to perceive that deaths are sometimes brought about by other causes than sorcery. We have seen that some of them admit extreme old age, accidents, and violence as causes of death which are independent of sorcery. The admission of these exceptions to the general rule certainly marks a stage of intellectual progress. I will give a few more instances of such admissions before concluding this part of my subject.

Some savages dissect the corpse to ascertain whether death was due to natural causes or to sorcery.

The possibility of natural death admitted by the Melanesians.

The possibility of natural death admitted by the Caffres of South Africa.

The admission that death may be due to natural causes, marks an intellectual advance. The recognition of ghosts or spirits as a cause of disease, apart from sorcery, also marks a step in intellectual, moral, and social progress.

It must be admitted, however, that the gain is not always as great as might be expected; the social advantages of a belief in ghosts and spirits are attended by many serious drawbacks. For while ghosts or spirits are commonly, though not always, supposed to be beyond the reach of human vengeance, they are generally thought to be well within the reach of human persuasion, flattery, and bribery; in other words, men think that they can appease and propitiate them by prayer and sacrifice; and while prayer is always cheap, sacrifice may be very dear, since it can, and often does, involve the destruction of an immense deal of valuable property and of a vast number of human lives. Yet if we could reckon up the myriads who have been slain in sacrifice to ghosts and gods, it seems probable that they would fall far short of the untold multitudes who have perished as sorcerers and witches. For while human sacrifices in honour of deities or of the dead have been for the most part exceptional rather than regular, only the great gods and the illustrious dead being deemed worthy of such costly offerings, the slaughter of witches and wizards, theoretically at least, followed inevitably on every natural death among people who attributed all such deaths to sorcery. Hence if natural religion be defined roughly as a belief in superhuman spiritual beings and an attempt to propitiate them, we may perhaps say that, while natural religion has slain its thousands, magic has slain its ten thousands. But there are strong reasons for inferring that in the history of society an Age of Magic preceded an Age of Religion. If that was so, we may conclude that the advent of religion marked a great social as well as intellectual advance upon the preceding Age of Magic: it inaugurated an era of what might be described as mercy by comparison with the relentless severity of its predecessor.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 6: (return) W. Martin, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands, Second Edition (London, 1818), ii. 99.Note 2 · Footnote 7: (return) M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), ii. 92 sq., 240 sqq. The author of this valuable work lived as Note 3 · Footnote 8: (return) C. Gay, "Fragment d'un Voyage dans le Chili et au Cusco," Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Deuxième Série,Note 4 · Footnote 9: (return) K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1894), pp. 344, 348.Note 5 · Footnote 10: (return) Rev. W. H. Brett, The Indian Tribes of Guiana (London, 1868), p. 357.Note 6 · Footnote 11: (return) W. H. Brett, op. cit. pp. 361 sq.Note 7 · Footnote 12: (return) Rev. W. H. Brett, op. cit. pp. 364 sq.Note 8 · Footnote 13: (return) Rev. J. H. Bernau, Missionary Labours in British Guiana (London, 1847), pp. 56 sq., 58.Note 9 · Footnote 14: (return) (Sir) E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), pp. 330 sq. For the case described see R. SchomburgkNote 10 · Footnote 15: (return) (Sir) E. F. im Thurn, op. cit. pp. 332 sq.Note 11 · Footnote 16: (return) Father A. G. Morice, "The Canadian Dénés," Annual Archaeological Report, 1905 (Toronto, 1906), p. 207.Note 12 · Footnote 17: (return) Albert A. C. Le Souëf, "Notes on the Natives of Australia," in R. Brough Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne andNote 13 · Footnote 18: (return) (Sir) George Grey, Journals of two Expeditions of Discovery in Northwest and Western Australia (London, 1841), ii. 238Note 14 · Footnote 19: (return) A. Oldfield, "The Aborigines of Australia," Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 23Note 15 · Footnote 20: (return) A. Oldfield, op. cit. p. 245.Note 16 · Footnote 21: (return) J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide, 1881), p. 63.Note 17 · Footnote 22: (return) H. E. A. Meyer, "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay Tribe," Native Tribes of South Australia (Note 18 · Footnote 23: (return) C. W. Schürmann, "The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln in South Australia," Native Tribes of South Australia, pp. 237Note 19 · Footnote 24: (return) Rev. G. Taplin, "The Narrinyeri," Native Tribes of South Australia (Adelaide, 1879), p. 25.Note 20 · Footnote 25: (return) R. Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne and London, 1878) i. 110.Note 21 · Footnote 26: (return) W. E. Stanbridge, "Some Particulars of the General Characteristics, Astronomy, and Mythology of the Tribes in the CentNote 22 · Footnote 27: (return) Lorimer Fison and A. W. Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai (Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, and Brisbane, 1880), pp. 250 sq.Note 23 · Footnote 28: (return) A. L. P. Cameron, "Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales," Journal of the Anthropological Institute xiv. (1885) pp. Note 24 · Footnote 29: (return) Rev. W. Ridley, Kamilaroi, Second Edition (Sydney, 1875), p. 159.Note 25 · Footnote 30: (return) Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 46-48.Note 26 · Footnote 31: (return) Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 248, 323.Note 27 · Footnote 32: (return) E. Beardmore, "The Natives of Mowat, British New Guinea," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 461Note 28 · Footnote 33: (return) R. E. Guise, "On the Tribes inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela River, New Guinea," Journal of the Anthropological InNote 29 · Footnote 34: (return) C. G. Seligmann, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge, 1910), p. 279.Note 30 · Footnote 35: (return) K. Vetter, Komm herüber und hilf uns! oder die Arbeit der Neuen-Dettelsauer Mission, iii. (Barmen, 1898) pp. 10 sq.; iNote 31 · Footnote 36: (return) Father A. Deniau, "Croyances religieuses et mœurs des indigènes de l'Ile Malo," Missions Catholiques, xxxiii. (1901) pNote 32 · Footnote 37: (return) C. Ribbe, Zwei Jahre unter den Kannibalen der Salomo-Inseln (Dresden-Blasewitz, 1903), p. 268.Note 33 · Footnote 38: (return) P. A. Kleintitschen, Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup bei Münster, N.D.), p. 344. As to beliefs of thiNote 34 · Footnote 39: (return) G. Brown, D.D., Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 176. Dr. Brown's account, of the Melanesians applies toNote 35 · Footnote 40: (return) Father Abinal, "Astrologie Malgache," Missions Catholiques, xi. (1879) p. 506.Note 36 · Footnote 41: (return) A. Grandidier, "Madagascar," Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Sixième Série, iii. (1872) pp. 399 sq. The Note 37 · Footnote 42: (return) Major A. J. N. Tremearne, The Tailed Head-hunters of Nigeria (London, 1912), pp. 171 sq.; id., "Notes on the Kagoro anNote 38 · Footnote 43: (return) E. Hurel, "Religion et vie domestique des Bakerewe," Anthropos, vi. (1912) pp. 85-87.Note 39 · Footnote 44: (return) Father Campana, "Congo Mission Catholique de Landana," Missions Catholiques, xxvii. (1895) pp. 102 sq.Note 40 · Footnote 45: (return) Th. Masui, Guide de la Section de l'État Indépendant du Congo à l'Exposition de Bruxelles—Tervueren en 1874 (Brussels,Note 41 · Footnote 46: (return) See for example O. Lenz, Skizzen aus Westafrika (Berlin, 1878), pp. 184 sq.; C. Cuny, "De Libreville au Cameroun," BulNote 42 · Footnote 47: (return) Rev. R. H. Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa (London, 1904), pp. 241 sq.Note 43 · Footnote 48: (return) "Strange Adventures of Andrew Battel," in John Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, xvi. (London, 1814) p. 334.Note 44 · Footnote 49: (return) Gouvernement Général de l'Afrique Occidentale Française, Notices publiées par le Gouvernement Central à l'occasion de Note 45 · Footnote 50: (return) Hugh Goldie, Calabar and its Mission, New Edition (Edinburgh and London, 1901), pp. 34 sq., 37 sq.Note 46 · Footnote 51: (return) Above, p. 35.Note 47 · Footnote 52: (return) E. R. Smith, The Araucanians (London, 1855), pp. 236 sq.Note 48 · Footnote 53: (return) Father Trilles, "Milles lieues dans l'inconnu; à travers le pays Fang, de la côte aux rives du Djah," Missions CatholiNote 49 · Footnote 54: (return) R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 194.Note 50 · Footnote 55: (return) Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 133 sq.Note 51 · The question whether our conscious personality survives after death has been answered by almost all races of men in the affirmative. On thisNote 52 · But many savage races not only believe in a life after death; they are even of opinion that they would never die at all if it were not for tNote 53 · Similarly the warlike Araucanians of Chili are said to disbelieve in natural death. Even if a man dies peaceably at the age of a hundred, thNote 54 · When the eminent German anthropologist was questioning a Bakaïri Indian of Brazil as to the language of his tribe, he gave the sentence, "EvNote 55 · Speaking of the Indians of Guiana, an English missionary, who knew them well, says that the worst feature in their character is their pronenNote 56 · In this account it is to be observed that while all natural deaths from sickness and disease are attributed to the direct action of evil spiNote 57 · However, it would seem that among the Indians of Guiana sickness and death are oftener ascribed to the agency of sorcerers than to the agencNote 58 · Beliefs and practices of the same general character are reported to have formerly prevailed among the Tinneh or Déné Indians of North-west ANote 59 · Again, similar beliefs and customs in regard to what we should call natural death appear to have prevailed universally amongst the aborigineNote 60 · Again, speaking of the tribes of Western Australia, Sir George Grey tells us that "the natives do not allow that there is such a thing as a Note 61 · However, other experienced observers of the Australian aborigines admit no such limitations and exceptions to the native theory that death iNote 62 · The beliefs and practices of the aborigines of New South Wales in respect of death were similar. Thus we are told by a well-informed writer Note 63 · Speaking of the tribes of Central Australia, Messrs. Spencer and Gillen observe that "in the matter of morality their code differs radicallyNote 64 · Passing from Australia to other savage lands we learn that according to the belief of the Torres Straits Islanders all sickness and death weNote 65 · Again, in the island of Malo, one of the New Hebrides, a Catholic missionary reports that according to a belief deeply implanted in the natiNote 66 · Speaking of the Malagasy a Catholic missionary tells us that in Madagascar nobody dies a natural death. With the possible exception of centeNote 67 · In Africa similar beliefs are widely spread and lead, as elsewhere, to fatal consequences. Thus the Kagoro of Northern Nigeria refuse to belNote 68 · Evidence of the same sort could be multiplied for West Africa, where the fear of sorcery is rampant.46 But without going into further detailNote 69 · In the first place, certain savage tribes are reported to dissect the bodies of their dead in order to ascertain from an examination of the Note 70 · Again, speaking of the Pahouins, a tribe of the Gaboon region in French Congo, a Catholic missionary writes thus: "It is so rare among the PNote 71 · Another savage people who have come to admit the possibility of merely natural death are the Melanesians of the New Hebrides and other partsNote 72 · The same causes of death are recognised also by the Caffres of South Africa, as we learn from Mr. Dudley Kidd, who tells us that according tNote 73 · From the foregoing accounts we see that the Melanesians and the Caffres, two widely different and widely separated races, agree in recognisi
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