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The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, Volume 1 (of 3)

LECTURE XIX

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THE BELIEF IN IMMORTALITY AMONG THE NATIVES OF EASTERN MELANESIA (FIJI) (continued)

Fijian indifference to death.

At the close of last lecture I illustrated the unquestioning belief which the Fijians entertain with regard to the survival of the human soul after death. "The native superstitions with regard to a future state," we are told, "go far to explain the apparent indifference of the people about death; for, while believing in an eternal existence, they shut out from it the idea of any moral retribution in the shape either of reward or punishment. The first notion concerning death is that of simple rest, and is thus contained in one of their rhymes:—

"Death is easy:

Of what use is life?

John Jackson's account of the burying alive of a young Fijian man. Son buried alive by his father.

The readiness of the Fijians to die seems to have been partly a consequence of their belief in immortality.

The sick and aged put to death by their relatives.

Wives strangled or buried alive at their husbands' funerals.

Human "grass" for the grave.

Sacrifices of foreskins and fingers in honour of the dead. Circumcision performed on a lad as a propitiatory sacrifice to save the life of his father or father's brother. The rite of circumcision followed by a licentious orgy.

These orgies were apparently associated with the worship of the dead, to whom offerings were made in the Nanga or sacred enclosure of stones.

Periodical initiation of young men in the Nanga.

But the most characteristic and perhaps the most important of the rites performed in the Nanga or sacred stone enclosure was the periodical initiation of young men, who by participation in the ceremony were admitted to the full privileges of manhood. According to one account the ceremony of initiation was performed as a rule only once in two years; according to another account it was observed annually in October or November, when the ndrala tree (Erythrina) was in flower. The flowering of the tree marked the beginning of the Fijian year; hence the novices who were initiated at this season bore the title of Vilavou, that is, "New Year's Men." As a preparation for the feasts which attended the ceremony enormous quantities of yams were garnered and placed under a strict taboo; pigs were fattened in large numbers, and bales of native cloth stored on the tie-beams of the house-roofs. Spears of many patterns and curiously carved clubs were also provided against the festival. On the day appointed the initiated men went first into the sacred enclosure and made their offerings, the chief priest having opened the proceedings by libation and prayer. The heads of the novices were clean shaven, and their beards, if they had any, were also removed. Then each youth was swathed in long rolls of native cloth, and taking a spear in one hand and a club in the other he marched with his comrades, similarly swathed and armed, in procession into the sacred enclosure, though not into its inner compartment, the Holy of Holies. The procession was headed by a priest bearing his carved staff of office, and it was received on the holy ground by the initiates, who sat chanting a song in a deep murmuring tone, which occasionally swelled to a considerable volume of sound and was thought to represent the muffled roar of the surf breaking on a far-away coral reef. On entering the enclosure the youths threw down their weapons before them, and with the help of the initiated men divested themselves of the huge folds of native cloth in which they were enveloped, each man revolving slowly on his axis, while his attendant pulled at the bandage and gathered in the slack. The weapons and the cloth were the offerings presented by the novices to the ancestral spirits for the purpose of rendering themselves acceptable to these powerful beings. The offerings were repeated in like manner on four successive days; and as each youth was merely, as it were, the central roller of a great bale of cloth, the amount of cloth offered was considerable. It was all put away, with the spears and clubs, in the sacred storehouse by the initiated men. A feast concluded each day and was prolonged far into the night.

Ceremony of death and resurrection.

On the fifth day, the last and greatest of the festival, the heads of the young men were shaven again and their bodies swathed in the largest and best rolls of cloth. Then, taking their choicest weapons in their hands, they followed their leader as before into the sacred enclosure. But the outer compartment of the holy place, where on the previous days they had been received by the grand chorus of initiated men, was now silent and deserted. The procession stopped. A dead silence prevailed. Suddenly from the forest a harsh scream of many parrots broke forth, and then followed a mysterious booming sound which filled the souls of the novices with awe. But now the priest moves slowly forward and leads the train of trembling novices for the first time into the inner shrine, the Holy of Holies, the Nanga tambu-tambu. Here a dreadful spectacle meets their startled gaze. In the background sits the high priest, regarding them with a stony stare; and between him and them lie a row of dead men, covered with blood, their bodies seemingly cut open and their entrails protruding. The leader steps over them one by one, and the awestruck youths follow him until they stand in a row before the high priest, their very souls harrowed by his awful glare. Suddenly he utters a great yell, and at the cry the dead men start to their feet, and run down to the river to cleanse themselves from the blood and filth with which they are besmeared. They are initiated men, who represent the departed ancestors for the occasion; and the blood and entrails are those of many pigs that have been slaughtered for that night's revelry. The screams of the parrots and the mysterious booming sound were produced by a concealed orchestra, who screeched appropriately and blew blasts on bamboo trumpets, the mouths of which were partially immersed in water.

Sacrament of food and water.

The dead men having come to life again, the novices offered their weapons and the bales of native cloth in which they were swathed. These were accordingly removed to the storehouse and the young men were made to sit down in front of it. Then the high priest, cheered perhaps by the sight of the offerings, unbent the starched dignity of his demeanour. Skipping from side to side he cried in stridulous tones, "Where are the people of my enclosure? Are they gone to Tongalevu? Are they gone to the deep sea?" He had not called long when an answer rang out from the river in a deep-mouthed song, and soon the singers came in view moving rhythmically to the music of their solemn chant. Singing they filed in and took their places in front of the young men; then silence ensued. After that there entered four old men of the highest order of initiates; the first bore a cooked yam carefully wrapt in leaves so that no part of it should touch the hands of the bearer; the second carried a piece of baked pork similarly enveloped; the third held a drinking-cup of coco-nut shell or earthenware filled with water and wrapt round with native cloth; and the fourth bore a napkin of the same material. Thereupon the first elder passed along the row of novices putting the end of the yam into each of their mouths, and as he did so each of them nibbled a morsel of the sacred food; the second elder did the same with the sacred pork; the third elder followed with the holy water, with which each novice merely wetted his lips; and the rear was brought up by the fourth elder, who wiped all their mouths with his napkin. Then the high priest or one of the elders addressed the young men, warning them solemnly against the sacrilege of divulging to the profane any of the high mysteries they had seen and heard, and threatening all such traitors with the vengeance of the gods.

Presentation of the pig.

That ceremony being over, all the junior initiated men (Lewe ni Nanga) came forward, and each man presented to the novices a yam and a piece of nearly raw pork; whereupon the young men took the food and went away to cook it for eating. When the evening twilight had fallen, a huge pig, which had been specially set aside at a former festival, was dragged into the sacred enclosure and there presented to the novices, together with other swine, if they should be needed to furnish a plenteous repast.

Acceptance of the novices by the ancestral spirits.

The novices were now "accepted members of the Nanga, qualified to take their place among the men of the community, though still only on probation. As children—their childhood being indicated by their shaven heads—they were presented to the ancestors, and their acceptance was notified by what (looking at the matter from the natives' standpoint) we might, without irreverence, almost call the sacrament of food and water, too sacred even for the elders' hands to touch. This acceptance was acknowledged and confirmed on the part of all the Lewe ni Nanga [junior initiated men] by their gift of food, and it was finally ratified by the presentation of the Sacred Pig. In like manner, on the birth of an infant, its father acknowledges it as legitimate, and otherwise acceptable, by a gift of food; and his kinsfolk formally signify approval and confirmation of his decision on the part of the clan by similar presentations."

The initiation followed by a period of sexual license. Sacred pigs.

The intention of the initiatory rites seems to be to introduce the young men to the ancestral spirits. The drama of death and resurrection. The Fijian rites of initiation seem to have been imported by Melanesian immigrants from the west.

The general licence associated with the ritual of the Nanga may be a temporary revival of primitive communism.

Description of the Nanga or sacred enclosure of stones.

Comparison of the Nanga with the cromlechs and other megalithic monuments of Europe.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 678: (return) Th. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, Second Edition (London, 1860), i. 242 sq.Note 2 · Footnote 679: (return) Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), iii. 86.Note 3 · Footnote 680: (return) John Jackson's Narrative, in Capt. J. E. Erskine's Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific (LondNote 4 · Footnote 681: (return) Ch. Wilkes, op. cit. iii. 96.Note 5 · Footnote 682: (return) United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and Philology, by H. Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 65. Compare Capt. J.Note 6 · Footnote 683: (return) Ch. Wilkes, op. cit. iii. 94 sq. Compare Th. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, i. 183-186; Lorimer Fison, Tales from OlNote 7 · Footnote 684: (return) Ch. Wilkes, op. cit. iii. 96. Compare Th. Williams, op. cit. i. 188 sq., 193 sqq., 200-202; Lorimer Fison, op. cit. pNote 8 · Footnote 685: (return) Th. Williams, op. cit. i. 200.Note 9 · Footnote 686: (return) Th. Williams, op. cit. i. 189; Lorimer Fison, op. cit. p. xvi.Note 10 · Footnote 687: (return) Th. Williams, op. cit. i. 189.Note 11 · Footnote 688: (return) Th. Williams, op. cit. i. 197.Note 12 · Footnote 689: (return) Ch. Wilkes, op. cit. iii. 100. Williams also says (op. cit. i. 167) that the proper time for performing the rite of cNote 13 · Footnote 690: (return) Th. Williams, op. cit. i. 198.Note 14 · Footnote 693: (return) Rev. Lorimer Fison, op. cit. p. 27.Note 15 · Footnote 695: (return) Rev. Lorimer Fison, "The Nanga, or Sacred Stone Enclosure, of Wainimala, Fiji," Journal of the Anthropological InstitNote 16 · Footnote 696: (return) Rev. Lorimer Fison, op. cit. p. 30.Note 17 · Footnote 698: (return) Rev. Lorimer Fison, op. cit. p. 17.Note 18 · Footnote 699: (return) Basil Thomson, The Fijians, p. 147.Note 19 · Footnote 700: (return) As to these monuments see Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury), Prehistoric Times, Fifth Edition (London, 1890), p. 127.Note 20 · To die is rest."678Note 21 · Again, another writer, speaking of the Fijians, says that "in general, the passage from life to death is considered as one from pain to happNote 22 · The cool indifference with which the Fijians commonly regarded their own death and that of other people might be illustrated by many exampleNote 23 · The readiness with which the Fijians submitted to or even sought death appears to have been to some extent a direct consequence of their belNote 24 · The proposal to put the sick and aged to death did not always emanate from the parties principally concerned; when a son, for example, thougNote 25 · Again, wives were often strangled, or buried alive, at the funeral of their husbands, and generally at their own instance. Such scenes were Note 26 · The bodies of women who were put to death for this purpose were regularly laid at the bottom of the grave to serve as a cushion for the deadNote 27 · A curious sacrifice offered in honour of a dead chief consisted in the foreskins of all the boys who had arrived at a suitable age; the ladsNote 28 · The meaning of such orgies is very obscure, but from what we know of the savage and his ways we may fairly assume that they were no mere outNote 29 · Next morning the women, their hair dyed red and wearing waistbands of hibiscus or other fibre, came to the sacred enclosure and crawled throNote 30 · The general intention of these initiatory rites appears to be, as Mr. Fison has said in the words which I have quoted, to introduce the younNote 31 · A very remarkable feature in the Nanga ritual consists in the temporary licence accorded to the sexes and the suspension of proprietary riteNote 32 · To conclude this part of my subject I will briefly describe the construction of a Nanga or sacred stone enclosure, as it used to exist in FiNote 33 · The sacred enclosures of stones which I have described have been compared to the alignments of stones at Carnac in Brittany and Merivale on
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