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The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, Volume 1 (of 3)

LECTURE V

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THE BELIEF IN IMMORTALITY AMONG THE ABORIGINES OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA (continued)

Beliefs of the Central Australian aborigines concerning the reincarnation of the dead. The mythical water-snake Wollunqua.

In the last lecture we began our survey of the belief in immortality and the practices to which it has given rise among the aboriginal tribes of Central Australia. I shewed that these primitive savages hold a very remarkable theory of birth and death. They believe that the souls of the dead do not perish but are reborn in human form after a longer or shorter interval. During that interval the spirits of the departed are supposed to congregate in certain parts of the country, generally distinguished by some conspicuous natural feature, which accordingly the natives account sacred, believing them to be haunted by the souls of the dead. From time to time one of these disembodied spirits enters into a passing woman and is born as an infant into the world. Thus according to the Central Australian theory every living person without exception is the reincarnation of a dead man, woman, or child. At first sight the theory seems to exclude the possibility of any worship of the dead, since it appears to put the living on a footing of perfect equality with the dead by identifying the one with the other. But I pointed out that as a matter of fact these savages do admit, whether logically or not, the superiority of their remote ancestors to themselves: they acknowledge that these old forefathers of theirs did possess many marvellous powers to which they themselves can lay no claim. In this acknowledgment, accordingly, we may detect an opening or possibility for the development of a real worship of ancestors. Indeed, as I said at the close of last lecture, something closely approaching to ancestor worship has actually grown up in regard to the mythical ancestor of the Wollunqua clan in the Warramunga tribe. The Wollunqua is a purely fabulous water-snake, of gigantic dimensions, which is supposed to haunt the waters of a certain lonely pool called Thapauerlu, in the Murchison Range of mountains. Unlike the ancestors of the other totemic clans, this mythical serpent is never reborn in human form; he always lives in his solitary pool among the barren hills; but the natives think that he has it in his power to come forth and do them an injury, and accordingly they pray to him to remain quiet and not to harm them. Indeed so afraid of him are they that speaking of the creature among themselves they avoid using his proper name of Wollunqua and call him by a different name, lest hearing himself called by his true name he should rush forth and devour them. More than that they even endeavour to propitiate him by the performance of certain rites, which, however childish and absurd they may seem to us, are very solemn affairs for these simple folk. The rites were witnessed by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, whose description I will summarise. It offers an interesting and instructive example of a ritual observed by primitive savages, who are clearly standing on, if they have not already crossed, the threshold of religion.

Wanderings of the Wollunqua. Dramatic ceremonies in honour of the Wollunqua.

Ceremony in honour of the Wollunqua.

Further ceremony in honour of the Wollunqua: the white mound with the red wavy band to represent the mythical snake.

The rite aims both at pleasing and at coercing the mythical snake.

Thunder the voice of the Wollunqua.

Ground drawings of the Wollunqua.

Religious importance of the Wollunqua.

Possible religious evolution of totemism.

Conspicuous features of the landscape associated with ancestral spirits.

Although none of the other totemic ancestors of the Central Australian aborigines appears to have advanced so far on the road to religion as the Wollunqua, yet they all contain in germ the elements out of which a religion might have been developed. It is difficult for us civilised men to conceive the extent to which the thoughts and lives of these savages are dominated by the memories and traditions of the dead. Every conspicuous feature in the landscape is not only associated with the legendary doings of some ancestors but is commonly said to have arisen as a direct result of their actions. The mountains, the plains, the rivers, the seas, the islands of ancient Greece itself were not more thickly haunted by the phantoms of a fairy mythology than are the barren sun-scorched steppes and stony hills of the Australian wilderness; but great indeed is the gulf which divides the beautiful creations of Greek fancy from the crude imaginings of the Australian savage, whose legendary tales are for the most part a mere tissue of trivial absurdities unrelieved by a single touch of beauty or poetry.

A journey through the Warramunga country.

Dramatic ceremonies to commemorate the doings of ancestors.

Ceremony of the Hakea flower totem.

Ceremony of a fish totem.

Ceremony of a plum-tree totem.

In these ceremonies the action is appropriate to the totem. Ceremony of the witchetty grub totem.

Ceremony of the emu totem.

These dramatic ceremonies were probably at first magical rites intended to supply the people with food and other necessaries.

Among the Warramunga these dramatic ceremonies are avowedly performed as magical rites.

General view of the attitude of the Central Australian natives towards their dead.

To sum up the attitude of the Central Australian natives towards their dead. They believe that their dead are constantly undergoing reincarnation by being born again of women into the world, in fact that every living man, woman, and child is nothing but a dead person come to life again, that so it has been from the beginning and that so it will be to the end. Of a special world of the departed, remote and different from the material world in which they live and from the familiar scenes to which they have been accustomed from infancy, they have no conception; still less, if that is possible, have they any idea of a division of the world of the dead into a realm of bliss and a realm of woe, where the spirits of the good live ineffably happy and the spirits of the bad live unspeakably miserable. To their simple minds the spirits of the dead dwell all about them in the rocky gorges, the barren plains, the wooded dells, the rustling trees, the still waters of their native land, haunting in death the very spots where they last entered into their mothers' wombs to be born, and where in future they will again enter into the wombs of other women to be born again as other children into the world. And so, they think, it will go on for ever and ever. Such a creed seems at first sight, as I have pointed out, irreconcilable with a worship of the dead in the proper sense of the word; and so perhaps it would be, if these savages were strictly consistent and logical in their theories. But they are not. They admit that their remote ancestors, in other words, that they themselves in former incarnations, possessed certain marvellous powers to which in the present degenerate days they can lay no claim; and in this significant admission we may detect a rift, a real distinction of kind, between the living and the dead, which in time might widen out into an impassable gulf. In other words, we may suppose that the Central Australians, if left to themselves, might come to hold that the dead return no more to the land of the living, and that, acknowledging as they do the vast superiority of their remote ancestors to themselves, they might end by worshipping them, at first simply as powerful ancestral spirits, and afterwards as supernatural deities, whose original connexion with humanity had been totally forgotten. In point of fact we saw that among the Warramunga the mythical water-snake Wollunqua, who is regarded as an ancestor of a totemic clan, has made some progress towards deification; for while he is still regarded as the forefather of the clan which bears his name, it is no longer supposed that he is born again of women into the world, but that he lives eternal and invisible under the water of a haunted pool, and that he has it in his power both to help and to harm his people, who pray to him and perform ceremonies in his honour. This awful being, whose voice is heard in the peal of thunder and whose dreadful name may not be pronounced in common life, is not far from godhead; at least he is apparently the nearest approach to it which the imagination of these rude savages has been able to conceive. Lastly, as I have pointed out, the reverence which the Central Australians entertain for their dead ancestors is closely bound up with their totemism; they fail to distinguish clearly or at all between men and their totems, and accordingly the ceremonies which they perform to commemorate the dead are at the same time magical rites designed to ensure an abundant supply of food and of all the other necessaries and conveniences which savage life requires or admits of; indeed, we may with some probability conjecture that the magical intention of these ceremonies is the primary and original one, and that the commemorative intention is secondary and derivative. If that could be proved to be so (which is hardly to be expected), we should be obliged to conclude that in this as in so many enquiries into the remote human past we detect evidence of an Age of Magic preceding anything that deserves to be dignified with the name of religion.

That ends what I have to say at present as to the belief in immortality and the worship of the dead among the Central Australian aborigines. In my next lecture I propose to pursue the enquiry among the other tribes of Australia.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 137: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 228 sq.Note 2 · Footnote 138: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 229 sq.Note 3 · Footnote 139: (return) Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. pp. 230 sq.Note 4 · Footnote 140: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 231-238.Note 5 · Footnote 141: (return) Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 238.Note 6 · Footnote 142: (return) Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. pp. 238 sq.Note 7 · Footnote 143: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 239-247.Note 8 · Footnote 144: (return) Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 248.Note 9 · Footnote 145: (return) "On the other hand there is a great difference between the Wollunqua and any other totem, inasmuch as the particular Note 10 · Footnote 146: (return) The wingara is the equivalent of the Arunta alcheringa, that is, the earliest legendary or mythical times of which thNote 11 · Footnote 147: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 249 sq.Note 12 · Footnote 148: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 33 sq., 177 sq.Note 13 · Footnote 149: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 297 sq.Note 14 · Footnote 150: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 316 sq.Note 15 · Footnote 151: (return) Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 320.Note 16 · Footnote 152: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 199-204.Note 17 · Footnote 153: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 179 sq.Note 18 · Footnote 154: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 179 sq.Note 19 · Footnote 155: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 358 sq., and p. 343, fig 73.Note 20 · Footnote 156: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 176.Note 21 · Footnote 157: (return) Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. pp. 182 sq.Note 22 · Footnote 158: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 297.Note 23 · Footnote 159: (return) Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 197.Note 24 · Like all other totemic ancestors the Wollunqua is said to have arisen at a particular spot, to have wandered about the country, and finally Note 25 · The next ceremony was performed on the following day at another place called Antipataringa, where the mythical snake is said to have halted Note 26 · After an interval of three days a fourth ceremony was performed of an entirely different kind. A keel-shaped mound was made of wet sand, aboNote 27 · This remarkable rite is supposed, we are informed, "in some way to be associated with the idea of persuading, or almost forcing, the WollunqNote 28 · On the evening of the day which succeeded the construction of the emblematic mound the old men who had made the emblem said they had heard tNote 29 · On the four following days ceremonies of an entirely different kind from all the preceding were performed in honour of the Wollunqua. A spacNote 30 · I have dwelt at some length on these ceremonies of the Wollunqua totem, because they furnish a remarkable and perhaps unique instance in AusNote 31 · I have already pointed out the difficulty of seeing how a belief in the reincarnation of the dead, such as prevails universally among the abNote 32 · To illustrate at once the nature and the abundance of these legends I will quote a passage in which Messrs. Spencer and Gillen describe a joNote 33 · Similar evidence could be multiplied, but this may suffice to teach us how to the minds of these Central Australian savages the whole countrNote 34 · We will begin with a ceremony of the Hakea flower totem in the Arunta tribe, as to which it may be premised that a decoction of the Hakea flNote 35 · Again, to take another Arunta ceremony of a fish totem called interpitna. The fish is the bony bream (Chatoessus horni), which abounds in thNote 36 · Again, another Arunta ceremony of the plum-tree totem was performed by four actors, who simply pretended to knock down and eat imaginary pluNote 37 · In all these ceremonies you will observe that the action of the drama is strictly appropriate to the totem. In the drama of the Hakea flowerNote 38 · The last example of such ceremonies which I shall cite is one of the emu totem in the Arunta tribe. The body of the actor was decorated withNote 39 · What are we to think of the intention of these little dramas which the Central Australian aborigines regard as sacred and to the performanceNote 40 · Now this conjecture is strongly confirmed by the actual usage of the Warramunga tribe, amongst whom the commemorative or historical dramas a
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