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The American Indian as Participant in the Civil War

III. THE INDIAN REFUGEES IN SOUTHERN KANSAS

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The thing that would most have justified the military employment of Indians by the United States government, in the winter of 1862, was the fact that hundreds and thousands of their southern brethren were then refugees because of their courageous and unswerving devotion to the American Union. The tale of those refugees, of their wanderings, their deprivations, their sufferings, and their wrongs, comparable only to that of the Belgians in the Great European War of 1914, is one of the saddest to relate, and one of the most disgraceful, in the history of the War of Secession, in its border phase.

The first in the long procession of refugees were those of the army of Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la who, after their final defeat by Colonel James McIntosh in the Battle of Chustenahlah, December 26, 1861, had fled up the valley of the Verdigris River and had entered Kansas near Walnut Creek. In scattered lines, with hosts of stragglers, the enfeebled, the aged, the weary, and the sick, they had crossed the Cherokee Strip and the Osage Reservation and, heading steadily towards the northeast, had finally encamped on the outermost edge of the New York Indian Lands, on Fall River, some sixty odd miles west of Humboldt. Those lands, never having been accepted as an equivalent for their Wisconsin holdings by the Iroquois, were not occupied throughout their entire extent by Indians and only here and there

encroached upon by white intruders, consequently the impoverished and greatly fatigued travellers encountered no obstacles in settling themselves down to rest and to wait for a much needed replenishment of their resources.

several contingents; for the refugees, although chiefly Creeks, were representative of nearly every one of the non-indigenous tribes of Indian Territory.

time for economy. The inadequacy of the Indian service and the inefficiency of the Federal never showed up more plainly, to the utter discredit of the nation, than at this period and in this connection.

The Indian encampment upon the occasion of

For a few days, therefore, all efforts were directed, at large expense, towards converting the Verdigris Valley, in the vicinity of Fort Roe, into a concentration camp; but no precautions were taken against allowing unhygienic conditions to arise. The Indians themselves were much diseased. They had few opportunities for personal cleanliness and less ambition. Some of the food doled out to them was stuff that the army had condemned and rejected as unfit for use. They were emaciated, sick, discouraged. Finally, with

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 165: (return) These facts were obtained chiefly from a letter, not strictly accurate as to some of its details, written by SuperintNote 2 · Footnote 166: (return) For instance, William P. Davis, who had been appointed Seminole Agent, despairing of ever reaching his post, had goneNote 3 · Their coming was expected. On their way northward, they had fallen in, at some stage of the journey, with some buffalo hunters, Sacs and FoxNote 4 · Footnote 167: (return) Compare the statistics given in the following: Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1861, p. 151; 1862, pp. 137, 1Note 5 · Footnote 168: (return) The army furnished the first relief that reached them. In its issue (cont.)Note 6 · It is not an easy matter to say, with any show of approach to exact figures, how many the refugees numbered.167 For weeks and weeks, they weNote 7 · There was no possibility of mistake, however, intentional or otherwise, about the destitution of the refugees. It was inconceivably horribleNote 8 · Footnote 169: (return) Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, pp. 151-152.Note 9 · Footnote 170: (return) O.S. Coffin to William G. Coffin, January 26, 1862, Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendency, CNote 10 · towards the end of January and their condition was then so bad, so wretched that it was impossible for him to depict it. Prairie grasses werNote 11 · Other details of their destitution were furnished by Coffin's son who was acting as his clerk and who was among the first to attempt alleviaNote 12 · Footnote 171: (return) Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, pp. 152-154.Note 13 · Footnote 172: (return) Dole had an interview with the Indians immediately upon his arrival in Kansas [Moore, Rebellion Record, vol. iv, 59-6Note 14 · Footnote 173: (return) Hunter to Dole, February 6, 1862, forwarded by Edward Wolcott to Mix, February 10, 1862 [Indian Office General Files,Note 15 · Footnote 174: (return) Agent G.C. Snow reported, February 13, 1862, on the utter destitution of the Seminoles [Indian Office General Files, Note 16 · had. When all was gone, how pitiful it must have been for him to see the "hundreds of anxious faces" for whom there was nothing! Captain TurNote 17 · Dole172 had had warning from Hunter173 that such would have to be the case and had done his best to be prepared for the emergency. SecretaryNote 18 · Footnote 175: (return) Dole was from Illinois also, from Edgar County; Coffin was from Indiana [Indian Office Miscellaneous Records, no. 8, Note 19 · Footnote 176: (return) Daily Conservative, February 8, 1862.Note 20 · Footnote 177: (return) Indian Office Consolidated Files, Southern Superintendency, D 576 of 1862; Letter Book, no. 67, pp. 450-452.Note 21 · Besides getting permission from Secretary Smith to go ahead and supply the more pressing needs of the refugees, Dole accomplished another thNote 22 · Footnote 178: (return) Indian Office Land Files, 1855-1870, Southern Superintendency, K 107 of 1862.Note 23 · Footnote 179: (return) Some had wandered to the Cottonwood and were camped there in great destitution. Their chief food was hominy [Daily CoNote 24 · Footnote 180: (return) For an account of the controversy over the settlement of the New York Indian Lands, see Abel, Indian Reservations in Note 25 · Kile's178 visit was no longer on Fall River. Gradually, since first discovered, the main body of the refugees had moved forward within the NNote 26 · Footnote 181: (return) Annual Report of Superintendent Coffin, October 15, 1862, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, p. 136. CompaNote 27 · Footnote 182: (return) February 11, 1862, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1862, p. 153; Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, SoutheNote 28 · Footnote 183: (return) Congressional Globe, 37th congress, second session, part I, pp. 815, 849. Dole's letter to Smith, January 31, 1862, dNote 29 · the February thaw, came a situation that soon proved intolerable. The "stench arising from dead ponies, about two hundred of which were in tNote 30 · The Neosho Valley around about Leroy presented itself as a likely place, very convenient for the distributing agents, and was next selected.Note 31 · Footnote 184: (return) Coffin to Dole, March 28, 1862 [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendency, C 1565 of 1862].Note 32 · Footnote 185: (return) Mismanagement there most certainly had been. In no other way can the fact that there was absolutely no amelioration iNote 33 · Footnote 186: (return) Coffin's letter to Dole of April 21, 1862 [Indian Office General Files, Wichita, 1862-1871, C 1601 of 1862] seems to Note 34 · Footnote 187: (return) Opoeth-le-yo-ho-la and other prominent refugees addressed their complaints to Dole, March 29, 1862 [Indian Office LanNote 35 · Footnote 188: (return) On the way to the Catholic Mission, whither he was going in order (cont.)Note 36 · lay about twenty-five miles to the northward and they generously offered it as an asylum.184 But the Indians balked. They were homesick, disNote 37 · The Indians were not alone in their rebellious attitude. There was mutiny seething, or something very like it, within the ranks of the agentNote 38 · Footnote 189: (return) Perry Fuller had been in Kansas since 1854 [U.S. House Reports, 34th congress, first session, no. 200, p. 8 of "TestiNote 39 · who had been so closely associated with Lane in the concoction of the first plan for the recovery of Indian Territory, was now figuring as tNote 40 · Footnote 190: (return) Carruth gave particulars of this matter to Dole, April 20, 1862 [Indian Office General Files, Wichita, 1862-1871, C 1Note 41 · Footnote 191: (return) Dole to Carruth, March 18, 1862 [Indian Office Letter Book, no. 67, pp. 493-494].Note 42 · Footnote 192: (return) Carruth to Dole, April 10, 1862 [ibid., General Files, Wichita, 1862-1871, C 1588 of 1862; Letters Registered, vol. 5Note 43 · tribal discord. There was a quarrel among them over leadership, the election of Ock-tah-har-sas Harjo as principal chief having aroused stroNote 44 · Footnote 174: (return) (cont.) the Indians and they are feeding them a little...." See also Moore, Rebellion Record, vol. iv, 30.
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