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The American Indian as Participant in the Civil War

I. THE BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE, OR ELKHORN, AND ITS MORE IMMEDIATE EFFECTS

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The Indian alliance, so assiduously sought by the Southern Confederacy and so laboriously built up, soon revealed itself to be most unstable. Direct and unmistakable signs of its instability appeared in connection with the first real military test to which it was subjected, the Battle of Pea Ridge or Elkhorn, as it is better known in the South, the battle that stands out in the history of the War of Secession as being the most decisive victory to date of the Union forces in the West and as marking the turning point in the political relationship of the State of Missouri with the Confederate government.

difference now, as it made no difference then, in the consideration of the consequences; yet the consequences were, none the less, rather serious. They were such, in fact, as to increase very greatly the confusion on the border and to give the Confederates that chance of recovery which soon made it necessary for their foes to do the work of Nathaniel Lyon all over again.

There was much to be said in justification of McCulloch's obstinacy. To understand this it is well to recall that, under the plan, lying back of this first

It was far otherwise as respected relations between McCulloch and the Missouri leaders. McCulloch had little or no tolerance for the rough-and-ready methods of men like Claiborne Jackson and Sterling Price. He regarded their plans as impractical, chimerical, and their warfare as after the guerrilla order, too much like

Undoubtedly, all would have been well had McCulloch been disposed to make the defence of Missouri his only aim. Magnanimity was asked of him such as the Missouri leaders never so much as contemplated showing in return. It seems never to have occurred to either Jackson or Price that coöperation might, perchance, involve such an exchange of courtesies as would require Price to lend a hand in some project that McCulloch might devise for the well-being of his own particular

charge. The assistance was eventually asked for and refused, refused upon the ground, familiar in United States history, that it would be impossible to get the Missouri troops to cross the state line. Of course, Price's conduct was not without extenuation. His position was not identical with McCulloch's. His force was a state force, McCulloch's a Confederate, or a national. Besides, Missouri had yet to be gained, officially, for the Confederacy. She expected secession states and the Confederacy itself to force the situation for her. And, furthermore, she was in far greater danger of invasion than was Arkansas. The Kansans were her implacable and dreaded foes and Arkansas had none like them to fear.

In reality, the seat of all the trouble between McCulloch and Price lay in particularism, a phase of state rights, and, in its last analysis, provincialism. Now particularism was especially pronounced and especially pernicious in the middle southwest. Missouri had always more than her share of it. Her politicians were impregnated by it. They were interested in their own locality exclusively and seemed quite incapable of taking any broad survey of events that did not immediately affect themselves or their own limited concerns. In the issue between McCulloch and Price, this was all too apparent. The politicians complained unceasingly of McCulloch's neglect of Missouri and, finally, taking their case to headquarters, represented to President Davis that the best interests of the Confederate cause in their state were being glaringly sacrificed by McCulloch's too literal interpretation of his official instructions, in the strict observance of which he was keeping close to the Indian boundary.

President Davis had personally no great liking for

Pike's great purpose—and, perhaps, it would be no exaggeration to say, his only purpose—throughout the

regiments, two battalions, and some detached companies. The four regiments were, the First Regiment Choctaw and Chickasaw Mounted Rifles under Colonel Douglas H. Cooper, the First Creek Regiment under Colonel D.N. McIntosh, the First Regiment Cherokee Mounted Rifles under Colonel John Drew, and the Second Regiment Cherokee Mounted Rifles under Colonel Stand Watie. The battalions were, the Choctaw and Chickasaw and the Creek and Seminole, the latter under Lieutenant-colonel Chilly McIntosh and Major John Jumper.

invasion and to relieve Missouri; his plan of operations was to conduct a spring campaign in the latter state, "to attempt St. Louis," as he himself put it, and to drive the Federals out; his ulterior motive may have been and, in the light of subsequent events, probably was, to effect a diversion for General A.S. Johnston; but, if that were really so, it was not, at the time, divulged or so much as hinted at.

Ostensibly, the great object that Van Dorn had in mind was the relief of Missouri. And he may have dreamed, that feat accomplished, that it would be possible to carry the war into the enemy's country beyond the Ohio; but, alas, it was his misfortune at this juncture to be called upon to realise, to his great discomfiture, the truth of Robert Burns' homely philosophy,

The best-laid schemes o' mice and men Gang aft a-gley.

His own schemes and plans were all rendered utterly futile by the unexpected movement of the Federal forces from Rolla, to which safe place, it will be remembered, they had been drawn back by order of General Hunter. They were now advancing by forced marches via Springfield into northwestern Arkansas and were driving before them the Confederates under McCulloch and Price.

The Federal forces comprised four huge divisions and were led by Brigadier-general Samuel R. Curtis. Towards the end of the previous December, on Christmas Day in fact, Curtis had been given "command of the Southwestern District of Missouri, including the

In furtherance of Van Dorn's original plan, General Pike had been ordered to march with all speed and join forces with the main army. At the time of the issuance of the order, he seems to have offered no objections to taking his Indians out of their own territory. Disaster had not yet overtaken them or him and he had not yet met with the injustice that was afterwards his regular lot. If his were regarded as more or less of a puppet command, he was not yet aware of it and, oblivious of all scorn felt for Indian soldiers, kept his eye single on the assistance he was to render in the accomplishment of Van Dorn's object. It was anything but easy, however, for him to move with dispatch. He had difficulty in getting such of his brigade as was Indian and as had collected at Cantonment Davis, a Choctaw and Chickasaw battalion and the First Creek Regiment, to stir. They had not been paid their money and had not been furnished with arms and clothing as promised. Pike had the necessary funds with him, but time would be needed in which to distribute them, and the order had been for him to move promptly. It was something much more easily said than done. Nevertheless, he did what he could, paid outright the Choctaws and Chickasaws, a performance that occupied

at the Battle of Pea Ridge had become known, in putting itself on record as standing opposed to the sort of thing that had occurred,

The completeness of Curtis's victory, the loss to the Southerners, by death or capture, of some of their best-loved and ablest commanders, McCulloch, McIntosh, Hébert, and the nature of the country through which the Federals pursued their fleeing forces, to say nothing of the miscellaneous and badly-trained character of

In Van Dorn's calculations for troops that should accompany him east or follow in his wake, the Indians had no place. Before his own plans took final shape and while he was still arranging for an Army of the West, his orders for the Indians were, that they should make their way back as best they could to their own country and there operate "to cut off trains, annoy the enemy in his marches, and to prevent him as far as possible from supplying his troops from Missouri and

It was an elaborate programme but scarcely a noble one. Its note of selfishness sounded high. The Indians were simply to be made to serve the ends of the white men. Their methods of warfare were regarded as distinctly inferior. Pea Ridge was, in fact, the first and last time that they were allowed to participate in the war on a big scale. Henceforth, they were rarely ever anything more than scouts and skirmishers and that was all they were really fitted to be.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 1: (return) The Century Company's War Book, vol. i, 314-315.Note 2 · Footnote 2: (return) Official Records, first ser., vol. iii, 553-554. Hereafter, except where otherwise designated, the first series will alNote 3 · Footnote 3: (return) —Ibid., 568.Note 4 · In the short time during which, following the removal of General Frémont, General David Hunter was in full command of the Department of the Note 5 · Footnote 4: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 781-782; Edwards, Shelby and His Men, 105.Note 6 · Footnote 5: (return) —Ibid., vol. viii, 734.Note 7 · Footnote 6: (return) It is doubtful if even this ought to be conceded in view of the fact that President Davis later admitted that Van Dorn Note 8 · Footnote 7: (return) Abel, American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, 225-226 and footnote 522.Note 9 · It has been most truthfully said4 that never, throughout the period of the entire war, did the southern government fully realize the surpassNote 10 · Footnote 8: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 679.Note 11 · Footnote 9: (return) The name of Montgomery was not one for even Indians to conjure with. James Montgomery was the most notorious of bushwhaNote 12 · Footnote 10: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 682.Note 13 · Footnote 11: (return) Snead, Fight for Missouri, 229-230.Note 14 · appointment to the Confederate command, was the expectation that he would secure the Indian Territory. Obviously, the best way to do that waNote 15 · Unable, by reason of the Cherokee objection thereto, to enter the Indian country; because entrance in the face of that objection would ineviNote 16 · Footnote 12: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 698-699.Note 17 · Footnote 13: (return) —Ibid., 687.Note 18 · Footnote 14: (return) —Ibid., 691.Note 19 · the exigent necessities of the State" by sending a second general officer there, who should command in the northeastern part.12Note 20 · McCulloch's relations with leading Confederates in Arkansas seem to have been, from the first, in the highest degree friendly, even cordial,Note 21 · Footnote 15: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 721.Note 22 · Footnote 16: (return) —Ibid., 720.Note 23 · Footnote 17: (return) —Ibid., 727.Note 24 · that to which Missourians and Kansans had accustomed themselves during the period of border conflict, following the passage of the Kansas-NeNote 25 · Footnote 18: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 816-817.Note 26 · Footnote 19: (return) Ibid., 762.Note 27 · Footnote 20: (return) —Ibid., vol. viii, 725.Note 28 · Footnote 21: (return) —Ibid., 701.Note 29 · Footnote 22: (return) Wright, General Officers of the Confederate Army, 33, 67.Note 30 · Footnote 23: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 702.Note 31 · Footnote 24: (return) Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States, vol. i, 637.Note 32 · Footnote 25: (return) Formby, American Civil War, 129.Note 33 · Price and certainly none for his peculiar method of fighting. Some people thought him greatly prejudiced18 against Price and, in the first iNote 34 · Two days later, December 5, 1861, General McCulloch was granted23 permission to proceed to Richmond, there to explain in person, as he had lNote 35 · Footnote 26: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 767, 774.Note 36 · Footnote 27: (return) Van Dora's protection, if given, was given to little purpose; for the mines were soon abandoned [Britton, Memoirs of tNote 37 · Footnote 28: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 734.Note 38 · Footnote 29: (return) —Ibid., 745.Note 39 · Footnote 30: (return) —Ibid., 690.Note 40 · time it was made, to put an end to all local disputes and to give Missouri the attention she craved. The ordnance department of the ConfederNote 41 · The Trans-Mississippi District would appear to have been constituted and its limits to have been defined without adequate reference to existNote 42 · It will be remembered that, in November of the preceding year, the Department of Indian Territory had been created and Brigadier-general AlbNote 43 · Footnote 31: (return) Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, vol. i, 105.Note 44 · Footnote 32: (return) The official report of Commissioner Pike, in manuscript, and bearing his signature, is to be found in the Adjutant-genNote 45 · superseded by that which later clothed Van Dorn and yet his department was now to be absorbed by a military district, which was itself merelNote 46 · Albert Pike, having accepted the appointment of department commander in Indian Territory under somewhat the same kind of a protest—professedNote 47 · Footnote 33: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 764.Note 48 · Footnote 34: (return) —Ibid, 770.Note 49 · Footnote 35: (return) —Ibid, 764.Note 50 · Footnote 36: (return) Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border, 72.Note 51 · Footnote 37: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 286.Note 52 · generally, also in selecting a site for his headquarters. By command of Secretary of War, Judah P. Benjamin, Major N.B. Pearce33 was made chNote 53 · The site chosen for department headquarters was a place situated near the junction of the Verdigris and Arkansas Rivers and not far from ForNote 54 · Footnote 38: (return) The provision in the treaties to the effect that the alliance consummated between the Indians and the Confederate goveNote 55 · Footnote 39: (return) A restricted use of the Indians in offensive guerrilla action Pike would doubtless have permitted and justified. IndeeNote 56 · Footnote 40: (return) Harrell, Confederate Military History, vol. x, 121-122.Note 57 · full extent of his active connection with the Confederacy was to save to that Confederacy the Indian Territory. The Indian occupants in and Note 58 · Footnote 41: (return) In illustration of this, take the statement of the Creek Treaty, article xxxvi.Note 59 · Footnote 42: (return) Aside from the early requests for white troops, which were antecedent to his own appointment as brigadier-general, PikNote 60 · Footnote 43: (return) Pike to Benjamin, November 27, 1861, ibid, vol. viii, 697.Note 61 · Footnote 44: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 8, 17-18.Note 62 · which he negotiated he pledged distinctly and explicitly the opposite course of action, unless, indeed, the Indian consent were first obtainNote 63 · At the time of Pike's assumption of his ill-defined command, or within a short period thereafter, the Indian force in the pay of the ConfedeNote 64 · Footnote 45: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 745-746.Note 65 · Footnote 46: (return) —Ibid., vol. liii, supplement, 776-779, 783-785, 790, 793-794.Note 66 · Footnote 47: (return) —Ibid., vol. viii, 749, 763-764.Note 67 · Footnote 48: (return) —Ibid., 764-765.Note 68 · Footnote 49: (return) Van Dorn to Price, February 14, 1862, ibid., 750.Note 69 · Footnote 50: (return) Arkansas seemed, at the time, to be but feebly protected. R.W. Johnson deprecated the calling of Arkansas troops eastwNote 70 · Major-general Earl Van Dorn formally assumed command of the newly created Trans-Mississippi District of Department No. 2, January 29, 1862.4Note 71 · Footnote 51: (return) Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, vol. viii, 462.Note 72 · country south of the Osage and west of the Meramec River."51 Under orders of November 9, the old Department of the West, of which Frémont haNote 73 · Footnote 52: (return) Watie's regiment of Cherokees was scarcely in either marching or fighting trim. The following letter from John Ross toNote 74 · three precious days, and agreed to pay McIntosh's Creek regiment at the Illinois River. To keep that promise he tarried at Park Hill one dayNote 75 · Footnote 53: (return) Pike's Report, March 14, 1862, Official Records, vol. viii, 286-292.Note 76 · Footnote 54: (return) James McIntosh to S. Cooper, January 4, 1862, ibid., 732; D.H. Cooper to Pike, February 10, 1862, ibid., vol. xiii, 89Note 77 · Footnote 55: (return) —Ibid., 819.Note 78 · Footnote 56: (return) —Ibid., vol. viii, 287.Note 79 · Footnote 57: (return) —Ibid., 208-215, 304-306.Note 80 · Drew's.53 The Cherokees had been in much confusion all winter. Civil war within their nation impended.54 None the less, Pike, assuming that Note 81 · The Battle of Pea Ridge, in its preliminary stages, was already being fought. It was a three day fight, counting the skirmish at BentonvilleNote 82 · Footnote 58: (return) The Elkhorn Tavern engagement is sometimes referred to, and most appropriately, as the Sugar Creek [Phisterer, StatistNote 83 · Footnote 59: (return) The practice, indulged in by both the Federals and the Confederates, of greatly overestimating the size of the enemy fNote 84 · Footnote 60: (return) Official Records, vol. xiii, 819.Note 85 · Footnote 61: (return) —Ibid., vol. viii, 288.Note 86 · Footnote 62: (return) —Ibid.Note 87 · Leetown on the seventh and that at Elkhorn Tavern58 on the eighth. At Leetown, Pike's Cherokee contingent59 played what he, in somewhat quixNote 88 · Footnote 63: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 289.Note 89 · Footnote 64: (return) —Ibid., 195.Note 90 · Footnote 65: (return) The northern press took up the matter and the New York Tribune was particularly virulent against Pike. In its issue ofNote 91 · Footnote 66: (return) Van Dorn did not make his detailed official report of this battle until the news had leaked out that the Indians had mNote 92 · peculiarities. He allowed Colonel Drew's men to fight in a way that was "their own fashion,"63 with bow and arrow and with tomahawk.64 This,Note 93 · The service that the Cherokees rendered at different times during the two days action was not, however, to be despised, even though not suffNote 94 · Footnote 67: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 292.Note 95 · Footnote 68: (return) —Ibid., vol. xiii, 819.Note 96 · McCulloch's broken army and with it to join Van Dorn. On the eighth, Colonel Watie's men under orders from Van Dorn took position on the higNote 97 · General Pike gave the permission to fight "in their own fashion" specifically to the First Cherokee Mounted Rifles, who were, for the most pNote 98 · Footnote 69: (return) Official Records, vol. xiii, 826.Note 99 · Footnote 70: (return) By vote of the committee, General Curtis had been instructed to furnish information on the subject of the employment oNote 100 · Resolved, That in the opinion of the National Council, the war now existing between the said United States and the Confederate States and thNote 101 · The atrocities committed by the Indians became almost immediately a matter for correspondence between the opposing commanders. The Federals Note 102 · Footnote 71: (return) Official Records, vol. xiii, 486.Note 103 · Footnote 72: (return) The same charge was made against the Indians who fought at Wilson's Creek [Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 24, Note 104 · Footnote 73: (return) Roman, Military Operations of General Beauregard, vol. i, 240.Note 105 · Footnote 74: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 796.Note 106 · upon before they went into battle."71 Presumptively, if the Cherokees could plot to kill their own allies, they could be found despicable enNote 107 · The Confederate defeat at Pea Ridge was decisive and, as far as Van Dorn's idea of relieving Missouri was concerned, fatally conclusive. As Note 108 · Footnote 75: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 282.Note 109 · Footnote 76: (return) —Ibid.. 291.Note 110 · Footnote 77: (return) —Ibid., 317.Note 111 · Footnote 78: (return) —Ibid., 318.Note 112 · Footnote 79: (return) —Ibid.; Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 273.Note 113 · Footnote 80: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 292.Note 114 · those forces, to which, by the way, Van Dorn ascribed75 much of his recent ill-success, all helped to make the retirement of the ConfederateNote 115 · Footnote 81: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 282, 790; vol. liii, supplement, 796.Note 116 · Footnote 82: (return) —Ibid., vol. viii, 795-796.Note 117 · Kansas."81 A little later, but still anterior to Van Dorn's summons east, more minute particulars of the programme were addressed to Pike. MNote 118 · The general commanding has decided to march with his army against the enemy now invading the northeastern part of the State. Upon you, thereNote 119 · Footnote 83: (return) John Hay records in his Diary, "The White House is turned into barracks. Jim Lane marshaled his Kansas warriors to-dayNote 120 · Footnote 84: (return) It would seem to have communicated itself to Carl Schurz, although Schurz, in his Reminiscences, makes no definite admNote 121 · The Indian Expedition had its beginnings, fatefully or otherwise, in "Lane's Kansas Brigade." On January 29, 1861, President Buchanan signedNote 122 · Footnote 50: (return) (cont.) text of continuation: needed at home, not only for the defence of Arkansas, but for that of the adjoining terr
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