← Table of contents
The American Indian as Participant in the Civil War

II. LANE'S BRIGADE AND THE INCEPTION OF THE INDIAN

Reading edition

mysterious influence with the temperate, humane, just, and so very much more magnanimous Lincoln, who, in the first days of the war, as in the later and the last, had his hours of discouragement and deep depression. For dejection of any sort, the wild excitement and boundless confidence of a zealot like Lane must have been somewhat of an antidote, also a stimulant.

Illustration from The American Indian as Participant in the Civil War

SKETCH MAP SHOWING THE MAIN THEATRE OF BORDER WARFARE AND THE LOCATION OF TRIBES WITHIN THE INDIAN COUNTRY

The same indifference towards the West that characterized the governing authorities in the South was exhibited by eastern men in the North and, correspondingly, the West, Federal and Confederate, was unduly sensitive to the indifference, perhaps, also, a trifle unnecessarily alarmed by symptoms of its own danger. Nevertheless, its danger was real. Each state gave in its adherence to the Confederacy separately and, therefore, every single state in the slavery belt had a problem to solve. The fight for Missouri was fought

on the border and nowhere else. The great evil of squatter sovereignty days was now epidemic in its most malignant form. Those days had bred intense hatred between Missourian and Kansan and had developed a disregard of the value of human life and a ruthlessness and brutality in fighting, concomitant with it, that the East, in its most primitive times, had never been called upon to experience. Granted that the spirit of the crusader had inspired many a free-soiler to venture into the trans-Missouri region after the Kansas-Nebraska bill had become law and that real exaltation of soul had transformed some very mercenary and altogether mundane characters unexpectedly into martyrs; granted, also, that the pro-slavery man honestly felt that his cause was just and that his sacred rights of property, under the constitution, were being violated, his preserves encroached upon, it yet remains true that great crimes were committed in the name of great causes and that villains stalked where only saints should have trod. The irregular warfare of the border, from fifty-four on, while it may, to military history as a whole, be as unimportant as the quarrels of kites and crows, was yet a big part of the life of the frontiersman and frightful in its possibilities. Sherman's march to the sea or through the Carolinas, disgraceful to modern civilization as each undeniably was, lacked the sickening phase, guerrilla atrocities, that made the Civil War in the West, to those at least who were in line to experience it at close range, an awful nightmare. Union and Confederate soldiers might well fraternize in eastern camps because there they so rarely had any cause for personal hostility towards each other, but not in western. The fight on the border was constant and to the death.

The leaders in the West or many of them, on both sides, were men of ungovernable tempers, of violent and unrestrained passions, sometimes of distressingly base proclivities, although, in the matter of both vices and virtues, there was considerable difference of degree among them. Lane and Shelby and Montgomery and Quantrill were hardly types, rather should it be said they were extreme cases. They seem never to have taken chances on each other's inactivity. Their motto invariably was, to be prepared for the worst, and their practice, retaliation.

tribe, the Osages were not very dependable at the best of times and now that they saw confusion all around

The disaster in its effect upon Lane was, however, little short of exhilarating. It brought him sympathy, understanding, and a fair measure of support from people who, not until the eleventh hour, had really comprehended their own danger and it inspired him to redouble his efforts to organize a brigade that should

As soon as Lane had definite knowledge that Price had turned away from the border and was moving northward, he determined to follow after and attack

Feeling between Robinson and Lane became exceedingly tense in October. Price was again moving

Lane's efforts towards securing Indian enlistment did not stop with soliciting the Kansas tribes. Thoroughly aware, since the time of his sojourn at Fort Scott, if not before, of the delicate situation in Indian Territory, of the divided allegiance there, and of the despairing cry for help that had gone forth from the Union element to Washington, he conceived it eminently fitting and practicable that that same Union element should have its loyalty put to good uses and be itself induced to take up arms in behalf of the cause it affected so ardently to endorse. To an ex-teacher among the Seminoles, E.H. Carruth, was entrusted the task of recruiting.

The situation in Indian Territory was more than

Boastful words those were and not to be made good until many precious months had elapsed and many sad regrettable scenes enacted. In early November occurred the reorganization of the Department of the West which meant the formation of a Department of Kansas separate and distinct from a Department of Missouri, an arrangement that afforded ample opportunity for a closer attention to local exigencies in both states than had heretofore been possible or than, upon trial, was subsequently to be deemed altogether desirable. It necessarily increased the chances for local patronage and exposed military matters to the grave danger of becoming hopelessly entangled with political.

for the Federal government to do something to attest its own competency. There was need for it to do that,

moreover, on recognizably loyal ground, causes for dissatisfaction among Kansas emigrant tribes to be

removed and drastic measures taken with the indigenous of the plains.

The appointment of Hunter to the command of the

Department of Kansas was open to certain objections, no doubt; but, to Lane, whose forceful personality had

impressed itself, for good or ill, upon the trans-Missouri region, it was, to say the least, somewhat

disconcerting, not because Lane was hostile to Hunter personally—the two men had long had a friendly acquaintance

The need for sending relief to the southern Indians, which, correctly interpreted meant, of course, reasserting authority over them and thus removing a menacing and impending danger from the Kansas border, had been one of Lane's strongest arguments in gaining his way with the administration. The larger aspect of his purpose was, however, the one that appealed to Commissioner Dole, who, as head of the Indian Bureau, seems fully to have appreciated the responsibility that

legitimately resented executive interference with his rights. His protest had its effect and he was informed that it was entirely within his prerogative to lead the expedition southward himself. He resolved to do it. Lane was, for once, outwitted.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 85: (return) In Connelley's James Henry Lane, the "Grim Chieftain" of Kansas, the following is quoted as coming from Lane himself: Note 2 · Footnote 86: (return) John Brown's rating of Pomeroy, as given by Stearns in his Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, 133-134,Note 3 · The first Kansas state legislature convened March 26, 1861, and set itself at once to work to put the new machinery of government into operaNote 4 · Footnote 87: (return) Morton, war governor of Indiana, who had taken tremendous interest in the struggle for Kansas and in the events leadinNote 5 · Footnote 88: (return) Some doubt on this point exists. John Speer, Lane's intimate friend and, in a sense, his biographer, says Lane claimedNote 6 · the extra one, called for July, 1861. Immediately, a difficulty arose due to the fact that, subsequent to his election to the senatorship anNote 7 · Footnote 89: (return) As Villard tells us [Memoirs, vol. i, 169], Lane was in command of the "Frontier Guards," one of the two special patroNote 8 · Footnote 90: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 453, 455.Note 9 · It was scarcely to be supposed that a man like Lane, who had never known moderation in the course of the long struggle for Kansas or been ovNote 10 · Footnote 91: (return) A letter from Superintendent W.G. Coffin of date, July, 30, 1861 [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Schools, C. 12Note 11 · Fort Scott was the ranking town among the few Federal strongholds in the middle Southwest. It was within convenient, if not easy, distance oNote 12 · Footnote 92: (return) Branch to Mix, June 22, 1861, enclosing letter from Agent Elder, June 15, 1861 [Indian Office Files, Neosho, B 547 of Note 13 · Footnote 93: (return) —Ibid., Cherokee, C 1200 of 1861Note 14 · Footnote 94: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 405.Note 15 · Footnote 95: (return) —Ibid., 397, 408.Note 16 · Footnote 96: (return) —Ibid., 428.Note 17 · them their most natural inclination was to pay back old scores and to make an alliance where such alliance could be most profitable to themsNote 18 · As the days passed, the Cherokee troubles gained in intensity, so much so that the agent, John Crawford, even then a secessionist sympathiseNote 19 · Footnote 97: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 430.Note 20 · Footnote 98: (return) —Ibid., 446.Note 21 · Footnote 99: (return) The Daily Conservative (Leavenworth), October 5, 1861.Note 22 · Footnote 100: (return) —Ibid., August 30, 1861, quoting from the Fort Scott Democrat.Note 23 · the other from Congressmen John S. Phelps and Francis P. Blair junior, who addressed Lincoln upon the subject of enlisting Missouri troops fNote 24 · The Battle of Wilson's Creek, lost to the Federals largely because of Frémont's failure to support Lyon, was an unmitigated disaster in moreNote 25 · Footnote 101: (return) Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 122.Note 26 · Footnote 102: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 465.Note 27 · Footnote 103: (return) The following letter, an enclosure of a report from Branch to Dole, August 14, 1861, gives some slight indication of Note 28 · adequately protect Kansas and recover ground lost. Prior to the battle, "scarcely a battalion had been recruited for each" of the five regimNote 29 · Footnote 104: (return) For additional information about the Dry Wood Creek affair and about the events leading up to and succeeding it, see Note 30 · Lane, conjecturing rightly that Price, moving northwestward from Springfield, which place he had left on the twenty-sixth of August, would tNote 31 · Footnote 105: (return) In ridicule of Lane's fortifications, see Spring, Kansas, 275.Note 32 · Footnote 106: (return) As soon as the citizens, panic-stricken, were gone, the detachment which Lane had left in charge, under Colonel C.R. Note 33 · Footnote 107: (return) H.C. Whitney to Mix, September 6, 1861, Indian Office Consolidated Files, Neosho, W 455 of 1861.Note 34 · Footnote 108: (return) By the fifth of September, Lane had credible information that Price had broken camp at Dry Wood and was moving towardNote 35 · fallen in with the advance of the Confederates and, being numerically outmatched, having been compelled to beat a retreat. In its later stagNote 36 · It soon transpired that Price had no immediate intention of invading Kansas108. For the present, it wasNote 37 · Footnote 109: (return) (a) FT. LINCOLN, SOUTHERN KANSAS. Sept. 25, 1861. HON. WM.P. DOLE, Com. of Ind. Af'rs Dear Sir, We have just returnedNote 38 · enough for his purpose to have struck terror into the hearts of the people of Union sentiments inhabiting the Cherokee Neutral Lands, where,Note 39 · Footnote 110: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 468-469.Note 40 · Footnote 111: (return) —Ibid., 483.Note 41 · Footnote 112: (return) —Ibid., 490.Note 42 · Footnote 113: (return) —Ibid.Note 43 · Footnote 114: (return) —Ibid., 196; vol. liii, supplement, 743; Britton, Civil War on the Border, vol. i, 147-148; Connelley, Quantrill and Note 44 · him, if possible, in the rear. Governor Robinson was much opposed110 to any such provocative and apparently purposeless action, no one knowiNote 45 · Footnote 115: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 500.Note 46 · Footnote 116: (return) —Ibid., 505-506.Note 47 · Footnote 117: (return) —Ibid., 516.Note 48 · Footnote 118: (return) Spring, Kansas, 272.Note 49 · detachments instead of in force produced its own calamitous result. There had never been any appreciable coördination among the parts of FréNote 50 · Footnote 119: (return) Daily Conservative, November 22, 1861.Note 51 · Footnote 120: (return) Woodburn, Life of Thaddeus Stevens, 183.Note 52 · Footnote 121: (return) Lane's speech at Springfield, November 7, 1861 [Daily Conservative, November 17, 1861].Note 53 · Footnote 122: (return) For a full discussion of the progress of the movement, see Abel, American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, 227Note 54 · Cochrane,119 Thaddeus Stevens120 and many another, fully endorsed the principle underlying Frémont's abortive Emancipation Proclamation. He Note 55 · There was no doubt by this time that Lane had it in mind to utilize the Indians. In the dog days of August, when he was desperately marshaliNote 56 · Footnote 123: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 525, 526, 527.Note 57 · Footnote 124: (return) —Ibid, 527.Note 58 · Footnote 125: (return) Daily Conservative, October 9, 10, 1861.Note 59 · Footnote 126: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 529.Note 60 · Footnote 127: (return) Daily Conservative, October 9, 15, 1861.Note 61 · Footnote 128: (return) Chief among the papers against Robinson, in the matter of his longstanding feud with Lane, was the Daily ConservativeNote 62 · Footnote 129: (return) Daily Conservative, October 15, 1861.Note 63 · Footnote 130: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 529-530. Lane outlined his plan for a separate department in his speech in Stockton's HalNote 64 · suspiciously near to Kansas. On the third he was known to have left Warrensburg, ostensibly to join McCulloch in Bates County123 and, on theNote 65 · Footnote 131: (return) Official Records, vol. iii, 530.Note 66 · Footnote 132: (return) Martin, First Two Years of Kansas, 24; Biographical Congressional Directory, 1771-1903.Note 67 · Footnote 133: (return) Daily Conservative, November 1, 1861, gives Robinson the credit of inciting Stanton to contest the seat.Note 68 · Footnote 134: (return) Daily Conservative, October 30, 1861.Note 69 · identified with what he thought was the rescue of Kansas that he proposed resigning his seat in the senate that he might be entirely untrammNote 70 · Footnote 135: (return) Secretary Cameron's reply to Secretary Smith's first request was uncompromising in the extreme and prophetic of his pNote 71 · Footnote 136: (return) Indian Office Report Book, no. 12, 218-219.Note 72 · Footnote 137: (return) Although his refusal to keep faith with the Indians is not usually cited among the things making for Cameron's unfitnNote 73 · delicate. It was precarious and had been so almost from the beginning. The withdrawal of troops from the frontier posts had left the TerritoNote 74 · Footnote 138: (return) Indian Office Report Book no. 12, 225.Note 75 · Footnote 139: (return) Dole to Hunter, November 16, 1861, ibid., Letter Book, no. 67, pp. 80-82.Note 76 · Footnote 140: (return) On conditions in Colorado Territory, the following are enlightening: ibid., Consolidated Files, C 195 of 1861; C 1213Note 77 · the poor neglected Indians had been driven to the last desperate straits. The next month, October, nothing at all having been done in the inNote 78 · The need for change of some sort was, however, very evident and the demand for it, insistent. If the southern Indians were not soon secured,Note 79 · Footnote 141: (return) In addition to what may be obtained on the subject from the first volume of this work, two letters of slightly later Note 80 · and Arizona. Their own domestic affairs had now reached a supremely critical stage.141 It was high timeNote 81 · Footnote 142: (return) Their acquaintance dated, if not from the antebellum days when Hunter was stationed at Fort Leavenworth and was not pNote 82 · Footnote 143: (return) Daily Conservative, November 13, 1861.Note 83 · Footnote 144: (return) Coffin to Dole, October 2, 1861, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1861, p. 39.Note 84 · with each other142—but because he had had great hopes of receiving the post himself.143 The time was now drawing near for him to repair to WNote 85 · To further his scheme for Indian enlistment, Lane had projected an inter-tribal council to be held at his own headquarters. E.H. Carruth worNote 86 · Footnote 145: (return) Daily Conservative, November 17, 1861.Note 87 · Footnote 146: (return) —Ibid., November 23,1861.Note 88 · Footnote 147: (return) Denver was twice appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs by Buchanan. For details as to his official career, see BioNote 89 · sixteenth145 of November and were still continuing on the twenty-third.146 It had not been possible to hold them earlier because of the distNote 90 · Upon assuming command of the Department of Kansas, General Hunter took full cognizance of the many things making for disquietude and turmoilNote 91 · Footnote 148: (return) Robinson, op. cit., 378 ff., 424 ff.Note 92 · Footnote 149: (return) Official Records, vol. viii, 456.Note 93 · Footnote 150: (return) —Ibid., 832.Note 94 · Footnote 151: (return) The Leavenworth Daily Conservative seemed fairly jubilant over the prospect of Lane's early return to military activiNote 95 · maneuvers.148 As events turned out, this very acquaintance with Lane constituted his political unfitness for the control that Hunter,149 in Note 96 · When Congress began its second session in December, the fight against Lane for possession of his seat in the Senate proceeded apace; but thaNote 97 · Footnote 152: (return) Cameron to Hunter, January 3, 1862, Official Records, vol. liii, supplement, 512-513.Note 98 · Footnote 153: (return) Martin F. Conway, the Kansas representative in Congress, was under no misapprehension as to Lane's true position; forNote 99 · at the time this was done and apparently, when apprised of it, made some objections on the score, not so much of an invasion of his own prerNote 100 · Footnote 154: (return) Lane's expedition was variously referred to as "the Southern Expedition," "the Cherokee Expedition," "the great jayhaNote 101 · Footnote 155: (return) Representations of the great need of the Indians for assistance were made to the government by all sorts of people. ANote 102 · assuredly rested in all honor upon the government, whether conscious of it or not, to protect its wards in their lives and property. From thNote 103 · The urgency of the Indian call for help155 and theNote 104 · Footnote 156: (return) In part proof of this take his letter to Adjutant-general Thomas, January 15, 1862. "On my arrival here in November lNote 105 · evident readiness of the government to make answer to that call before it was quite too late pointed auspiciously to a successful outcome foNote 106 · Footnote 157: (return) To the references given in Abel, The American Indian as Slaveholder and Secessionist, add Thomas to Hunter, January 2Note 107 · Footnote 158: (return) The St. Louis Republican credited Halleck with characterizing Hunter's command, indiscriminately, as "marauders, bandNote 108 · Footnote 159: (return) On marauding by Lane's brigade, see McClellan to Stanton, February 11, 1862 [Official Records, vol. viii, 552-553].Note 109 · of Indian Territory. Some other explanation, therefore, must be found for the opposition he advanced to Lane's project as soon as it was broNote 110 · Footnote 160: (return) Note this series of telegrams [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Southern Superintendency, D 576 of 1862]: "SecreNote 111 · Footnote 161: (return) Smith to Dole, January 3, 1862 [Indian Office Special Files, no. 201, Central Superintendency, I 531 of 1862; CommissNote 112 · Footnote 162: (return) On the second of January, Agent Cutler wired from Leavenworth to Dole, "Heopothleyohola with four thousand warriors iNote 113 · The end, however, was not yet. About the middle of January, Stanton became Secretary of War and soon let it be known that he, too, had viewsNote 114 · Footnote 163: (return) Their plea was expressed most strongly in the course of an interview which Dole had with representatives of the LoyalNote 115 · Footnote 164: (return) Some of these had been provoked to a desire for war by the inroads of Missourians. Weas, Piankeshaws, Peorias, and MiNote 116 · necessities and to enable them to return betimes to their own country.163 Moreover, Indians of northern antecedents and sympathies were exhiNote 117 · Footnote 91: (return) (cont.) I presume you have it in your power to prevent any attack on the Indians in Kansas till such time as they can Note 118 · Footnote 109: (return) (cont.) retreated. We found on Mathews a Commission from Ben. McCulloch, authorizing him to enlist the Quapaw and othNote 119 · Footnote 130: (return) (cont.) Robinson was opposed to the idea [ibid., November 2, 6, 1861].Note 120 · Footnote 141: (return) (cont.) among the Seminoles in favor of the rebellion. They say the full Indians will kill him. The Choctaws are diviNote 121 · Footnote 141: (return) (cont.) true of the Choctaws and Chickasaws. And were it not for the proximity of the rebel force, the loyal Indians Note 122 · Footnote 141: (return) (cont.) brothers the Comanches and all the other tribes are still your friends. Mode Cunard and you were here and hadNote 123 · Footnote 141: (return) (cont.) are sent with them and they assure me the moment that is done, a large portion of each of the tribes will ralNote 124 · Footnote 141: (return) (cont.) breeds believe what he says and the half breeds makes some of the full blood Indians believe what he says thaNote 125 · Footnote 141: (return) (cont.) The secessionists plague him so much talk he asks for his country that the army go down and that is what his Note 126 · Footnote 151: (return) (cont.) who has been in waiting for several months to take the place."—Daily Conservative, January 1, 1862. "Rejoicin
Explore with AITake your curiosity a little further.

Reading settings