The infamovs end of the Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, for cruelly executing his Prince’s butcherly commaundementes, An. 1470.[1090]
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The infamovs end of the Lord Tiptoft Earle of Worcester, for cruelly executing his Prince’s butcherly commaundementes, An. 1470.[1090]
1. The glorious man is not so loth to lurke, As the infamous glad to lye vnknowen: Which makes mee, Baldwine, disalow thy worke, Where prince’s faultes so openly be blowen: I speake not this alonly for mine owne, Which were my prince’s (if that they were any) But for my peeres, in nombre very many. 2. Or might report vprightly vse her tong, It would lesse greue vs to augment the matter, But suer I am thou shalt be forst among, To frayne the truth the liuing for to flatter, And otherwhiles in poyntes vnknowen to smatter: For time neuer was, nor neuer[1091] I thinke shalbe That truth vnshent should speake in all thinges free. 3. This doth appeare (I dare say) by my story, Which diuers writers diuersly declare: But story writers ought for neyther glory, Feare, nor fauour, truth of thinges to spare? But still it fares as alway it did fare, Affections, feare, or doubts that dayly brue, Doe cause that stories neuer can be true.[1092] 4. Unfruitfull Fabian followed the face Of tyme and dedes, but let the causes slip: Which Hall hath added, but with double grace,[1093] For feare I thinke lest trouble might him trip: “For this or that,” sayeth he, “he felt the whip:” Thus[1094] story wryters leaue the causes out, Or so rehearse them as they were in dout.[1095] 5. But seing causes are the chiefest thinges That should be noted of the story wryters, That men may learne what endes all causes bringes, They be vnworthy the[1096] name of chroniclers That leaue them cleane out of theyr registers, Or doubtfully report them: for the fruite Of reading storyes standeth in the suite. 6. And therefore, Baldwine, eyther speake vpright[1097] Of our affayres, or touch them not at all: As for my selfe I way all thinges so light, That nought I passe how men report my fall: The truth whereof yet playnly shew I shall, That thou mayst write and others thereby rede, What thinges I did whereof they should take heede. 7. Thou hast heard of[1098] Tiptoft’s earles of Worcester, I am that lord that liu’d in Edwarde’s days The fourth, and was his friend and counsaylour, And butcher to, as common rumor sayes: But people’s voyce is neyther shame nor prayse, For whom they would aliue deuoure to day, To morow dead they will[1099] worship what they may. 8. But though the people’s verdit go by chaunce, Yet was there cause to call mee as they did: For I, enforst by meane of gouernaunce, Did execute what euer[1100] my king did bid, From blame herein my selfe I cannot rid: But fye vpon the wretched state, that must Defame it selfe, to serue the prince’s lust. 9. The cheifest crime wherewith men doe me charge, Is death of th’[1101] earle of Desmund’s noble sonnes, Of which the kinge’s charge doth me clere discharge, By strayt commaundement and iniunctions: Th’effect whereof so rigorously runnes, That eyther I must procure to see them dead, Or for contempt as a traytour loose my head.[1102] 10. What would mine enemies[1103] doe in such a case, Obay the king or proper death procure? They may well say theyr fancy for a face, But life is sweete, and loue hard to recure: They would haue done as I did, I am sure, For seldom will a welthy man at ease For other’s cause his prince in ought displease. 11. How much lesse I, which was lieuetenaunt than In th’[1104] Irish isle, preferred by the king: But who for loue or dread of any man, Consents t’[1105] accomplish any wicked thing, Although chiefe fault thereof from other spring, Shall not escape God’s vengeance for his deede, Who scuseth none that dare doe ill for drede. 12. This in my king and mee may well appeare, Which for our faultes did not escape the scourge: For whan wee thought our state most sure and clere, The wynd of Warwicke blew vp such a sourge, As from the realme and crowne the king did pourge, And mee both from mine office,[1106] friendes, and wife, From good report, from honest death and life. 13. For the earle of Warwicke, through a cancarde grudge[1107] Which to king Edward causelesse hee did beare, Out of his realme by force did make him trudge, And set king Henry agayne vpon his chaire: And then all such as Edwarde’s louers were, As traytours tane were greuously opprest, But chiefly I, because I lou’d him best. 14. And, for[1108] my goods and liuinges were not small, The gapers for them bare[1109] the world in hand For ten yeares space, that I was cause of all The executions done[1110] within the land: For this did such as did not vnderstand Mine enmies drift, thinke all reportes were true: And so did[1111] hate mee worse then any Jewe. 15. For seldom shall a ruler lose his life, Before false rumors openly be spred: Wherby this prouerbe is as true as rife, That ruler’s rumors hunt about a head, Frowne fortune once, all good report is fled: For present shew doth make the mayny blind, And such as see dare not disclose their minde. 16. Through this was I king Edward’s butcher named, And bare the shame of all his cruell deedes: I cleare me not, I worthely was blamed, Though force was such I must obay him needes: With hiest rulers seldome well it speedes, For they be euer nerest to the nyp, And fault who shall, for all feele they the whip. 17. For whan I was by parliament attaynted, King Edward’s euils all were counted mine: No truth auayled, so lies were faste and painted, Which made the people at my life, repine, Crying, “Crucifige, kill that butcher’s lyne:” That when I should haue gone to Blockham feast, I could not passe, so sore they one me preast. 18. And had not bene the officers so strong, I thinke they would haue eaten[1112] me aliue, Howbeit, hardly haled from the throng, I was in the flete fast shrouded by the shriue: Thus one daye’s life theyr malice did mee gieue, Which whan they knew, for spite the next day after They kept them calme, so suffered I the slaughter. 19. Now tell mee, Baldwine, what fault dost thou finde In mee, that iustly should such death deserue? None sure except desire of honour blinde, Which made mee seeke in offices to serue: What minde so good that honours make not swerue? So mayst thou see it only was my state That caus’d my death, and brought mee so in hate. 20. Warne therfore all men wisely to beware, What offices they enterprise to beare: The hiest alway most maligned are, Of people’s grudge, and prince’s hate in feare. For prince’s faults his faultors all men teare: Which to auoyde, let none such office take, Saue he that can for right his prince forsake.
[This earle’s[1113] tragedy was not so soone finished, but one of the company had prouided for another of a notable person, lord Tiptoft’s chiefe enemy: concerning whom hee sayd: “Lord God what trust is there in worldly chaunces? what stay in any prosperity? for see the earle of Warwicke which caused the earle of Worcester to be apprehended, attainted, and put to deth, triumphing with his old imprisoned and new vnprisoned prince, king Henry, was by and by after, and his brother with him, slayn at Barnet field by king Edward, whom hee had before time damaged diuers wayes. As first by his friendes at Banbury fielde, where to reuenge the death of his cosin Henry[1114] Neuill, syr Iohn Coniers, and Iohn Clappam, his seruauntes, slue fiue thousand Welshmen, and beheaded theyr captaynes, the earle of Pembroke and syr Richard Harbert his brother, after they were yeelded prisoners: of whom syr Richard Harbert was the tallest gentilman both of his person and handes that euer I read or heard of. At which time also, Robin of Ridsdale,[1115] a rebell of the earle of Warwicke’s raysing, tooke the earle Riuers, king Edwarde’s wiue’s father, and his sonne Iohn, at his manour of Grafton, and carried them to Northampton, and there without cause or proces beheaded them. Which spites to requite, king Edward caused the lord Stafford of Sowthwike, one of Warwicke’s chiefe frendes, to be taken at Brent march, and headed at Bridgewater. This caused the earle shortly to raise his power, to encounter the king which came against him with an army, beside Warwicke at Wolney, where hee wan the field, tooke the king prisoner, and kept him a while in Yorkeshire in Middleham castle: whence (as some say) hee released him againe, but other thinke hee corrupted hys keepers and so escaped. Then through the lords the matter was taken vppe betweene them, and they brought to talke togeather, but because they could not agree, the earle araised a new army, whereof he made captayn the lord Welles’ sonne, which broile king Edward minding to appease by pollicy, fouly distained his honour, committing periury: for hee sent for the lord Welles and his brother sir Thomas Dymocke, vnder safe conduite promising them vpon his fayth to keepe them harmelesse. But after, because the lord Welles’ sonne would not dissolue his army, beheaded them both and went with his power into Lincolnshire and there fought with sir Robert Welles, and slewe ten thousand of his souldiers (yet ran they away so fast, that casting of their clothes for the more speede, caused it to bee called Lose coate fielde) and tooke sir Robert and other, and put them to death in the same place. This misfortune forced the earle of Warwicke to saile into Fraunce where hee was entertained of the king a while, and at last with such poore helpe as hee procured there of duke Rainer and other, hee came into England againe, and encreased such a power in king Henrie’s name, that as the lord Typtofte sayd in his tragedy, king Edward vnable to abide him, was faine to flie ouer the washes in Lincolnshire to get a ship to saile out of his kingdome to his brother in lawe the duke of Burgoine. So was king Henry restored againe to his[1116] kingdome. All these despites and troubles the earle wrought against king Edward. But Henry was so infortunate that ere halfe a yeare was expired, king Edward came backe againe, and enprisoned him and gaue the earle a fielde, wherein hee slewe both him and his brother. I haue recounted thus much before hand for the better opening of the story, which, if it should haue beene spoken in his tragedy, would rather haue made a volume then a pamphlete. For I entend onely to say in the tragedy, what I haue noted in the earle of Warwicke’s person, wishing that these other noble men, whome I haue by the way touched, should not bee forgotten. And therefore imagine that you see this earle lying with his brother in Paule’s church[1117] in his coate armoure, with such a face and countinaunce as he beareth in portraiture ouer the dore in Paule’s, at the going down to Iesus chappell from the south end of the quier stayres, and saying as followeth.”]