How Iacke Cade naming himselfe Mortimer,[778] trayterously rebelling against his King, in Iune, Anno 1450,[779] was for his treasons and cruell doinges worthely punished.
Reading edition
How Iacke Cade naming himselfe Mortimer,[778] trayterously rebelling against his King, in Iune, Anno 1450,[779] was for his treasons and cruell doinges worthely punished.
1. Shall I call it fortune[780] or my froward folly, That lifted[781] mee vp[782] and laide mee downe belowe? Or was it courage that made mee so ioly, Which of the starres and bodies grement growe?[783] What euer[784] it were this one poynt sure I knowe, Which shall be meete for euery man to marke: Our lust and willes our euils chiefly warke. 2. It may bee well that planets doe encline, And our complexions moue our mindes to ill, But such is reason, that they bring to fine No worke vnayded of our lust and will: For heauen and earth are subiect both to skill: The skill[785] of God ruleth all, it is so strong, Man may by skill guide thinges that to him long. 3. Though lust be sturdy,[786] and will enclined to nought, This forst by mixture, that by heauen’s course, Yet through the skill[787] God hath in reason wrought And geuen man, no lust nor will to[788] course, But may bee stayed or swaged of the sourse, So that it shall in nothing force the minde To worke our woe, or leaue the proper kinde. 4. But though this skill bee geuen to euery man[789] To rule the will, and keepe the minde aloft, For lacke of grace full fewe vse it can,[790] These worldly pleasures tickle vs so oft: Skill is not weake, but will strong,[791] fleshe is soft, And yeeldes it selfe to pleasure that it loueth, And hales the minde to that it most reproueth. 5. Now if this hap whereby wee yeelde our minde To lust and will, bee fortune as wee name her, Than is shee iustly called false and blinde, And no reproach can bee to much to blame her: Yet is the shame our owne when so wee shame her, For sure this hap if it bee rightly knowne, Commeth[792] of our selues, and so the blame our owne. 6. For who so liueth in the schoole of skill, And medleth not with any worlde’s affayres, Forsaketh pompes and honors, that doe spill The minde’s recourse to grace’s quiet stayres, His state no fortune by no meane appayres: For fortune is the folly and plague of those,[793] Which to the world their wretched willes dispose. 7. Among which fooles, marke, Baldwine, I am one, That would not stay my selfe in mine estate: I thought to rule but to obay to none, And therefore fell I with my king at bate: And to the end I might him better mate, Iohn Mortimer I caused my selfe bee called, Whose kingly bloud the Henryes nigh had thralled.[794] 8. This shift I vsed, the people to perswade To leaue their prince, on my side more to sticke, Whereas in deede my father’s name was Cade, Whose noble stocke was neuer worth a sticke: But touching wit I was both ripe and quicke, Had strength of limmes, large stature, comely face, Which made men weene my lynage were not base. 9. And seeing stoutnes stucke by men in Kent, Whose valiaunt hearts refuse none enterprise, With false perswasions strayte to them I went, And sayd they suffered too great iniuries: By meane whereof I caused them to rise:[795] And battayle wise to come to Blacke Heath playne, And thence their griefes vnto the king complaine. 10. Who being deafe (as men say) on that eare, For wee desired release of subsedies, Refused roughly our requestes to heare, And came against vs as his enemies:[796] But wee to tary[797] him sought out subtilties, Remoued our campe, and backe to Senocke went, After whome the Staffords with their power was sent. 11. See here how fortune setting vs a flote, Brought to our nets a portion of our pray: For why, the Staffords with their army hote, Assayled vs at Senocke, where wee lay: From whence aliue they parted not away: Which whan the kinge’s retinue vnderstood, They all affirmed my quarell to bee good. 12. Which caused the king, and queene, whom all did hate, To rayse their campe, and sodainly depart: And that they might the people’s grudge abate, To imprison[798] some full sore against their hart: Lord Saye was one, whome I made after smart, For after the[799] Staffords and their hoast was slaine, To Blackeheath fielde I marched backe againe. 13. And where the king would nothing heare before, Now was hee glad to send to knowe my minde: And I thereby enflamed much the more, Refused his grauntes, so folly made mee blinde, For this hee flewe and left lord Scales behinde, To helpe the towne and strengthen London tower, Towardes which I marched forward with my power. 14. And found there all thinges at mine owne desire,[800] I entred London, did there what I list: The treasurer, lord Saye, I did conspire To haue condemned: whereof when I mist, (For hee by lawe my malice did resist) By force I tooke him in Guyldhall fro the heape,[801] And headed him before the crosse in Cheape. 15. His sonne in law Iames Cromer, shriue of Kent, I caught at Mile end, where as then he lay: Beheaded him, and one a pole I sent His head to London where his father’s lay, With these two heades I made a prety play, For pight on poales I bare them through the streete, And for my sport made ech kisse other sweete.[802] 16. Then brake I prysons, let forth whom I wold, And vsed the city as it had beene mine: Tooke from the marchaunts money, ware, and gold, From some by force, from other some by fine: This at the length did cause them to repine, So that lord Scales consenting with the mayre, Forbad vs to theyr city to repayre. 17. For all this while myne hoast in Southwarke lay, Who whan they knewe our passage was denied, Came boldly to the bridge and made a fray, For in wee would, the townes men vs defied: But when with stroakes wee had the matter tryed, Wee wan the bridge and set much part on fire, This done to Southwarke backe wee did retyre. 18. The morow after came the chauncellour, With generall pardon for my men, halfe gone, Which heard and read, the rest within an houre, Shranke all away ech man to shift for one: And when I sawe they left mee post alone, I did disguise mee like a knight of the post, And into Sussex rode away in post.[803] 19. And there I lurked till that cursed coyne, That restles begle sought and found mee out, For straight the king by promise did enioyne A thousand marke to whosoeuer mought Apprehend[804] my corse, which made them[805] seeke about: Among the which one Alexander Iden. Found out the hole, wherein the foxe was hidden. 20. But ere hee tooke mee I put[806] him to his trumps, For yeelde I would not while my handes would holde, But hope of money made him stur his stumps, And to assault mee valiauntly and bolde: Two houres and more our combat[807] was not colde, Till at the last hee lent mee such a stroke, That downe I fell and neuer after spoke. 21. Than was my carkasse caryed like a hog, To Southwarke borow where it lay a night, The next day drawne to Newgate like a dog, All men reioysing at the rufull sight: Than were on poales my perboyld quarters pight,[808] And set aloft for vermine to deuour, Meete graue for rebels that resist the power. 22. Full litle know wee wretches what wee do, When we presume our princes to resist: Wee warre with God, against his glory to, That placeth in his office whome hee list: Therefore was neuer traytour yet, but mist The marke hee shot, and came to shamefull end, Nor neuer shall till God bee forst to bend. 23. God hath ordayned the power, all princes be His lieutenantes or deputyes[809] in realmes, Against their foes still[810] therefore fighteth hee, And as[811] his enmies driues them to extreames, Their wise deuises proue but doltishe dreames: No subiect ought for any kinde of cause To force the prince,[812] but yeelde him to the lawes. 24. Wherefore,[813] Baldwine, warne men followe reason, Subdue their willes, and bee not fortune’s slaues, A shamefull end doth euer followe treason, There is no trust in rebells, rascall knaues, In fortune lesse, which worketh as the waues: From whose assaultes who listeth to stand free, Must followe skill and[814] so contented bee.[815]
[“By Sainct Mary,” sayd[816] one, “if Iacke were as wel learned, as you haue made his oration, what so euer hee was by birth, I warrant him a gentleman by his learning. How notably and philosopher like hath he described fortune, and the causes of worldly cumbraunce? how like[817] a deuine hath hee determined the states both of officers and rebells. For in deede officers[818] be God’s deputies, and it is God’s office which they beare: and it is hee which ordaineth thereto such as himself listeth, good whan he fauoureth the people, and euil when he will punish them. And therefore whosoeuer rebelleth against any ruler, either good or bad, rebelleth against God and shalbee sure of a shamefull ende:[819] for God cannot but mayntaine his deputy. Yet this I note by the way concerning rebels and rebellions. Although the deuill raise them, yet God alwayes vseth them to his glory, as a part of his iustice. For whan kinges and chiefe rulers suffer their vnder officers to misuse their subiectes, and will not heare nor remedy their people’s wronges whan they complaine, then suffereth God the rebell to rage, and to execute that part of his iustice, which the partiall prince would not. For the lord Saye, a very corrupt officer, and one whom notwithstanding the king alwayes mayntayned, was destroyed by this Iacke, as was also the bishop of Salisbury, (a proude and couetous prelate) by other of the rebells. And therefore whatsoeuer prince desireth to liue quietly without rebellion, must doe his subiectes right in all thinges, and punishe such officers as greeue or oppresse them: thus shall they bee sure from all rebellion. And for the clerer opening hereof it were well done to set forth this lord Saye’s tragedy.” “What neede that,” sayd[820] another, “seeing the like example is seene in the duke of Suffolke, whose doings are declared sufficiently already. Nay let[821] vs goe forward, for we haue a great many behind that may not bee omitted, and the time as you see passeth away. As for this lord Saye, whom Cade so cruelly killed and spitefully vsed after his death, (I dare say) shalbe knowen therby what hee was to all that read or heare this story. For God would neuer haue suffered him to haue beene so vsed, except hee had first deserued it. Therefore let him goe and with him the bishop, and all other slaine in that rebellion which was raised as it may be thought through some drift of the duke of Yorke, who shortly after began to endeuour himselfe by all meanes to attayne the crowne, and therefore gathered an army in Walles, and marched towardes London:[822] but the king with his power taried and met him at Sainct Albans, where while the king and hee were about a treaty, Richarde Neuile earle of Warwicke, chiefe of the faction of the house of Yorke, set vpon the kinge’s army, gate the victory, and slue Edmund Beauford duke of Somerset. Where also the same day were slaine in the quarell of king Henry the sixt, Henry Percy the second[823] of that surname, earle of Northumberland, Humfreye earle of Stafford, sonne and heire to Humfrey Stafford,[824] duke of Buckingham, Iohn lord Clifford, Babthorpe the kinge’s attorney and his sonne and heire, besides many moe of the nobility. But[825] because the duke of Somerset[826] was the chiefe of that part, passing ouer the rest, let vs onely heare him speake for all.”]