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Mirror for Magistrates, Volume 2, Part 1

How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second, to the state of a Duke,[315] was by him banished the realme, the yeare of Christ, 1398, and after died miserably in exile.

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How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second, to the state of a Duke,[315] was by him banished the realme, the yeare of Christ, 1398, and after died miserably in exile.

1. Though sorrowe and shame abash mee to rehearse My lothsome life, and death of due deserued, Yet that the paynes thereof may other pearce To leaue the like, leaste they bee likewise[316] serued, Ah Baldwine, marke, and se how that I swerued:[317] Dissembling, enuy, and flattery, bane that bee Of all their hostes, haue shewde their power on mee. 2. I blame not fortune, though shee did her parte, And true it is shee can doe litle harme: Shee guideth goodes, shee hampreth not the hart, A minde well bent,[318] is safe from euery charme: Vice, only vice, with her stout strengthlesse arme, Doth cause the harte from good to ill encline,[319] Which I, alas, doe finde to true by mine. 3. For where by birth I came of noble race,[320] The Mowbrey’s heyre, a famous house and old, Fortune I thanke, gaue mee so good a grace,[321] That of my prince I had what so I would: Yet neyther was to other greately hold,[322] For I through[323] flattery abusde[324] his wanton youth, And his fond trust augmented my vntruth. 4. Hee made mee first the earle of Notyngham, And marshall of the realme,[325] in which estate The peeres and people ioyntly to mee came, With sore complaint against them, that of late Made[326] officers, had brought the king in hate, By making sale of justice, right and lawe, And liuing naught, without all dread or awe. 5. I gaue them ayde these euills to redresse, And went to London with an army strong, And caused the king, agaynst his will oppresse By cruell death, all such as led him wrong: The lord chiefe justice suffered these among, So did the steward of his household head, The chauncellour scapte, for hee aforehand[327] fled. 6. These wicked men thus from the king remoued, Who best vs pleased succeeded in their place: For which both king and commons much vs loued, But chiefly I with all stoode high in grace: The king ensued my rede in euery case, Whence selfe-loue bred: for glory maketh proude, And pride aye looketh[328] alone to bee allowde. 7. Wherefore to th’end I might alone enioy The king’s good will,[329] I made his lust my lawe: And where of late I laboured to distroy Such flattering folke, as thereto stoode in awe, Now learned I among the rest to clawe: For pride is such, if it bee kindely caught, As stroyeth good, and stirreth vppe euery naught. 8. Pride pricketh men to[330] flatter for the pray, T’oppresse and poll[331] for maintnaunce of the same, To malice such as match vnethes it may: And to bee briefe, pride doth the harte enflame, To fyre what mischiefe any fraude may frame, And euer[332] at length the euyls by it wrought Confound the worker, and bring him vnto[333] nought. 9. Behold in mee due proofe of euery part: For pride first forced mee my prince to flatter[334] So much that whatsoeuer[335] pleased his harte Were it neuer[336] so euill, I thought a lawfull matter, Which causde the lordes afreshe agaynst him clatter: Because hee had his holdes beyond sea solde,[337] And seene his souldiers of theyr wages polde. 10. Though all these ils were done by mine[338] assent,[339] Yet such was lucke that each man deemed no: For see, the duke of Glocester for mee sent,[340] With other lordes, whose hartes did bleede for woe, To see the realme so fast to ruin goe: In fault whereof, they sayd the two dukes were, The one of Yorke, the other [of] Lancaster. 11. On whose remoue fro being about[341] the king Wee all agreed, and sware a solemne oth, And whilst the rest prouided for this thing, I, flatterer I, to winne the prayse of troth, Wretch that I was, brake fayth and promise both, For I bewrayed to th’king[342] theyr whole intent, For which vnwares they all were tane and shent.[343] 12. Thus was the warder of the common weale The duke of Glocester giltlesse made away, With other moe, more wretch I so to deale, Who through vntruth theyr trust did ill betray: Yet by this meanes obtayned I my pray, Of king and dukes I found for this such fauour, As made mee duke of Northfolke for my labour. 13. But see how pride and enuy ioyntly runne, Because my prince did more than mee prefer, Sir Henry Bolenbroke, the eldest sonne Of Iohn of Gaunt, the duke of Lancaster, Proud I, that would alone bee blasing starre, Enuyde this duke[344] for naught saue that the shyne Of his desertes did glister more than mine. 14. To th’end therefore his light should bee the lesse, I sliely sought all shiftes to put him[345] out: But as the poyze that would the palme tree presse[346] Doth cause the bowes sprede larger rounde about, So spite and enuy causeth glory sprout, And aye the more the top is ouertrode, The deeper doth the sound roote sprede abroade. 15. For when this Henry duke[347] of Hereforde sawe, What spoyle the king made of the noble bloud, And that without all justice, cause, or lawe: To suffer him so hee thought not sure, nor good, Wherefore to mee, twofaced in one hood, As touching this, hee fully brake his minde, As to his friend that should remedy finde. 16. But I, although I knewe my prince did ill, So that my harte abhorred sore the same, Yet mischiefe so through malice led my will, To bring this duke[348] from honour vnto shame, And toward my selfe, my soueraygne to enflame: That I bewrayed his wordes vnto the king, Not as a reade, but as a [most] haynous thing. 17. Thus where my duty bound mee to haue tolde The prince his fault, and wil’d him to refrayne, Through flattery loe, I did his ill vpholde, Which turnde at length both him and mee to payne: Woe, woe to kinges, whose counsaylours doe fayne, Woe, woe to realmes, where such are put in trust As leaue the lawe, to serue the prince’s lust. 18. And woe to him that by his flattering reede, Mayntaynes[349] a prince in any kind of vice: Woe worth him eke for enuy, pride, or meede, That misreportes any[350] honest enterprise: Because I beast in all these poynts was nice, The plagues of all together on mee light, And due for ill, doers doth acquite. 19. For when the duke[351] was charged with my plaint, Hee flat denyde that any part was true, And claymde by armes to aunswere his attaynt, And I by vse that warlyke[352] feates well knewe, To his desire incontinently drewe: Wherewith the king did seeme right well content, As one that past not much with whome it went. 20. At time and place apoynted wee appearde, At all poynts armde to proue our quarells iust, And when our friends on each part had vs chear’d, And that the herolds bad vs doe our lust, With speare in rest[353] wee tooke a course to iust: But ere our horses had run halfe their way, A shout was made, the king commaunded stay. 21. And for t’auoyde the sheeding of our bloud With shame and death, which one must needes haue had, The king through counsayle of the lordes thought good To banishe both, which iudgement strayt was rad: No maruayle then though both were wroth and sad, But chiefly I, that was exilde for aye, My enmy straungde but for a ten yeares day.[354] 22. The date expirde, whan by this doulfull[355] dome I should depart to liue in banisht land, On paine of death to England not to come, I went my way: the king seasde in his hand Myne offices, my honours, goods, and land, To pay the due (as openly hee tolde) Of mighty summes, which I had from him polde. 23. See, Baldwine, see, the salary of sinne, Marke with what[356] meede vile vices are rewarded: Through [pride and] enuy I lose both kith and kinne, And for my flattering playnt so well regarded, Exile and slaunder[357] are iustly[358] mee awarded: My wife and heire lacke lands and lawfull right, And me their lord made dame Dianae’s knight. 24. If these mishaps at home bee not enough, Adioyne to them my sorowes in exile: I went to Almayne first, a land right roughe, In which I found such churlish folke and vile, As made mee loeth my life ech other while: There lo, I learned what [it] is to bee a gest Abroade, and what to liue at home in rest. 25. For they esteeme no one man more than eche, They vse as well the lackey as the lorde, And like theyr maners churlishe in[359] theyr speeche, Theyr lodging harde, theyr bourd to bee abhord: Theyr pleited garments therewith[360] well accord, All iagde and frounst, with diuers colours deckt, They swere, they curse, and drinke, till they be fleckt. 26. They hate all such as these theyr maners hate, Which reason would no wiseman should allowe, With these I dwelt, lamenting mine estate, Till at the length they had got knowledge, howe I was exilde, because I did avow A false complaynt against my trusty friende, For which they namde me traytour, still vnhende.[361] 27. That what for shame and what for werines[362] I stale fro thence,[363] and went to Venise towne,[364] Where as I found more ease and friendlines,[365] But greater griefe:[366] for now the great renowne Of Bolenbroke, whom I would haue put downe, Was waxt so great in Britayne and in Fraunce, That Venise through, eche man did him auaunce. 28. Thus lo, his glory grewe through great despite,[367] And I thereby encreased in defame: Thus enuy euer doth her most acquite[368] With trouble, anguish, sorrow, smart, and shame, But sets the vertues of her foe in flame:[369] Like water waues which clense the muddy stone, And soyles themselues by beating[370] thereupon. 29. Or eare I had soiournd there a yeare, Straunge tidinges came hee was to England gone, Had tane the king, and that which touched him neare, Imprisoned him with other of his fone, And made him yeelde him vp his crowne, and throne: When I these thinges for true by search had tryed, Griefe gript mee so, I pinde away and dyed. 30. Note here the end of pride, see flatteries fine, Marke the rewarde of enuy and [false] complaynt, And warne all people from them to decline, Lest likely fault doe finde the like attaynt: Let this my life to them bee a restraynt: By other’s harmes who listeth take no heede, Shall by his owne learne other better reede.

T. Ch.[371]

This tragicall example was of all the company well liked, howbee it a doubt was found therein, and that by meanes of the diuersity of the chronicles: for whereas Hall (whose chronicle in this worke wee chiefly followed) maketh Mowbrey appellant and Bolinbroke defendant, Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by record of the parliament roll, wherein it is playne that Bolinbroke was appellant and Mowbrey defendant.[372] Wherefore whatsoeuer shall bee sayde here in the person of Mowbrey, (who being a most noble prince, had too much wrong to bee so causeles defamed after his death) imagine that to bee spoken agaynst his accuser. Which matter[373] sith it is more hard to decide than needefull to our purpose, which minde only to disswade from vices and exalt vertue, wee referre to such as may come by the recordes of the actes of the parliament,[374] contented in the meane while with Maister Halle’s iudgement, which maketh best for[375] our forshewed purpose. This doubt thus let passe. “I would,” sayde Maister Ferrers, “say somewhat for king Richard,[376] after whose depriuing, his brother[377] and diuers others made a maske, minding by king[378] Henrye’s destruction to haue restored him, which masker’s matter so runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to goe before, but seeing no man is ready to say ought in theyr behalfe, I will giue (who so listeth) leasure to looke[379] therevpon, and in the meane time to furder your enterprise, I will in king Richarde’s behalfe[380] recount such part of his story as I thinke most necessary. And therefore imagine Baldwine that you see the corps of this prince all[381] to be mangled with blewe woundes, lying pale and wan, all naked vpon the cold stones in[382] Paule’s church, the people standing round about him, and making his complaynt in manner as followeth.”[383]

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · To the state of a duke, added. 1571.Note 2 · Lykely. 1559, 63.Note 3 · Marke, I will shew thee how I swerued. 1559, 63.Note 4 · A vertuous mynde. 1559, 63.Note 5 · The herte to evyll to enclyne. 1559, 63.Note 6 · Kynde. 1559, 63.Note 7 · I thanke her, was to me so kynde. 1559, 63.Note 8 · Neyther of vs was muche to other holde. 1559, 63.Note 9 · Misprinted ‘thought’ by Higgins and Niccols.Note 10 · Wrong’d. N.Note 11 · Of England. 1578.Note 12 · Bad officers. N.Note 13 · Afore had. N.Note 14 · Aye seeks. N.Note 15 · The kinge’s fauour. 1578.Note 16 · Pryde prouoketh to. 1578.Note 17 · To poll and oppresse. 1578.Note 18 · And still. N.Note 19 · Him to. N.Note 20 · For pryde prickt me first my prince to flatter. 1578.Note 21 · Who so euer. 1578.Note 22 · Nere. N.Note 23 · Because of holdes beyond the sea that he solde. 1578.Note 24 · My. 1559, 63.Note 25 · Though vnto all these ils I were a frend. N.Note 26 · The duke of Gloucester for me did send. N.Note 27 · From place. 1578.Note 28 · Bewrayed the king. 1559, 63, 71, 78.Note 29 · At Arundell was a counseylle of certayne lordes: as the duke of Gloucetre, tharchebysshop of Caunterbury, the erles of Arundeel, Warwyck, anNote 30 · Earle. 1559, 63.Note 31 · It out. 1559, 63, 71.Note 32 · The palme represse. N.Note 33 · Earle. 1559, 63.Note 34 · Earle. 1559, 63.Note 35 · Manteyneth. 1559, 63.Note 36 · An. N.Note 37 · Earle. 1559, 63.Note 38 · Warly. 1559, 63.Note 39 · Misprinted, brest. 1587.Note 40 · In the same yere (1398) fel a great debate and dyssencyon bytwene the duke of Herforde, erle of Derby, on that one partye, and the duke of NNote 41 · Doubtfull. 1578.Note 42 · That. N.Note 43 · Shame. N.Note 44 · Are iust to. 1578.Note 45 · Is. 1559, 63.Note 46 · Herewyth. 1559, 63, 71, 78.Note 47 · Which made them thinke mee worse then any feende. 1578.Note 48 · For other griefe. 1578.Note 49 · I parted thence and. 1578.Note 50 · The duke of Norffolke whiche supposed to haue been borne out by the kynge, was sore repentant of his enterprise, and departed sorowfully outNote 51 · More pleasure and reliefe. 1578.Note 52 · Which was not longe. 1578.Note 53 · Loo! thus his glory grewe great, by my dispite. 1578.Note 54 · So enuy euer, her hatred doth acquite. 1578.Note 55 · Sorrowe and false shame, Whereby her foes do shine in higher fame. 1578.Note 56 · Running. 1559.Note 57 · T. Ch. This signature first added in the edition of 1571, and has been uniformly believed to mean Thomas Churchyard. However, it may be moreNote 58 · About the feeste of seynt Bartholmew fell dyscension and discorde atwene the duke of Herforde and the duke of Norfolke, wherefore the duke oNote 59 · For where as maister Hall, whom in thys storye we chiefely folowed, making Mowbray accuser and Boleynbroke appellant, mayster Fabyan reporteNote 60 · Recordes of the parliament. 1578.Note 61 · We referre to the determinacion of the haroldes, or such as may cum by the recordes and registers of these doynges, contented in the mean whNote 62 · Richard the 2. 1578.Note 63 · I woulde (quoth one of the cumpany) gladly say sumwhat for king Richarde. But his personage is so sore intangled as I thynke fewe benefices Note 64 · King, omitted. 1559, 63.Note 65 · Thinke. 1559, 63, 71, 78.Note 66 · In the kinge’s behalf. 1559, 63.Note 67 · See him all. 1559, 63.Note 68 · Vpon a beere in. 1578.Note 69 · Makyng his mone in thys sort. 1559, 63.
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