Howe Hvmfrey Plantagenet Duke of Glocester Protector of England, during the minority of his nephue King Henry the sixt, (commonly called the good Duke) by practise of enemyes was brought to confusion.

1. As highest hilles with tempestes beene most touched, And tops of trees most subiect vnto winde, And as great towers with stone strongly cowched, Haue heauy falles when they be vndermynde, Euen so by proofe in worldly thinges wee finde, That such as clime the top of high degree From perill of falling neuer can bee free. 2. To proue this true, good Baldwine, hearken hyther, See, and behold mee vnhappy Humfrey,[697] England’s protector and duke of Glocester, Who in the time of the sixt king Henry, Ruled this realme yeares moe then twenty: Note well the cause of my decay and fall, And make a myrour for magistrates all.[698] 3. In theyr moste weale to beware of vnhap,[699] And not to sleepe in slumbring sickernes, Whilst fortune false doth lul them in her lap Drowned in dreames of brittle blessednesse, But then to feare her freakes and ficklenesse Accompting still the higher they ascend, More nigh to bee to daunger in the end. 4. And that vayne trust in bloud or royall race, Abuse them not with careles assuraunce[700] To trust fortune,[701] but waying well my case, When shee most smyleth to haue in remembraunce[702] My sodayne fall, who in all apparaunce[703] Hauing most stayes which man[704] in state mayntayne, Haue found the same vntrusty and most vayne. 5. Better then I none may the same affirme,[705] Who trusting all in height of high estate, Led by the eares with false flatterie’s chyrme,[706] Which neuer prince could banish from his gate, Did litle thinke on such a sodayne mate, Not heeding, lesse breeding, all vnaware, By foes least feared was trapt in a snare. 6. If noble byrth or high autority, Nombre of friendes, kinred, or alliaunce, If wisedome, learning, [or] worldly pollicy, Mought haue beene stayers to fortune’s variaunce, None stoode more strong, in worldly countenaunce, For all these helpes had I to auayle mee, And yet in fine, all the same did fayle mee.[707] 7. Of king Henry the fourth,[708] fourth sonne I was, Brother to Henry, the fift of that name,[709] And uncle to Henry the sixt,[710] but, alas, What cause had I to presume on[711] the same? Or for vayne glory, aduauncing my[712] fame My selfe to call in recordes and writinges, The sonne, brother, and vncle vnto kinges. 8. This was my boast, which lastly was my bane, Yet not this boast was it that brought me downe: The very cause which made my weale to wane So neere of kin that I was to the crowne, That was the rock that made my ship to drowne A rule there is not fayling, but most sure, Kingdome no kin doth know, ne can indure. 9. For after my brother, the fift Henry,[713] Wan by conquest the royall realme of Fraunce, And of two kingdoms made one monarchy Before his death, for better obaysaunce To his yong sonne, not ripe to gouernaunce, Protector of England I was by testament, And Iohn my brother in Fraunce made regent. 10. To whome if God had lent a longer life, Our house to haue[714] kept from stormes of inward strife, Or it had beene the Lord Almightie’s will Plantagenet[te’s name] in state had standen still: But deadly discord, which kingdomes great doth spill[715] Bred by desire of high domination, Brought our whole house to playne desolation. 11. It is for truth in an history founde, That Henry Plantagenet, first of our name, Who called was king Henry the second, Sonne of dame Mawde, the empresse of high fame, Would oft report that his auncient grandame, Though seeming in shape a woman naturall, Was a feend of the kind that (Succubæ) some call. 12. Which old fable, so long time told before, When this kinge’s sonnes against him did rebell, Hee cald to minde, and being greeued sore, “Loe! now,” quod hee, “I see and proue full well The story true, which folk of old did tell, That from the deuill[716] descended all our race, And now my children verify[717] the case.” 13. Whereof to leaue a long memoriall In minde of man euermore[718] to rest, A picture hee made and hung it in his hall Of a pellicane sitting on his nest, With four yong byrdes, three pecking at his brest, With bloudy beakes, and furder did deuise, The yongest byrde to pecke the father’s eyes. 14. Meaning hereby his rebell children three, Henry and Richard, [who] bet him on the breast: (Ieffrey onely from that offence was free) Henry dyed of England’s crowne possest: Richard liued his father to molest, Iohn the yongest pect [still] his father’s eye, Whose deedes vnkind the sooner made him dye. 15. This king (some write) in his sicknes last Sayde, as it were by way of prophecye, How that the deuill a darnell grayne had cast Among his kin, to encrease enmity, Which should remayne in theyr posterity Till mischiefe and murder had spent them all, Not leauing one to pisse against the wall. 16. And yet from him in order did succeede In England here of crowned kinges, fourteene Of that surname, and of that line and seede, With dukes and earles, and many a noble queene, The numbre such as all the world would weene, So many ympes could neuer so be spent, But some heyr male should bee of that discent. 17. Which to bee true if any stand in doubt, Because I meane not further to digresse, Let him peruse the storyes[719] throughout Of English kinges whom practise did oppresse, And hee shall finde the cause of theyr distresse From first to last, vnkindly to begin Alwayes by those that next were of the kin. 18. Was not Richard, of whom I spake before, A rebell playne vntill his father dyed, And Iohn likewise an enmy euermore To Richard agayne, and for a rebell tryed? After whose death, it cannot bee denied, Agaynst all right this Iohn most cruelly, His brother’s children caused for to dye. 19. Arthur and Isabell (I meane) that were Ieffrey’s children, then duke of Britayne, Henrye’s thyrd sonne, by one degree more neere Then was this Iohn, as storyes shew most playne, Which two children were famisht or els slayne By Iohn theyr eame, cald Saunzterre by name, Of whose foule act all countreys speake great shame. 20. Edward and Richard, second both by name, Kinges of this land, fell downe by fatall fate: What was the cause that princes of such fame Did leese at last theyr honour, life, and state? Nothing at all, but discord and debate, Which when it haps in kinred, or in bloud, Erynnis rage was neuer halfe so wood. 21. Be sure therefore, ye kinges and princes all, That concord in kingdomes is chiefe assuraunce, And that your families doe neuer fall, But where discord doth leade the doubtfull daunce With busy brawles, and turnes of variaunce: Where malice is minstrel, the pype ill report, The maske mischiefe, and so endes the sport. 22. But now to come to my purpose agayne, Whilst I my charge applyed in England, My brother in Fraunce long time did remayne, Cardinal Beauford tooke proudly in hand, In causes publique agaynst mee to stand, Who of great malice, so much as hee might, Sought in all thinges to doe mee despite. 23. Which prowde prelate to mee was bastard eame, Sonne to duke Iohn of Gaunt as they did fayne, Who being made high chauncellour of the realme, Not like a priest, but like a prince did raigne, Nothing wanting which might his pryde maynteine, Bishop besides of Winchester hee was, And cardinall of Rome which angels brought to passe. 24. Not God’s angels, but angels of old gold, Lift him aloft in whome no cause there was By iust desert so high to bee extold, (Riches except) whereby this golden asse At home and abroad all matters brought to passe, Namely at Rome, hauing no meane but that To purchase there his crimzin cardinall hat. 25. Which thing the king my father him forbad Playnly saying, that hee could not abide Within his realme a subiect to bee had His prince’s peere, yet such was this man’s pride, That hee forthwith, after my father died, (The king then young) obtayned of the pope That honour high, which erst hee could not hope. 26. Whose prowde attemptes because that I withstood, My bounde duty the better to acquite, This holy father waxed welnere wood, Of meere malice deuising day and night To worke to mee dishonour and despite, Whereby there fell betweene vs such a iarre, As in this land was like a ciuill warre. 27. My brother Iohn, which lay this while in Fraunce, Heard of this hurle, and past the seas in hast, By whose traueil this troublesome distaunce Ceassed a while, but nethelesse[720] in wast: For rooted hate will hardly bee displast Out of high hartes, and namely where debate, Happeneth amongst great persons of estate. 28. For like as a match doth lye and smolder Long time before it commeth to the trayne: But yet when fire hath caught in the poulder, No arte is able the flames to restrayne: Euen so the sparkes of enuy and disdayne, Out of the smoke burst forth in such a flame, That Fraunce and England yet may rue the same. 29. So when of two realmes the regiment royall, Betweene brothers was parted equally, One placed in Fraunce for affayres martiall, And I at home for ciuill pollicy: To serue the state, wee both did so apply, As honour and fame to both did encrease, To him for the warre, to mee for the peace. 30. Whence enuy sprang, and specially because This proud prelate could not abide a peere Within the land to rule the state by lawes, Wherefore sifting my life and actes most neere, Hee neuer ceast, vntill, as you shall heare, By practise foule of him and his allies, My death was wrought in most vnworthy wise. 31. And first hee sought my doings to defame, By rumours false, which hee and his did sowe: Letters and billes to my reproach and shame Hee did deuise, and all about bestowe, Whereby my troth in doubt should daily growe, In England first, and afterward in Fraunce, Mouing all meanes to bring mee to mischaunce. 32. One quarell was, that where by common lawe Murder and theft beene punisht all alike, So as manslears, which bloudy blades doe drawe, Suffer no more then hee that doth but pike, Mee thought the same no order pollitike, In setting paynes to make no difference, Betweene the lesser and greater offence. 33. I being seene somewhat in ciuill lawe, The rules thereof reputed much better:[721] Wherefore to keepe offenders more in awe, Like as the fault was smaller or greater, So set I paynes more easier or bitter, Waying the quality of euery offence, And so according pronounced sentence. 34. Amongst my other Delicta Iuuentutis, Whilst rage of youth my reason did subdue, I must confesse as the very truth is, Driuen by desire, fond fancies to ensue, A thing I did whereof great trouble grewe, Abusing one, to my no small rebuke, Which wife was than to Iohn, of Brabant duke. 35. Called shee was lady Iaquet the fayre, Delightfull in loue like Helene of Troy: To the duke of Bauier sole daughter and heyre, Her did I marry to my great annoy:[722] Yet for a time, this dame I did enioy, With her whole landes, witholding them by force, Till Martin the pope, betweene vs made diuorce. 36. Yet all these blastes not able were to moue The anchor strong, whereby my ship did stay, Some other shift to seeke him did behoue, Whereto ere long ill fortune made the way, Which finally was cause of my decay And cruell death, contriued by my foes, Which fell out thus, as now I shall disclose. 37. Elianor my wife, my duches only deare, I knowe not howe, but as the nature is Of women all, aye curious to enquire Of thinges to come (though I confesse in this Her fault not small) and that shee did amisse, By witche’s skill, which sorcery some call, Would knowe of thinges which after should befall. 38. And for that cause made her selfe acquainted With mother Madge, called the witch of Eye, And with a clerke that after was attaynted, Bolenbroke hee hight, that learned was that way, With other moe, which famous were that day, As well in science called mathematicall, As also in magique [and] skill supernaturall. 39. These cunning folkes shee set on worke to knowe The time how long the king should liue and raygne, Some by the starres, and some by deuills[723] belowe, Some by witchcraft sought knowledge to attayne, With like fancies, friuolous, fond, and vayne, Whereof though I knewe least of any man, Yet by that meane my mischiefe first began. 40. Yet besides this there was a greater thing, How shee in waxe, by councell of the witch, An image made, crowned like a king, With sword in hand, in shape and likenes syche As was the king, which daily they did pitch Against a fire, that as the waxe did melt, So should his life consume away vnfelt. 41. My duchesse thus accused of this cryme, As shee that should such practise first begin, My part was then to yeelde vnto the time, Geuing her leaue to deale alone therein: And since the cause concerned deadly sinne, Which to the clergie onely doth pertayne, To deale therein I playnely did refrayne. 42. And suffered them her person to ascite Into their courtes, to aunswere and appeare, Which to my hart was sure the greatest spight That could be wrought, and touched mee most neare, To see my wife, and lady leefe and deare, To my reproch, and playne before my face, Entreated so, as one of sort most base. 43. The clergie then examining her cause, Conuinced[724] her, as guilty in the same, And sentence gaue, according to their lawes, That shee and they whom I before did name Should suffer death, or els some open shame: Of which penaunce my wife by sentence had To suffer shame, of both the two, more bad. 44. And first shee must by dayes together three, Through London streetes passe all along in sight Barelegd and barefoote, that all the world might see, Bearing in hand a burning taper bright, And not content with this extreme despite, To worke mee woe in all they may or can, Exilde shee was into the ile of Man. 45. This heynous crime and open worldly shame, Was[725] such rigour shewed vnto my wife, With[726] a fine fetch further thinges to frame, And nothing els but a preparatiue First from office, and finally from life Mee to depriue, and so passing further, What lawe could not, to execute by murther. 46. Which by slie driftes and windlaces aloofe, They brought about, perswading first the queene, That in effect it was the kinge’s reproofe, And her’s also, to bee exempted cleane From princely rule, or that it should be seene A king of yeares, still gouerned to bee Like a pupill, that nothing could foresee. 47. The daunger more, considering the king Was without childe, I being his next heyre, To rule the realme as prince in euery thing Without restraynt, and all the sway to beare: With people’s loue, whereby it was to feare That my haut heart, vnbrideled in desire, Time would preuent, and to the crowne aspire. 48. These with such like were put into her heade, Who of her selfe was thereto soone enclind, Other there were that this ill humour fed, To neyther part that had good will or mind, The duke of Yorke our cosin most vnkinde, Who keeping close a title to the crowne, Lancaster’s house did labour to pull downe. 49. The stay whereof hee tooke to stand in mee, Seeing the king of courage nothing stout, Neyther of witte great perill to foresee, So for purpose, if hee could bring about Mee to displace, then did hee litle doubt To gayne the goale, for which hee droue the ball, The crowne (I meane) to catch ere it should fall. 50. This hope made him agaynst mee to conspyre With those which foes were to ech other late, The queene did weene to win her whole desire, Which was to rule the king and all the state If I were rid, whom therefore shee did hate, Forecasting not, when that was brought to passe, How weake of friendes the king her husband, was. 51. The dukes two, of Excester, and Buckingham, With the marquise Dorset therein did agree, But namely the marquise of Suffolke, William, Contriuer chiefe of this conspiracy, With other moe, that sate still and did see Theyr mortall foes on mee to whet theyr kniues, Which turnde at last to losse of all theyr liues. 52. But vayne desire of soueraynty and rule, Which otherwise (ambition) hath to name, So stird the queene, that wilfull as a mule, Headlong she runnes from smoke into the flame, Driuing a drift, which after did so frame, As shee, the king, with all theyr line and race, Depriued were of honour, life, and place. 53. So for purpose shee thought it very good, With former foes in frendship to confeder, The duke of Yorke, and other of his bloud, With Neuills all, knit were then altogether, And Delapoole, friend afore to neither: The cardinall also came within this list, As Herode and Pilate to iudge Ihesus Christ. 54. This cursed league too late discouered was By bayardes blinde, that linked in the line, The queene and cardinall brought it so to passe, With marquise Suffolke maister of this myne, Whose ill aduise was counted very fine, With other moe which finely could disguise, With false visours my mischiefe to deuise. 55. Concluding thus, they poynt without delay Parliament to holde, in some vnhaunted place, Far from London, out of the common way, Where few or none should vnderstand the case, But whom the queene and cardinall did embrace: And so for place they chose Saint Edmondsbury, Since when (some say) England was neuer mery. 56. Somens was sent this company to call, Which made mee muse, that in so great a case I should no whit of counsayle bee at all, Who yet had rule, and next the king in place, Me thought nothing my state could more disgrace Then to beare name, and in effect to bee A cypher in algrim, as all men mought see. 57. And though iust cause I had for to suspect The time and place apoynted by my foes, And that my friendes most playnly did detect The subtil trayne, and practise of all those Which agaynst mee great treasons did suppose: Yet trust of truth with a conscience cleare Gaue mee good heart in that place to appeare. 58. Upon which trust with more haste then good speede, Forward I went to that vnlucky place Duty to show, and no whit was in dread Of any trayne, but bold to shew my face As a true man, yet so fel out the case That after trauayle seeking for repose, An armed band my lodging did enclose. 59. The vicount Beaumont, who for the time supplyed The office of high constable of the land, Was with the queene and cardinall allied, By whose support hee stoutly tooke in hand My lodging to entre with an armed band, And for high treason my person did arest, And layde mee that night where him seemed best. 60. Then shaking and quaking, for dread of a dreame, Halfe waked, all naked, in bed as I lay, What time strake the chime of mine houre extreame, Opprest was my rest with mortall affray, My foes did vnclose, I know not which way, My chambre dores, and boldly they in brake, And had mee fast before I could awake.[727] 61. Thou lookest now, that of my secret murther, I should at large the maner how declare, I pray thee, Baldwine, aske of me no further, For speaking playne, it came so at vnware, As I my selfe, which caught was in the snare, Scarcely am able the circumstaunce to shew, Which was kept close, and knowne but vnto fewe. 62. But bee thou sure by violence it was, And no whit bred by sicknes or disease, That felt it well before my life did passe, For when these wolues my body once did cease, Used I was but smally to mine ease, With torments strong which went so nere the quicke, As made mee dye before that I was sicke. 63. A palsey (they sayd) my vital spirites opprest, Bred by excesse of melancholie black, This for excuse to lay, them seemed best, Least my true friendes the cause might furder racke, And so perhaps discouer the whole packe Of the conspirers,[728] whom they might well suspect For causes great, which after tooke effect. 64. Dead was I found by such as best did know The maner how the same was brought to passe, And then my corps was set out for a show, By view whereof nothing perceiued was:[729] Whereby the worlde may see as in a glasse, Th’vnsure[730] state of them that stand most hye, Which than dread least, when daunger is most nye. 65. And also see what daunger they are in,[731] Which next theyr king are to succede in place: Since kinges most part bee ielous of theyr kynne, Whome I aduise, forewarned by my case, To beare low sayle, and not too much embrace The people’s loue: for as Senec sayth truly: O quam funestus est fauor populi.