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History of Gujarát, Volume I, Part I.

PART I.—DESCRIPTION.

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Appendix II. The Hill Fort of Mándu. Description. Mándu, about twenty-three miles south of Dhár in Central India, is a wide waving hill-top, part of the great wall of the Vindhyan range. The hill-top is three to four miles from north to south and four to five miles from east to west. On the north, the east, and the west, Mándu is islanded from the main plateau of Málwa by valleys and ravines that circle round to its southern face, which stands 1200 feet out of the Nímár plain. The area of the hill-top is over 12,000 English acres, and, so broken is its outline, that the encircling wall is said to have a length of between thirty-seven and thirty-eight miles. Its height, 1950 feet above the sea, secures for the hill-top at all seasons the boon of fresh and cool air.

Close inside of the Dehli gate, on the right or west, stands the handsome Hindola Palace. The name Hindola, which is probably the title of the builder, is explained by the people as the Swingcot palace, because, like the sides of the cage of a swinging cot, the walls of the hall bulge Appendix II. The Hill Fort of Mándu. Description. below and narrow towards the top. Its great baronial hall and hanging windows give the Hindola palace a special merit and interest, and an air of lordly wealth and luxury still clings to the tree-covered ruins which stretch west to large underground cisterns and hot weather retreats. About a quarter of a mile south stand the notable group of the Jaház Mehel or Ship palace on the west, and the Tapela Mehel or Caldron palace on the south, with their rows of lofty pointed arches below deep stone caves, their heavy windowless upper stories, and their massive arched and domed roof chambers. These palaces are not more handsomely built than finely set. The massive ship-like length of the Jaház Mehel lies between two large tree-girt ponds, and the Tapela, across a beautiful foreground of water and ruin, looks east into the mass of tangled bush and tree which once formed part of the 130 acres of the Lál Bágh or Royal Gardens.

The flat palace roofs command the whole 12,000 acres of Mándu hill, north to the knolls and broken uplands beyond the great ravine-moat and south across the waving hill-top with its miles of glades and ridges, its scattered villages hamlets and tombs, and its gleaming groves of mangoes, khirnis, banyans, mhowras, and pipals. In the middle distance, out from the tree-tops, stand the lofty domes of Hoshang’s tomb and of the great Jámá mosque. Further south lies the tree-girt hollow of the Ságar Taláv or Sea Lake, and beyond the Ságar lake a woody plateau rises about 200 feet to the southern crest, where, clear against the sky, stand the airy cupolas of the pavilion of Rúp Mati, the beautiful wife of Báz Bahádur (a.d. 1551–1561), the last Sultán of Málwa. Finally to the west, from the end of the Rúp Mati heights, rises even higher the bare nearly isolated shoulder of Songad, the citadel or inner fort of Mándu, the scene of the Gujarát Bahádur’s (a.d. 1531) daring and successful surprise. This fair hill-top, beautiful from its tangled wildness and scattered ruins, is a strange contrast to Mándu, the capital of a warlike independent dynasty. During the palmy days of the fifteenth century, of the 12,000 acres of the Mándu hill-top, 560 were fields, 370 were gardens, 200 were wells, 780 were lakes and ponds, 100 were bazár roads, 1500 were dwellings, 200 were rest-houses, 260 were baths, 470 were mosques, and 334 were palaces. These allotments crowded out the wild to a narrow pittance of 1560 acres of knolls and ridges.

Appendix II. The Hill Fort of Mándu. Description. To the south of Báz Bahádur’s Palace a winding path climbs the steep slope of the southern rim of Mándu to the massive pillared cupolas of Rúp Mati’s palace, which, clear against the sky, are the most notable ornament of the hill-top. From a ground floor of heavy masonry walls and arched gateways stairs lead to a flat masonry terrace. At the north and south ends of the terrace stand massive heavy-eaved pavilions, whose square pillars and pointed arches support lofty deep-grooved domes. The south pavilion on the crest of the Vindhyan cliff commands a long stretch of the south face of Mándu with its guardian wall crowning the heights and hollows of the hill-top. Twelve hundred feet below spreads the dim hazy Nímár plain brightened eastwards by the gleaming coil of the Narbada. The north pavilion, through the clear fresh air of the hill-top, looks over the entire stretch of Mándu from the high shoulder of Songad in the extreme south-west across rolling tree-brightened fields, past the domes, the tangled bush, and the broad gray of the Sea Lake, to the five-domed cluster of Hoshang’s mosque and tomb, on, across a sea of green tree tops, to the domed roof-chambers of the Jaház and Tapela palaces, through the Dehli gateway, and, beyond the deep cleft of the northern ravine, to the bare level and the low ranges of the Málwa plain.

HISTORYThe history of Mándu belongs to two main sections, before and after the overthrow by the emperor Akbar in a.d. 1563 of the independent power of the Sultáns of Málwa.

Section I.—The Málwa Sultáns, a.d. 1400–1570.

The inscription on the small north arch of Nílkanth, dated a.d. 1574, runs:

(Call it not waste) to spend your life in water and earth. (i.e. in building),

If perchance a man of mind for a moment makes your house his lodging.

The inscription on the great southern arch of Nílkanth, dated a.d. 1574, runs:

The inscription on the right wall of Nílkanth, dated a.d. 1591–92, runs:

In the year a.h. 1000, when on his way to the conquest of the Dakhan, the slaves of the Exalted Lord of the Earth, the holder of the sky-like Throne, the shadow of Alláh (the Emperor Akbar), passed by this place.

That time wastes your home cease, Soul, to complain, Who will not scorn a complainer so vain.

From the story of others this wisdom derive, Ere naught of thyself but stories survive.

The inscription on the left wall of Nílkanth, dated a.d. 1600, runs:

The (Lord of the mighty Presence) shadow of Alláh, the Emperor Akbar, after the conquest of the Dakhan and Appendix II. The Hill Fort of Mándu. History The Mughals, a.d. 1570–1720. Dándes (Khándesh) in the year a.h. 1009 set out for Hind (Northern India).

May the name of the writer last for ever!

At dawn and at eve I have watched an owl sitting

The owl’s plaintive hooting convey’d me this warning

“Here pomp, wealth, and greatness lie dumb.”

Section II.—Mughals (a.d. 1570–1720) and Maráthás (a.d. 1720–1820).

Except that copper coins continued to be minted and that it was nominally one of the four capitals of the empire, during the emperor Akbar’s reign Mándu was practically deserted. The only traces of Akbar’s presence on the hill are in two of the five inscriptions already quoted from the Nílkanth pleasure-house, dated a.d. 1591 and a.d. 1600.

After about fifty years of almost complete neglect the emperor Jehángír, during a few months in a.d. 1617, enabled Mándu once more to justify its title of Shádiábád, the Abode of Joy. Early in March a.d. 1617, in the eleventh year of his reign, the emperor Jehángír after spending four months in travelling the 189 miles from Ajmír by way of Ujjain, arrived at Naâlchah on the main land close to the north of Mándu. The emperor notices that most of the forty-six marches into which the 189 miles were divided ended on the bank of some lake stream or great river in green grass and woody landscape, brightened by poppy fields. We came, he writes, enjoying the beauty of the country and shooting, never weary, as if we were moving from one garden to another.

Appendix II. The Hill Fort of Mándu. History The Mughals, a.d. 1570–1720. Of the emperor’s entrance into Mándu the Memoirs have the following note: On Monday the 23rd of Ispandád, the last month of the Persian year, that is according to Sir Thomas Roe’s account on the 6th of March 1617, when one quarter of the day had passed, I mounted my elephant, and, in good fortune and under kindly influences, made my happy entry into the fort of Mándu. About an hour (three ghadis) later I entered the quarters which had been prepared to receive me. During my passage across the hill-top I scattered Rs. 1500. Before my arrival Abdul Karím the engineer had been sent by me to repair the buildings of the former kings of Mándu. While my fortunate standards were at Ajmír Abdul Karím repaired such of the old Mándu buildings as were fit to be repaired and built others anew. On the whole he had provided quarters for me, the like of which have probably never been built in any other place. Three lákhs of rupees were spent on these repairs and buildings. I wish it had been possible to construct buildings like these in all cities likely to be visited by royalty. This fortress, he continues, stands on the top of a hill about thirty-six miles (18 kos) in circumference. They say that before the days of Rája Bikramájit a king was reigning over these parts whose name was Jaisingh Deva. In his time a man went to the forest to cut grass. When he brought the grass back he found that the blade of his sickle had turned yellow. The grasscutter in his surprise went to Mándan, an ironsmith. Mándan knew that the sickle was gold. He had heard that in those parts was to be found the philosopher’s stone, whose touch turns iron and copper into gold. He told the grasscutter to lead him to the place where the sickle had turned yellow, and there he found the philosopher’s stone. The smith presented this treasure to his king. The king amassed untold wealth, part of which he spent in building Mándu fortress which he completed in twelve years. At the request of the smith on most of the stones in the walls a mark was cut in the form of an anvil. Towards the close of his life, when king Jaisingh Deva withdrew his heart from the world, he called many Bráhmans together on the bank of the Narbada close to Mándu. He gave each Bráhman a share of his wealth. And to the Bráhman in whom he had the greatest faith he gave the philosopher’s stone. Enraged at the gift of a paltry stone the Bráhman threw it into the Narbada, and there the philosopher’s stone still lies. The emperor continues: On the 20th of Farwardín, five weeks after my arrival (11th April 1617) in reward for his services in repairing the buildings of Mándu, I conferred on my engineer Abdul Karím the command of 1200 horse, with the title of Maámúr Khán.

Jehángír’s last Mándu entry is this: On the night of Friday in the month of Abán (October 24th, 1617) in all happiness and good fortune I marched from Mándu and halted on the bank of the lake at Naâlchah.

This sketch notices only the main events and the main buildings. Even about the main buildings much is still doubtful. Many inscriptions, some in the puzzling interlaced Tughra character, have still to be read. They may bring to light traces of the Mándu kings and of the Mughal emperors, whose connection with Mándu, so far as the buildings are concerned, is still a blank. The ruins are so many and so widespread that weeks are wanted to ensure their complete examination. It may be hoped that at no distant date Major Delasseau, the Political Agent of Dhár, whose opportunities are not more special than his knowledge, may be able to prepare a complete description of the hill and of its many ruins and writings.

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Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · The following Persian verses are carved on the Âlamgír gateway:Note 2 · Mr. Fergusson (Indian Architecture, page 543) says: “The pillars appear to have been taken from a Jain building.” But the refinement on the Note 3 · Hoshang’s great mosque has the following much damaged Persian inscription:Note 4 · This Jámá Mosque has the following Persian inscription dated H. 835 (a.d. 1431):Note 5 · The following Persian inscription carved on the entrance arch shows that though it may have been repaired by Báz Bahádur, the building of thNote 6 · Translations of its two much-admired Persian inscriptions are given below pages 370–371. ↑Note 7 · On the Tárápúr gateway a Persian inscription of the reign of the emperor Akbar (a.d. 1556–1605) states that the royal road that passed throuNote 8 · The Persian references and extracts in this section are contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazl-ul-láh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. ↑Note 9 · Sir John Malcolm in Eastwick’s Handbook of the Panjáb, 119. This reference has not been traced. Farishtah (Elliot, VI. 563) says Mándu was bNote 10 · The date is uncertain. Compare Elphinstone’s History, 323; Briggs’ Farishtah, I. 210–211; Tabakát-i-Násiri in Elliot, II. 328. The conquest Note 11 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 170. ↑Note 12 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 168. According to the Wákiăt-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 553) Diláwar Khán, or as the writer calls him Amín Sháh, throughNote 13 · Diláwar Khán Ghori, whose original name was Husein, was one of the grandsons of Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín Muhammad bin Sám. He was one of the nobNote 14 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 169. ↑Note 15 · When fellow-nobles in the court of the Tughlak Sultán, Zafar Khán (Sultán Muzaffar of Gujarát) and Diláwar Khán bound themselves under an oaNote 16 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 173; Elphinstone’s History, 678. ↑Note 17 · Though their temples were turned into mosques the Jains continued to prosper under the Ghoris. At Deogarh in Lalitpura in Jhánsi in the NortNote 18 · Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 464–65. ↑Note 19 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 176, 178, 180, 181, 183. ↑Note 20 · Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 466–67. ↑Note 21 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 180. In connection with the Tárápúr Gate Farishtah says (Pers. Text, II. 468): The fort of Mándu is built on the top Note 22 · It follows that Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 196) is mistaken in stating that Hoshang’s son Muhammad gave Mándu the name of Shádiábád, the Abode oNote 23 · Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 472–475. It seems to follow that from the first the monument to Hoshang in Hoshangábád was an empty tomb. Compare Note 24 · The following more detailed, but also more confused, story is told in the Wákiăt-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 552–54): A man named Mehmúd, son ofNote 25 · Farishtah, Pers. Text, II. 480. ↑Note 26 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 196. These titles mean: The Chief of Nobles, the Great, the August. ↑Note 27 · It is related that one of the pious men in the camp of Sultán Ahmed of Gujarát had a warning dream, in which the Prophet (on whom be peace) Note 28 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 205, gives 230 minarets and 360 arches. This must have been an addition in the Text used by Briggs. These details do Note 29 · Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 487. ↑Note 30 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 207. Malcolm’s Central India, I. 32. In a.d. 1817 Sir John Malcolm (Central India, I. 32 Note) fitted up one of MehmúNote 31 · Of the siege of Kumbhalmer a curious incident is recorded by Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 485). He says that a temple outside the town destroyNote 32 · Ruins of Mándu, 13. ↑Note 33 · In the end of a.h. 846 (a.d. 1442) Mehmúd built a seven-storeyed tower and a college opposite the Jámá Mosque of Hoshang Sháh. Briggs’ FarisNote 34 · Compare Briggs’ Farishtah, IV 323. ↑Note 35 · Gladwin’s Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41. ↑Note 36 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 210; Farishtah, Persian Text II. 488. ↑Note 37 · Memoirs of the emperor Jehángír (Pers. Text) Sir Sayad Áhmed’s Edition, page 188, eleventh year of Jehángír, a.d. 1617. ↑Note 38 · Herbert’s Khán Jehan is doubtless Mehmúd’s father the minister Malik Mughís, Khán Jehán Aâzam Humáyún. It cannot be Khán Jehán Pir Muhammad,Note 39 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 214. ↑Note 40 · Ruins of Mándu, 13. Farishtah has three mentions of colleges. One (Pers. Text, II. 475) as the place where the body of Hoshang was carried, Note 41 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 217. A different but almost incredible account of the capture of the royal belt is given in the Mirăt-i-Sikandari, PeNote 42 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 209. ↑Note 43 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 234–235: Pers. Text, II. 503. ↑Note 44 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 236. ↑Note 45 · Ruins of Mándu, 6. ↑Note 46 · Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 504–505. ↑Note 47 · Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 505. ↑Note 48 · Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507. ↑Note 49 · Wákiăt-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554–556. Probably these are stock tales. The Gujarát historians give Muzaffar and Muhammad the Gold-giver (Note 50 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 236–239; Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349–350; Wákiăt-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554–55; Malcolm’s Central India,Note 51 · Compare Catalogue of Indian Coins, The Mahomedan States, pages LIV. LV. and 118–121. ↑Note 52 · Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507. ↑Note 53 · Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 508) detailing how Násir-ud-dín came to power, says: There was a difference between Násir-ud-dín and his brother Note 54 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 238–239. Farishtah holds that Násir-ud-dín’s murder of his father is not proved. He adds (Pers. Text, II. 515) that NNote 55 · Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 516. ↑Note 56 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 243. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) says that Násir-ud-dín had a disease which made him feel so hot tNote 57 · Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 517–18) says that Násir-ud-dín died of a burning-fever he had contracted bNote 58 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 243. ↑Note 59 · The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) his visit to Násir-ud-dín’s grave. It is related that when during his reign ShNote 60 · Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 202) refers to the well-known bridge and water-palace aboutNote 61 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 246. ↑Note 62 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 247–249. Malcolm’s (Central India, I. 38) writes the Rájput’s name Maderay. The Mirăt-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 149–Note 63 · The Mirăt-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 154) gives the following details of Mehmúd’s flight: Sultán Mehmúd, on pretence of hunting left Mándu andNote 64 · Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 386. The Mirăt-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 160) gives the following details of the banquet: Sultán Mehmúd shNote 65 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 250–262. ↑Note 66 · Farishtah Pers. Text. II. 527. According to the Mirăt-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 161) Mehmúd marched against Gágraun first, and slew Hemkaran,Note 67 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 262–263. ↑Note 68 · Persian Edition, 239. ↑Note 69 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 267–68. Sultán Bahádur apparently surprised the party in charge of the Tárápúr or Southern Gate. ↑Note 70 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 269; Mirăt-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, I. 76. ↑Note 71 · Briggs’ Farishtah, II. 77. ↑Note 72 · Abul Fazl’s Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 14; Briggs’ Farishtah, II. 77. ↑Note 73 · Abul Fazl’s Akbar Námah in Elliot, V. 192. ↑Note 74 · Abul Fazl’s Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 15; Briggs’ Farishtah, II. 80–81. ↑Note 75 · Abul Fazl’s Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 18. According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 532) Mallu, the son of Mallu, was a native of Málwa and aNote 76 · Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 532. ↑Note 77 · Tárikh-i-Sher Sháh in Elliot, IV. 391; Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 271–72. ↑Note 78 · Farishtah (Pers. Text, 533–34) refers to the following circumstance as the cause of Kádir Sháh’s suspicion. On his way to Sher Sháh’s darbárNote 79 · Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 397. ↑Note 80 · Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliott, V. 168; Elphinstone’s India, 402–403. ↑Note 81 · Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliot, V. 168. ↑Note 82 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 276. ↑Note 83 · When Báz Bahádur attacked the Gonds their chief was dead, and his widow, Ráni Durgávati, was ruling in his place. The Ráni led the Gonds agaNote 84 · According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 538) Báz Bahádur was already an adept in music. ↑Note 85 · Malcolm’s Central India, I. 39; Ruins of Mándu, 30. ↑Note 86 · Briggs’ Farishtah, II. 210. ↑Note 87 · Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 321. ↑Note 88 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 211. ↑Note 89 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 216. ↑Note 90 · Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 291. ↑Note 91 · Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 330–31. ↑Note 92 · Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 375. ↑Note 93 · The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 372) a visit to this building: On the third day of Amardád (July 1617) with the palNote 94 · An officer who distinguished himself under Humáyún, one of Akbar’s commanders of Three Thousand, long governor of Mándu, where he died. BlocNote 95 · When opposed to Ârab the word Âjam signifies all countries except Arabia, and in a narrow sense, Persia. The meaning of the word Âjam is dumNote 96 · The stones on which this inscription is carved have been wrongly arranged by some restorer. Those with the latter portion of the inscriptionNote 97 · The maternal uncle of Naushírwán (a.d. 586–635) the Sassanian, Shirwán Sháh was ruler of a district on Mount Caucasus. Al Masúdi, Arabic TexNote 98 · Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 353. ↑Note 99 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 279. ↑Note 100 · Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 429. ↑Note 101 · Gladwin’s Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41. ↑Note 102 · Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 31. ↑Note 103 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 169, 181, 190. ↑Note 104 · Nineteen kos, taking the kos to be two miles. ↑Note 105 · The emperor Jehángír’s Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sir Sayad Áhmed’s Edition, 178–203. ↑Note 106 · Literally single-men. The Ahadís were a corps of men who stood immediately under the emperor’s orders. Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 20 note 1. ↑Note 107 · This scattering of gold silver or copper coin, called in Arabic and Persian nisár, is a common form of offering. The influence of the evil eNote 108 · This feat of Núr Jehán’s drew from one of the Court poets the couplet:Note 109 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 187. ↑Note 110 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 189. ↑Note 111 · The miskál which was used in weighing gold was equal in weight to ninety-six barleycorns. Blochman’s Áin-i-Akbari, 36. ↑Note 112 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195. ↑Note 113 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195. ↑Note 114 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192–194. ↑Note 115 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 190. ↑Note 116 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192. ↑Note 117 · Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 194–5. ↑Note 118 · A Voyage to East India, 181. Terry gives April 1616, but Roe seems correct in saying March 1617. Compare Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 3Note 119 · Akbarpur lies between Dharampuri and Waisar. Malcolm’s Central India, I. 84 note. ↑Note 120 · Carriages may have the old meaning of things carried, that is baggage. The time taken favours the view that wagons or carts were forced up tNote 121 · Kerr’s Voyages, IX. 335; Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377. ↑Note 122 · Roe writing from Ajmír in the previous year (29th August 1616) describes Mándu as a castle on a hill, where there is no town and no buildingNote 123 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 313. ↑Note 124 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 314. ↑Note 125 · Compare Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377. ↑Note 126 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 314. ↑Note 127 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 321. ↑Note 128 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 335. ↑Note 129 · Corryat’s Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged). This Master Herbert was Thomas, brother of Sir Edward Herbert, the first Lord Herbert. It seemNote 130 · Corryat’s Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged). ↑Note 131 · Terry’s Voyage, 183; Roe in Kerr, IX. 335. ↑Note 132 · Roe in Kerr, IX. 335. ↑Note 133 · Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349. ↑Note 134 · Wákiăt-i-Jehángiri in Elliot, VI. 350. ↑Note 135 · Terry’s Voyage, 228. ↑Note 136 · Terry’s Voyage, 69. ↑Note 137 · Terry’s Voyage, 183. ↑Note 138 · Terry’s Voyage, 186, 198. ↑Note 139 · Terry’s Voyage, 198, 205. ↑Note 140 · Roe in Kerr’s Voyages, IX. 337; Pinkerton’s Voyages, VIII. 35. ↑Note 141 · Terry’s Voyage, 403. ↑Note 142 · Corryat’s Crudities, III. Letter 2. Extracts unpaged. ↑Note 143 · Roe in Kerr’s Voyages, IX. 343. ↑Note 144 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 340–343. ↑Note 145 · Roe in Kerr’s Travels, IX. 344. ↑Note 146 · Terry’s Voyage, 377. Terry’s details seem not to agree with Roe’s who states (Kerr’s Voyages, IX. 344 and Pinkerton’s Voyages, VIII. 37): I Note 147 · Roe in Kerr’s Voyage, IX. 347; Elphinstone’s History, 494. Kerr (IX. 347) gives September 2 but October 2 is right. Compare Pinkerton’s VoyaNote 148 · Ruins of Mándu, 57. As the emperor must have passed out by the Dehli Gate, and as Roe’s lodge was two miles from Báz Bahádur’s palace, the lNote 149 · Roe in Kerr’s Voyages, IX. 353. ↑Note 150 · Terry’s Voyage, 180. ↑Note 151 · Terry’s Voyage, 181. ↑Note 152 · Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 383. ↑Note 153 · Wákiăt-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 387. ↑Note 154 · Elphinstone’s History, 496–97. Compare Dela Valle (Hakluyt Edition, I. 177) writing in a.d. 1622, Sultán Khurram after his defeat by JehángíNote 155 · Dela Valle’s Travels, Hakluyt Edition, I. 97. ↑Note 156 · Elphinstone’s History, 507. ↑Note 157 · Herbert’s Travels, 84. Corryat’s Master Herbert was as already noticed named like the traveller Thomas. The two Thomases were distant relatiNote 158 · Khafi Khán in Elliot, VII. 218. ↑Note 159 · Malcolm’s Central India, I. 64. ↑Note 160 · Malcolm’s Central India, I. 78. ↑Note 161 · Malcolm’s Central India, I. 100. ↑Note 162 · Malcolm’s Central India, I. 106. ↑Note 163 · Central India, II. 503. ↑Note 164 · Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34. ↑Note 165 · Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34. ↑Note 166 · Malcolm’s Central India, II. 503. ↑Note 167 · Briggs’ Farishtah, IV. 235 note *. ↑Note 168 · Indian Architecture, 541. ↑Note 169 · Ruins of Mándu, 9. ↑Note 170 · Ruins of Mándu, 9. ↑Note 171 · Ruins of Mándu, 13, 25, 35. Some of these extracts seem to belong to a Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mándu about a.d. 1842, and some to CaptaNote 172 · Murray’s Handbook of the Panjáb, 118. ↑Note 173 · About twenty miles south of Dhár the level cultivated plateau breaks into woody glades and uplands. Two miles further the plain is cleft by Note 174 · From the Jaház Mehel the road winds through fields and woods, gemmed with peafowl and droll with monkeys, among scattered palaces mosques anNote 175 · In front of the gateway of the Great Mosque, in the centre of a masonry plinth about three feet high, stands an iron pillar about a foot in Note 176 · From the Sea Lake, about a mile across the waving richly-wooded plain, bounded by the southern height of the plateau, the path leads to the Note 177 · From the Rewa Pool a path, along the foot of the southern height among noble solitary mhauras and khirnis, across fields and past small clusNote 178 · From the top of the steps that lead to the dell the hill stretches west bare and stony to the Songad or Tárápúr gateway on the narrow neck bNote 179 · The Málwa Sultáns, a.d. 1400–1570.Of early Hindu Mándu, which is said to date from a.d. 313, nothing is known.9 Hind spire stones are built Note 180 · In a.d. 1398 Alp Khán, son of Diláwar Khán, annoyed with his father for entertaining as his overlord at Dhár Mehmúd Tughlak, the refugee monNote 181 · Ah Sháh Hoshang na mund: Alas, Sháh Hoshang stayed not.23Note 182 · On Hoshang’s death his son Ghazni Khán, with the title of Sultán Muhammad Ghori, succeeded. Malik Mughís, his father’s minister, and the minNote 183 · Appendix II. The Hill Fort of Mándu. History The Málwa Sultáns, a.d. 1400–1570. Two years later (a.d. 1445) Mehmúd built at Mándu, and endowNote 184 · In a.d. 1453, though defeated, Mehmúd brought back from Gujarát the jewelled waistbelt of Gujarát, which in a daring charge he had taken froNote 185 · In a.d. 1469 Mehmúd was succeeded by his son and minister Ghiás-ud-dín, to whose skill as a soldier much of Mehmúd’s success had been due. ONote 186 · Of the surprising size and fantastic arrangements of Ghiás-ud-dín’s pleasure city, the true Mándu Shádiábád or Abode of Joy, curious detailsNote 187 · The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him a cloth toNote 188 · So keen was his sense of justice that when one of his courtiers pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of ideal beauty, anNote 189 · The king’s spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler, after thirty years of fighting yearned for rest. For fourteen years neitNote 190 · Ghiás-ud-dín can hardly have shut himself off so completely from state affairs as the story-tellers make out. He seems to have been the firsNote 191 · According to most accounts Násir-ud-dín was led to poison his father by an attempt of his younger brother Shujáât Khán, supported if not orgNote 192 · Násir-ud-dín was succeeded by his younger son (Mehmúd a.d. 1512–1530), who, with the title of Mehmúd the Second, was crowned with great pompNote 193 · Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát, a.d. 1526–1534.In a.d. 1526, by giving protection to his outlawed brother Chánd Khán and to Razí-ul-Mulk, a refugNote 194 · The Emperor Humáyún, a.d. 1534–1535.Mándu remained under Gujarát, till in a.d. 1534, after Bahádur’s defeat by Humáyún at Mandasor, Bahádur Note 195 · In the following year (a.d. 1535) the combined news of Sher Sháh’s revolt in Bengal, and of the defeat of his officers at Broach and Cambay,Note 196 · Local Musalmán Chiefs, a.d. 1536–1542.On Humáyún’s departure three chiefs attempted to establish themselves at Mándu: Bhúpat Rái, the ruler Note 197 · Salím Sháh Súr, a.d. 1545–1553.During the reign of Sher Sháh’s successor Salím Sháh (a.d. 1545–1553), Shujáât was forced to leave Málwa and Note 198 · Báz Bahádur, a.d. 1555–1570.On the death of his father Malik Báyazíd killed his brother Daulat Khán, and was crowned in a.d. 1555 with the tNote 199 · Written by Sháh Budágh Khán in the year a.h. 982–87.94Note 200 · This pleasant building was completed in the reign of the great Sultán, the most munificent and just Khákán, the Lord of the countries of AraNote 201 · Written by Farídún Husein, son of Hátim-al-Wardi, in the year a.h. 982.96Note 202 · On the lofty wall-top of Shirwán Sháh’s Tomb.97Note 203 · In a.d. 1573, with the rest of Málwa, Akbar handed Mándu to Muzaffar III. the dethroned ruler of Gujarát. It seems doubtful if Muzaffar everNote 204 · About a.d. 1590 Akbar’s historian, the great Abul Fazl, described Mándu as a large city whose fortress is twenty-four miles (twelve kos) in Note 205 · Of the country round Naâlchah Jehángír says:105 What can be written worthy of the beauty and the pleasantness of Naâlchah. The neighbourhoodNote 206 · Mándu had for the emperor the strong attraction of abundance of game. Among numerous entries of nílgái or blue-bull shooting the following oNote 207 · Of the mangoes of Mándu Jehángír says: In these days many mangoes have come into my fruit stores from the Dakhan, Burhánpur, Gujarát, and thNote 208 · The rains set in with unusual severity. Rain fell for forty days continuously. With the rain were severe thunderstorms accompanied by lightnNote 209 · The following additional entries in the Memoirs belong to Jehángír’s stay at Mándu. Among the presents submitted by Mahábat Khán, who receivNote 210 · On the 1st of Tír, the fourth month of the Persian year (15th May 1617), the Hindu chiefs of the neighbourhood came to pay their Appendix IINote 211 · The beautiful surroundings of the Ságar lake offered to the elegant taste of Núr Jehán a fitting opportunity for honouring the Shab-i-Barát Note 212 · The Memoirs continue: On Sunday the 9th of Yúr, the sixth Persian month (late July), I went with the ladies of the palace to the quarters ofNote 213 · Jehángír’s stay at Mándu is referred to by more than one English traveller. In March 1617, the Rev. Edward Terry, chaplain to the Right HonoNote 214 · On the 3rd of March, says Roe, the Mughal was to have entered Mándu. But all had to wait for the good hour fixed by the astrologers. From thNote 215 · The demands of so great a city overtaxed the powers of the deserted Mándu. The scarcity of water soon became so pressing that the poor were Note 216 · Terry notices that among the piles of buildings that held their heads above ruin were not a few unfrequented mosques or Muhammadan churches.Note 217 · The pleasant outlying position of Roe’s lodge proved to be open to the objection that out of the vast wilderness wild beasts often came, selNote 218 · On the 12th of March, a few days after they were settled at Mándu, came the festival of the Persian New Year. Jehángír held a great receptioNote 219 · The first of September was Jehángír’s birthday. The king, says Corryat,142 was forty-five years old, of middle height, corpulent, of a seemlNote 220 · Of prince Khurram’s visit Roe writes: A month later (October 2nd) the proud prince Khurram, afterwards the emperor Sháh Jehán (a.d. 1626–165Note 221 · Terry mentions only two buildings at Mándu. One was the house of the Mughal, apparently Báz Bahádur’s palace, which he describes as large anNote 222 · Sháh Jehán seems to have been pleased with Mándu. He returned in a.d. 1621 and stayed at Mándu till he marched north against his father in aNote 223 · The Maráthás, a.d. 1720–1820.In a.d. 1658 a Rája Shívráj was commandant of Mándu.158 No reference has been traced to any imperial visit to MNote 224 · Notices, a.d. 1820–1895.In a.d. 1820 Sir John Malcolm163 describes the hill-top as a place of religious resort occupied by some mendicants. Note 225 · In the time of Álamgír Aurangzíb (a.d. 1658–1707), the ruler of the World, This gate resembling the skies in altitude was built anew. In theNote 226 · The mosque of exalted construction, the temple of heavenly altitude, Whose every thick pillar is a copy of the (pillars of the) Sacred TemplNote 227 · With good omens, at a happy time, and in a lucky and well-started year, On the 4th of the month of Alláh (Ramazán) on the great day of FridaNote 228 · The liege lord of the world. The star of the sphere of glory. The stay of the people. The sun of the zenith of perfection. The bulwark of thNote 229 · Mará mí bín darín ahwál o fikrí khíshtan mí kun! In this plight thou seest me to-day, Thine own turn is not far away.Note 230 · When Kádir Sháh escaped, Sher Sháh on hearing of his flight exclaimed:Note 231 · Bá má chi kard dídí Mallû Ghulám-i-gídí. Thus he treats us with scorn, Mallu the slave base born.Note 232 · To this one of Sher Sháh’s men replied:Note 233 · Kaul-i-Rasúl bar hakk Lá khaira fil abídi. The words of the Prophet are true, No good can a slave ever do.Note 234 · Núr Jehán gar chih ba súrat zanast Dar safi Mardán zani sher afkanast. Núr Jehán the tiger-slayer’s woman Ranks with men as the tiger-slayinNote 235 · Sherafkan, that is tiger-slayer, was the title of Núr Jehán’s first husband Ali-Kuli Istajlu. ↑
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