ODES.—BOOK II.

ODE I.

This Ode is addressed to C. Asinius Pollio, the friend and companion in arms of Julius Cæsar. In B. C. 40 he was consul, and in the following year he was sent by M. Antonius against the Parthini, a tribe of Illyricum, and having defeated and subdued them he was allowed a triumph on his return to Rome. He then betook himself to literature, and practising as an orator in the courts of justice, and speaking in the senate. He patronized literary men, built a library, wrote poetry, particularly tragedies, and composed a history of the civil wars, in most of which he had taken an active part. The Ode was written after hearing Pollio recite part of this work, a practice which he is said to have been the first to introduce among literary men at Rome.

Argument.—The civil wars, their causes, their progress, and their fatal results,—a dangerous task is thine, and treacherous is the ground thou art treading.

Leave the tragic Muse for a little while, and thou shalt return to her when thou hast finished the historian’s task, O Pollio! advocate, senator, conqueror! Even now I seem to hear the trumpet and the clarion, the flashing of arms, and the voices of chiefs, and the whole world subdued but the stubborn heart of Cato. The gods of Africa have offered his victors’ grandsons on the tomb of Jugurtha. What land, what waters, are not stained with our blood? But stay, my Muse, approach not such high themes.

1. Motum ex Metello consule] The foundation of the civil wars is here laid in the formation of the (so-called) triumvirate by Cæsar, Pompeius, and Crassus, which took place in the consulship of Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer, and L. Afranius, A. U. C. 694, B. C. 60. But though this was the first great act of aggression on the liberties of Rome, the civil war did not break out till the year A. U. C. 704, B. C. 50, when Cæsar and Pompeius came to their final rupture. Pollio’s work was in seventeen books, and probably ended with the battle of Actium.

2. modos] The ‘plans’ pursued by the opposing parties.

4. Principum amicitias] The alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, and the subsequent coalition of M. Antonius and Augustus, more than once broken and renewed, and always maintained at the expense of the people’s liberties, and therefore called ‘graves,’ ‘oppressive,’ are here principally referred to. See Plutarch, Vit. Caes. c. 13. Pollio was himself the means of reconciling Antonius and Augustus, in the year of his consulship B. C. 40.

5. Nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus,] See C. i. 2, Introduction. The 29th verse of that Ode, “Cui dabit partes scelus expiandi,” compared with this, makes it probable the two were written about the same time. The plural ‘cruoribus’ is unusual, and savors of the Greek. So Aesch. Supp. 265: παλαιῶν αἰμάτων μιάσμασιν.

6. Periculosae plenum opus aleae,] ‘A task full of hazard,’ literally, ‘full of perilous chance.’ Pollio had been faithful to Julius Cæsar, but after his death had sided rather with M. Antonius than Augustus; and therefore, when the latter had succeeded in putting an end to his rival, and had the entire power in his own hands, it was a bold and difficult task that Pollio had undertaken. It does not appear, however, that he involved himself in any difficulty with Augustus, for he lived quietly to a good old age, dying in his eightieth year at his villa at Tusculum, A. U. C. 758, A. D. 4. It is probable that his history was written with impartiality, and that Augustus was not jealous, and could afford to be otherwise. See Tac. Ann. iv. 34. ‘Aleae’ was the name for dice (see C. iii. 24. 58); here it means ‘hazard,’ ‘risk.’

7. Incedis per ignes] ‘Thou art treading on ashes that cover a smouldering fire,’ like the ashes at the mouth of a volcano, cool on the surface but burning below.

10. mox ubi publicas Res ordinaris] ‘When you shall have finished your history of public events.’ The Greeks used συντάσσειν for writing a book. Plutarch uses σύνταγμα for a book. Ἀνατάξασθαι occurs in the preface to St. Luke’s Gospel, and is thus rendered in the Vulgate translation, “Quoniam quidem multi conati sunt ordinare narrationem.” It seems that Pollio was writing tragedy at the same time with his history, and the style of the one may have affected the style of the other, so that Horace advises him to lay aside his tragedies, in order that he may do justice to his history. As the theme is delicate, and he is well able to adorn it, he should put aside the only obstacle to its proper accomplishment, viz. his tragedies. They were probably of no great merit. None have survived, and he has no credit for them, except with Horace and Virgil, who were under personal obligations to him. See S. i. 10. 42, and Virg. Ec. viii. 10.

11. grande munus] ‘Thou shalt put on the Attic cothurnus, and return to thy lofty task.’ The ‘cothurnus’ was a shoe worn by tragic actors, the use and name of which were borrowed by the Romans from the Athenians. It was usually ornamented with purple, and strapped up the leg nearly to the knee. When worn on the stage, it had a thick sole and a high heel, to add to the actor’s height. Men of rank wore the ‘cothurnus.’ Horace speaks figuratively, when he says that Pollio shall put on the ‘cothurnus,’ meaning that he shall return to writing tragedies (see last note).

16. Delmatico — triumpho] See Introduction.

17. Jam nunc] See C. iii. 6. 23, n. As to ‘cornua’ and ‘litui,’ see C. i. 1. 23, n.

21. Audire — videor] ‘I seem to myself to hear’ (as C. iii. 4. 6), referring to what he had heard Pollio read (see Int.). Cicero uses ‘videor’ with ‘videre’ not unfrequently, as (De Am. 12), “videre jam videor populum a senatu disjunctum.”

23. cuncta terrarum subacta] It is probable that Pollio had given a stirring account of Cæsar’s African campaign, in which he himself served, and that his description had made a great impression upon Horace. The victory of Thapsus, B. C. 46, made Cæsar master of the whole Roman world. ‘Cuncta terrarum’ is equivalent to ‘cunctas terras.’

24. atrocem] ‘stubborn.’

25. Juno et deorum] ‘Juno and all the gods that favor Africa, who had departed helplessly (i.e. after the Jugurthine war) and left that land unavenged, have offered up as an atonement (‘rettulit’) the grandsons of those victors, on the grave of Jugurtha.’ ‘Inferiae’ or ‘parentalia’ were offerings presented by relatives at the tombs of the dead. Ten thousand of the Pompeian army alone fell at the battle of Thapsus. It has been suggested that the Jugurthine, rather than any of the other African wars, is referred to, because Sallust’s history had lately come out, and was attracting much attention.

29. Quis non Latino] In this and the following stanza Horace amplifies a little. But during the civil wars of Julius Cæsar, Spain, Greece, and Africa were scenes of much bloodshed, and Romans fought against each other at Mutina, at Philippi, and at Actium. That the Parthian had heard the crash of Italy in its fall, is a poetical exaggeration, meaning, in plain prose, that the bitterest enemy of Rome had watched her dissensions, and rejoiced in the prospect of her downfall.

pinguior] Comp. Virg. (Georg. i. 491):—

“Nec fuit indignum superis bis sanguine nostro Emathiam et latos Haemi pinguescere campos.”

34. Dauniae] ‘Roman.’ See C. i. 22. 14, n; iii. 30. 11; iv. 6. 27.

35. decoloravere] ‘have deeply dyed.’

38. Ceae — neniae:] ‘The subjects which belong to the Cean Muse.’ ‘Nenia’ is used in various senses by Horace. As a dirge (C. ii. 20. 21); as a night song (C. iii. 28. 16); as a charm (Epod. xvii. 29); as a song of triumph (Epp. i. 1. 63). Here it stands for the melancholy poetry of Simonides of Ceos, who flourished in the sixth century B. C.

retractes] Equivalent to ‘tractes.’ See note on i. 31. 12.

39. Dionaeo — antro] A cave dedicated to Venus, the daughter of Dione.

ODE II.

Horace, meaning to write an Ode on the moderate desire and use of wealth, dedicated it to C. Sallustius Crispus, grand-nephew of the historian, and inheritor of his property. He had previously alluded to him in no terms of praise in Sat. i. 2. 48, but that Satire was written many years before this Ode, and at this time Sallustius was in high favor with Augustus, and possessed of great riches, of which Horace implies that he made a good use.

Argument.—Silver hath no beauty while hid in the earth, Sallustius. Proculeius, for his generosity to his brethren, will live for ever, and the man who rules the spirit of avarice is a greater king than if from Carthage to Gades were all his own. The dropsy grows and grows, till its cause is expelled. Phraates, restored to his throne, is not happy; he only is a king and conqueror who looks on money with indifference.

2. Abdito terris,] Sallustius possessed some valuable mines in the Alps, and to this circumstance Horace seems to refer. The character given of Sallustius by Tacitus (Ann. iii. 30) is rather different from Horace’s description. Tacitus says he was inclined to luxurious living and fine clothes, different from the practice of the old times. Horace inverts the order of the cognomen and gentilician name, as Tacitus frequently does; as, ‘Agrippam Postumum’ (Ann. i. 3), and elsewhere. The eleventh Ode of this book is addressed to Quintius Hirpinus, and the names are inverted, as here.

lamnae] Ovid (Fast. i. 207):—

“Jura dabat populis posito modo consul aratro Et levis argenti lamina crimen erat.”

For examples of syncope, see i. 36. 8, n.

5. Vivet extento Proculeius aevo] C. Proculeius is said to have been brother of Licinius Murena, who, with one Fannius Caepio, entered into a conspiracy against the life of Augustus, and was put to death B. C. 22. See C. ii. 10, Int. Who was the other brother of Proculeius is doubtful, and also on what occasion he assisted them. They may have lost their property in the civil wars, as the Scholiasts say. Proculeius was in great favor with Augustus, and was intimate with Mæcenas (who married his sister or cousin, Terentia), and probably with Sallustius. He was alive at this time, and did not die till after Horace. Proculeius was, like Mæcenas, a favorer of letters, and is so referred to by Juvenal (S. vii. 94). “Quis tibi Maecenas quis nunc erit aut Proculeius?”

6. Notus — animi] Horace’s adaptation of Greek constructions is one of the chief features of his style. He uses ‘metuente’ here in the same sense as in C. iv. 5. 20, “Culpari metuit Fides”: ‘wings that refuse to melt,’ as Icarius’s did. See C. iv. 2. 2.

9. Latius regnes] The only king was the sage, according to the Stoics, and the sage kept all his passions under control. See S. i. 3. 125, n., and below, v. 21.

10. remotis Gadibus] Gades (Cadiz) was taken poetically for the western limit of the world, so that when Horace would say his friend Septimius was willing to go with him to the ends of the earth, he says ‘Septimi Gades aditure mecum’ (C. ii. 6. 1). It was originally, like Carthage, a Phœnician settlement, of which there were many in Spain, whence Horace says ‘uterque Poenus,’ the Phœnicians in Africa and those in Hispania.

17. Phraaten] Phraates was restored to the Parthian throne B. C. 25 (C. i. 26, Introd.). It is called the throne of Cyrus, because the Parthians succeeded to the greater part of the Eastern empire founded by Cyrus the Great. See C. i. 2. 21, n.

18. plebi] See C. i. 27. 5, n. Observe the elision of the last syllable of this verse by the commencing vowel of the next; and see C. ii. 16. 34, and C. iii. 2. 22.

19. populumque, etc.] ‘And teaches men not to use wrong names for things.’

22. propriam] See S. ii. 2. 129, n.

23. inretorto] ‘Who does not look with eyes askance (that is, with longing) at vast heaps of gold?’ Compare Epp. i. 14. 37. “Non istic obliquo oculo mea commoda quisquam Limat.”

ODE III.

The person to whom this Ode is nominally addressed is generally supposed to be Q. Dellius, who, from being a follower, first of Dolabella, and then of Brutus and Cassius, became a devoted adherent of M. Antonius, and his tool, throughout his intrigues with Cleopatra, till shortly before the battle of Actium, when he quarrelled with Cleopatra and joined Augustus, who received him with favor (Plut. Anton. c. 59). Plutarch calls him ἱστορικός. Dellius was called ‘desultor bellorum civilium,’ in allusion to the ‘desultor’ of the circus, who rode two horses at the same time. Horace’s way of giving a name to his odes has been sufficiently noticed and in this, as in other cases, there is nothing to guide us to the person whose name he uses. The Ode is on his usual commonplaces,—moderation, the enjoyment of the present moment, and the certainty of death.

Argument.—Be sober in prosperity or adversity, in sadness or in mirth. What is the use of the shade and purling stream, if we bring not thither wine and flowers, while circumstances and youth permit and life is our own? Soon thou must give up all to thine heir; rich and noble, or poor and humble, we must all come to one place in the end.

2. non secus in] ‘Non secus ac’ is the more usual phrase, but ‘non secus’ may stand alone.

6. remoto gramine] ‘in a secluded grassy spot.’

8. Interiore nota Falerni.] The cork of the ‘amphora’ was stamped with the name of the consul in whose year it was filled, or a label with that inscription was fastened to the vessel, and the ‘amphorae’ being placed in the ‘apotheca’ as they were filled, the oldest would be the innermost.

9. Quo pinus ingens] ‘Quo’ signifies ‘to what purpose,’ as ‘quo mihi fortunam si non conceditur uti?’ (Epp. i. 5. 12).

albaque populus] The Greeks had two names for the poplar,—λευκή, which was white, and αἴγειρος, which was dark. Virgil calls the white ‘bicolor.’ ‘Amant,’ as in C. iii. 16. 10, is used like the Greek φιλοῦσι ‘are wont.’ Virgil has a like expression to ‘hospitalem’ (Georg. iv. 24) “Obviaque hospitiis teneat frondentibus arbor.”

11. obliquo laborat] ‘To what purpose does the flying stream struggle to haste down its winding channel?’ The stream is represented as striving to hurry on, in spite of the obstructions offered by its winding banks. As to ‘trepidare,’ see C. ii. 11. 4. Epp. i. 10. 21.

17. Cedes coëmptis] Compare C. 14. 21, sqq. of this book.

18. lavit,] Horace uses this form, not ‘lavat.’

21. Inacho] The name of Inachus, the earliest mythical king of Argos, appears to have been used proverbially, for we have it again in C. iii. 19. 1.

23. moreris,] This reminds us of Cicero (de Senect. xxiii.): “Commorandi natura deversorium nobis, non habitandi locum dedit.”

25. cogimur,] ‘We are driven like sheep,’ “Tityre coge pecus” (Virg. Ec. iii. 20).

26. Versatur urna] Compare C. iii. 1. 16. “Omne capax movet urna nomen.” The notion is that of Fate standing with an urn, in which every man’s lot is cast. She shakes it, and he whose lot comes out must die. Ovid has imitated this passage (Met. x. 32):—

“Omnia debemur vobis paullumque morati Serius aus citius sedem properamus ad unam. Tendimus huc omnes.”

28. Exilium] This is put for the place of exile, as (Ov. Fast. vi. 666): “Exilium quodam tempore Tibur erat.” The word is only another form of ‘exsidium,’ from ‘ex sedeo.’ ‘Cumbae’ is in the dative case, and is the form usually found in inscriptions for ‘cymbae.’

ODE IV.

This amusing Ode represents a gentleman in love with his maid-servant, and jocularly consoles him with examples of heroes who had been in the same condition, and with the assurance that one so faithful must be, like the slaves of the Homeric warriors, the daughter of a royal house. The name Xanthias must be fictitious, and Phoceus indicates that the person was also supposed to be a Phocian. Why Horace, assuming a Greek name for his real or supposed friend, should also make him a Phocian, is needless to inquire. There may have been a significance in it which has passed away or never existed but for the understanding of the person addressed and perhaps a few intimate friends. Xanthias was a name given to slaves, like Geta, Sosius, &c. in the “Frogs” and other plays of Aristophanes.

Horace was born B. C. 65, and he wrote this Ode when he was just finishing his eighth lustre, which would be in December, B. C. 25.

Argument.—Be not ashamed, Xanthias; heroes have loved their maids before thee,—Achilles his Briseis, Ajax his Tecmessa, and Agamemnon his Cassandra. Doubtless your Phyllis is of royal blood: one so faithful and loving and unselfish is no common maiden. Nay, be not jealous of my praises, my eighth lustre is hastening to its close.

2. Xanthia Phoceu!] See Introd.

3. Briseis] Hippodameia, so called from her father, Briseus, king of Lyrnessus, a town of Troas, taken, with eleven others, by Achilles. He delivered up the spoils for distribution, and got Briseis for his prize (Il. ix. 328, sqq.). Agamemnon took her from him, as a compensation for the loss of his own slave, Chryseis (Il. i. 320, sqq.).

6. Tecmessae;] Tecmessa was the daughter of Teleutas, king of Phrygia, who was killed by the Greeks during the Trojan war, and his daughter became the prize of Ajax, the son of Telamon. Homer alludes to her when he speaks of Αἴαντος γέρας (Il. i. 138). Sophocles, in his play of Ajax, represents her as tenderly attached to him.

7. Arsit — Virgine rapta,] That is, Cassandra, whom Agamemnon chose, when the spoils of Troy were divided among the Greeks. ‘Arsit’ is used by Horace three times with an ablative,—here, in C. iii. 9. 5, and in Epod. xiv. 9; and once as a transitive verb (C. iv. 9. 13): “Non sola comptos arsit adulteri crines”; as it is in Virgil’s second Eclogue: “Formosum pastor Corydon ardebat Alexin.”

10. Thessalo victore] Achilles, whose native country was Phthiotis in Thessaly.

ademptus Hector] ‘the loss of Hector.’ This is from the Iliad (xxiv. 243):—

ῥηίτεροι γὰρ μᾶλλον Ἀχαιοῖσιν δὴ ἔσεσθε κείνου τεθνηῶτος ἐναιρέμεν.

13. Nescias an] ‘You cannot tell but,’—‘You may well believe.’ All that follows, in this and the next stanza, is good-natured banter. See Introd. As to the phrase ‘nescio an,’ ‘I incline to think it is so,’ see Zumpt’s Latin Grammar, §§ 354 and 721. On ‘beati,’ see C. i. 4. 14.

17. Crede non illam] ‘Believe not that she whom thou lovest is of the villanous herd.’

22. Fuge] The same as ‘noli,’—‘do not.’

23. Cujus octavum] See Introd.; and as to ‘lustrum,’ see C. ii. 15. 13, n.

ODE V.

This Ode professes to be a remonstrance with one who is courting a young girl not yet come to womanhood.

Argument.—That girl is too young for a yoke-fellow; as yet, she is like an unbroken heifer, or an unripe grape. She will come to thee of her own accord, when she is a little older; then will she wax wanton, and seek a mate, and thou wilt love her above coy Pholoe or Chloris or Gyges.

5. Circa] The Greeks use περί in this way, ‘occupied with.’

7. Solantis] This is the poetical word for satisfying hunger or thirst, as Virgil (Georg. i. 159): “Concussaque famem in silvis solabere quercu.”

12. Purpureo varius colore] ‘Erelong, autumn with its varied hues will dye the green grape with purple,’ which means, that she will soon be ripe for marriage, as the purple grape is for plucking.

13. feror Aetas] Time is compared to a wild horse, as in Ovid (Fast. vi. 772): “fugiunt freno non remorante dies.” The words that follow mean, ‘she will approach the flower of her age, as you recede from it’; which is expressed thus: ‘the years which time takes from your life, he will add to hers.’ The way of speaking is like that of Deianira, when, comparing her own age and attractions with those of her rival, she says:—

ὁρῶ γὰρ ἥβην τὴν μὲν ἕρπουσαν πρόσω, τὴν δ᾽ αὖ φθίνουσαν.

(Soph. Trach. v. 547, sqq.) It is also explained by those verses in the Epistle to the Pisones:—

“Multa ferunt anni venientes commoda secum, Multa recedentes adimunt.”

(v. 175, sq.)

16. Lalage] This name is formed from λαλεῖν, “dulce loquentem” (C. i. 22. 24).

20. Cnidiusve Gyges,] This name, which is Lydian, Horace employs again (C. iii. 7. 5). This boy is represented as a slave from Cnidus in Caria, and he is said to be so beautiful that, if he were introduced at supper among the girls, the cleverest of the company could not detect him. ‘Discrimen obscurum’ means a difference hard to see.

24. ambiguoque vultu.] Ovid expresses the same ambiguity in the case of Atalanta very elegantly (Met. viii. 322):—

“Talis erat cultus; facies quam dicere vere Virgineam in puero puerilem in virgine possis.”

Boys let their hair grow till they assumed the ‘toga virilis,’ about their fifteenth year.

ODE VI.

Of Septimius, to whom this Ode is addressed, we know nothing, except that he was an intimate friend of Horace’s, as we gather also from the letter of introduction he gave him to Tiberius (Epp. i. 9). He had a house at Tarentum, where Horace probably paid him one or more visits. Beyond this we know nothing of Septimius.

It was probably on or after a visit to Septimius, that Horace composed the twenty-eighth Ode of the first book; and, probably, with the attractions of Tarentum fresh in his mind, he wrote this Ode. He says that, next to Tibur, it is the place where he would choose to end his days. He says the same in Epp. i. 7. 45.

Argument.—Septimius, I would that I might end my days at Tibur, or, if that be forbidden me, at Tarentum. Above all others I love that spot, with its honey, its olives, its long spring, and mild winter, and grapes on Mount Aulon. On that spot we ought to live together; and there thou shouldst lay my bones, and weep over them.

1. Septimi, Gades aditure mecum] That is, ‘who art ready to go with me, if need be, to the ends of the earth.’ See above C. 2. 10, n.

2. Cantabrum indoctum] At any time before B. C. 29, when the Cantabri were first reduced, they could have been called by Horace ‘indoctos juga ferre nostra,’ even though no attempt had been made to impose that yoke. In 29 they were reduced to subjection; in 26 they broke out again, and in the following year they were finally subdued, though an insurrection had to be put down by Agrippa, some years afterwards (see C. iii. 8. 21; iv. 14. 41. Epp. i. 12. 26). They were one of the fiercest of the tribes of Hispania, and the last that submitted to the Romans. They occupied a part of the north coast, between the mountains and the sea.

3. Syrtes] The modern Gulfs of Sydra and Gabis.

5. Tibur] Tibur (Tivoli), which was sixteen miles east of Rome, Horace was in the habit of visiting (see C. iii. 4. 23. Epp. i. 7. 45). He here expresses a great affection for it. Some suppose he had a house there, which, as he nowhere mentions it, is improbable.

Argeo — colono] Catillus, or his brother Tiburtus (see C. i. 18. 2, n.).

7. Sit modus lasso] ‘Lasso’ may be taken with ‘maris,’ etc. (as ‘fessi rerum,’ Aen. i. 178), or absolutely, leaving the genitives to depend on ‘modus’: or the genitives may depend upon both. It is probable Horace is only speaking generally, meaning that the weary need seek no happier resting place than Tibur, or Tarentum.

10. pellitis] This word refers to the practice of covering the sheep with skins, to preserve their wool. The Galæsus (Galaso) flowed through the ager Tarentinus, which was rich in gardens and corn land, as well as in pastures.

11. regnata] Similar passives are found in C. iii. 3. 43, “Medis triumphatis”; iii. 19. 4, “Bella pugnata”; Epod. i. 23, “Bellum militabitur”; S. ii. 5. 27, “Res certabitur”. ‘Regnata’ occurs again in C. iii. 29. 27; and Tacitus (Hist. i. 16) speaks of “gentes quae regnantur.” The word is not used by prose writers of an earlier age than Tacitus. Phalanthus of Lacedæmon headed a body of youths, called from the circumstances of their birth Partheniæ, in migrating from the Peloponnesus into Italy, where they got possession of Tarentum.

15. decedunt] This word is used again in the same sense of ‘giving place to’ in the second epistle of the second book, v. 213: “decede peritis.” The honey of Tarentum or Calabria (iii. 16. 33), and of Matinum (iv. 2. 27) in Italy, of Hybla in Sicily, and of Hymettus in Attica, are those Horace celebrates most. Venafrum (hod. Venafro) the most northern town of Campania was celebrated above all places in Italy for its olives. ‘Venafro’ is the dative case. See C. i. 1. 15, n.

18. Aulon] From the name, we may suppose this was a valley near Tarentum. It gave excellent pasturage to sheep. ‘Baccho’ depends on ‘amicus.’

21. beatae — arces;] Rich heights or hills near Tarentum. ‘Arx’ is akin to ἕρκος, and signifies primarily a fortified place; and fortified places being commonly on heights, ‘arx,’ in a derived sense, came to mean a hill generally.

23. favillam] The practice of burning the dead was not general among the Romans, till towards the end of the republic. Before that, they were usually buried, though burning was known even in old times.

ODE VII.

Pompeius Varus was a companion of Horace’s in the army of Brutus, and fought at Philippi, after which it is probable he followed the fortunes first of Sextus Pompeius and afterwards of M. Antonius, and did not return to Rome till the civil war was over. This Ode was written on his return, to welcome him.

Argument.—O Pompeius, my earliest friend and best, with whom I have served and indulged, full many a day, who hath sent thee back to us, a true citizen of Rome? We fought and fled together at Philippi, but while I was carried off by Mercury, the wave drew thee back into the stormy ocean again. Come, then, pay thy vows unto Jove, and lay thy weary limbs under my laurel. Bring wine and ointment and garlands, choose a master of the feast, for I will revel like any Thracian, for joy that my friend hath returned.

1. tempus in ultimum] During the two years between his leaving Rome and the battle of Philippi, Brutus went through many hard-fought battles with the native tribes in Macedonia and in Asia Minor, as well as in resisting the assumption of his province by C. Antonius, the triumvir’s brother, to whom the Senate had assigned it. ‘Tempus in ultimum’ does not mean so much to the brink of the grave, as we should say, as into extreme danger or need.

3. redonavit Quiritem] This word ‘redonare’ is peculiar to Horace. He uses it again, C. iii. 3. 33. ‘Quiritem’ has particular force as ‘unshorn of your citizenship.’ He had not been ‘capite deminutus.’ See Aesch. Eum. 757, Ἀργεῖος ἁνὴρ αὖθις. The singular ‘Quiris’ is not found in prose-writers. It occurs again in Epp. i. 6. 7.

5. prime sodalium,] ‘Prime’ means ‘earliest and best.’ It is probable that the days Horace enjoyed so much with his friend were spent at Athens when they were both young students. The language does not seem to suit a camp life, especially on such a service as the army of Brutus went through. On ‘fregi’ see C. i. 1. 20, n.

8. Malobathro] Oil produced from an Indian shrub of that name. ‘Syrio’ is only used in the same extended application in which Ovid uses ‘Assyrium’ (Amor. ii. 5. 40): “Maeonis Assyrium foemina tinxit ebur.” See C. ii. 11. 16.

9. Philippos et celerem fugam] ‘the rout at Philippi.’ We need not take Horace too much at his word. He was not born for a soldier, any more than his friend Iccius (C. i. 29); and he could afford to create a laugh against himself as a ῥίψασπις, a coward who runs away and leaves his shield behind him. He had in mind, no doubt, the misfortune that befell Alcæus, as related by Herodotus (v. 95). See C. i. 32. 5, n. There was nothing disgraceful in the flight from Philippi, which Brutus advised and necessity compelled.

11. minaces Turpe solum] All that seems to be meant is, that the bold were struck to the ground.

13. Mercurius celer Denso — sustulit aëre;] Poets were ‘Mercuriales viri’ (C. ii. 17. 29). Horace refers his preservation directly to the Muses in C. iii. 4. 26. He had in mind, no doubt, Paris’s rescue by Venus (Il. iii. 381), and Æneas’s by Phœbus in a thick cloud (Il. v. 344. Aen. x. 81).

14. Denso aëre] ‘a cloud.’

15. resorbens Unda] Like the wave that, just as the shipwrecked man is struggling to shore, lifts him off his feet and throws him back again. See Introd.

17. obligatam] The sacrifice (and feast that followed) which he had vowed, or ought to have vowed if he had not, to Jove.

18. Longaque — militia] Pompeius had probably had no rest for more than thirteen years, beginning with the wars of Brutus, A. U. C. 710, and ending with the battle of Actium.

22. Ciboria] A drinking cup like the pod of an Egyptian bean, of which this was the name. ‘Funde’ means ‘pour upon your head.’ ‘Udo’ is like the Greek ὑγρῷ, ‘supple.’ Theocritus (vi. 68) calls it πολύγναμπτον σέλινον.

23. Unguenta de conchis.] The Romans used fragrant oils and ointments for the hair and body in great quantities, especially at meals, when slaves poured scents on their heads (see C. ii. 11. 15, n. S. ii. 7. 55. Epp. i. 14. 32). ‘Concha’ was the name of a small liquid measure, but it was also used for different shell-shaped vessels.

24. Deproperare] ‘to prepare quickly.’ ‘De,’ as in many other instances, is intensive.

25. Curatve myrto?] Dillenbr. has given a variety of instances in which the enclitics ‘que,’ ‘ve,’ ‘ne’ are added to a word other than that which is to be coupled with the preceding word. There are two examples close to each other in C. ii. 19. 28, 32. Dillenbr. says this construction is adopted advisedly, to give force to the particular word to which the enclitic is added, and to strengthen the connection. The truth of this is more apparent in some other cases than in this; but it is true, and worth observing.

Venus] This was the highest cast of the dice, as ‘canis’ was the lowest. See Tacit. Ann. xiii. 15. As to ‘arbitrum bibendi,’ see above, C. i. 4. 18. ‘Dicet’ is used in the same sense as by Virgil (Georg. iii. 125): “Quem legere ducem et pecori dixere maritum”; where Servius explains ‘dixere’ by ‘designavere.’

28. furere] See C. iii. 19. 18, “Insanire juvat”; Epp. i. 5. 15; both being imitated from Pseudo-Anacreon, θέλω θέλω μανῆναι. The Edoni were a people of Thrace (see C. i. 27. 2).

ODE VIII.

This Ode is probably an imitation from the Greek, or a fancy of the poet’s. It professes to be addressed to a faithless woman under the barbarian name Barine, and complains that, in spite of all her perjury, she continues more beautiful and captivating than ever.

Argument.—Barine, if I could see thee punished for thy false vows, I might believe thee again. But the moment after thou hast forsworn thyself, thou art lovelier and more bright than ever. Perjury, then, is profitable; Venus and her train laugh at it. Fresh slaves follow thee, and the old ones cannot leave thy roof; mothers, and stingy fathers, and new-married brides, are afraid of thee.

1. juris — pejerati] Equivalent to ‘perjurii.’ This expression is not found elsewhere. It is formed by analogy from ‘jus jurandum.’

2. nocuisset] ‘impaired your beauty.’

4. Turpior] ‘plainer,’ or ‘less attractive.’

9. opertos] This word is not used elsewhere for ‘sepultos.’ There was no more common oath than by the ashes of the dead, and the moon and stars. The poet says it is worth while to swear falsely, if such is the reward.

15. Semper ardentes] This seems to be taken from a picture. Moschus (Id. i.) says of the weapons of love, πυρὶ πάντα βέβαπται. ‘Semper’ belongs to ‘ardentes.’

20. Saepe minati] ‘Though they have often threatened it.’

21. juvencis,] This is used as the Greeks would say πώλοις.

22. Senes parei] The frugal fathers fear that Barine will lead their sons into extravagance.

23. Virgines] Like ‘puellae’ (C. iii. 14. 10), this word does not belong exclusively to maids.

tua — Aura] ‘the breeze that sets them towards thee.’ ‘Popularis aura’ (C. iii. 2. 20) is used for the shifting breeze of popular opinion or favor.

ODE IX.

C. Valgius Rufus was a poet of much merit, and appears to have been sad for the loss of a young slave. At a time of public rejoicing (probably at the closing of the temple of Janus, B. C. 24, after the Cantabri had been put down by Augustus, C. ii. 6. 2, n.), Valgius is called upon (as Tibullus was in C. i. 33) to cease from writing mournful verses on his loss, and to turn his thoughts to the praises of Augustus.

Argument.—The rain does not always fall, nor the storms rage, nor the frost continue for ever, Valgius. But thou mournest for Mystes from morning till night. Nestor did not always weep for Antilochus, nor his parents and sisters for Troilus. Cease thy wailings, and let us sing of the triumphs of Augustus.

3. inaequales] This epithet is equivalent to ‘informes,’ ‘shapeless,’ which is a way of expressing anything that is rough (C. ii. 10. 15). See C. i. 7. 15.

The table-lands of Armenia are intensely cold in winter, and covered with snow and ice. The summers are hot and dry.

7. Querceta] The Apulian range Garganus (Monte Gargano) terminated in the bold promontory of the same name, now called Punta di Viesti. It is still clothed with woods, but the forests of Italy are not what they were. See Epp. ii. 1. 202.

9, 10. Tu — ademptum] ‘But thou art ever dwelling in doleful strains upon the loss of Mystes.’

12. rapidum] Any one who has watched the rising of the sun in a cloudless horizon will understand this epithet.

13. ter aevo functus] ‘who had thrice completed the (usual) age of man.’ Cic. (de Senectut. c. 10) says, “Nestor tertiam jam aetatem hominum vivebat.” The foundation for the story is found in Homer (Il. i. 250):—

ἤδη δύο μὲν γενεαὶ μερόπων ἀνθρώπων ἐφθίατο—μετὰ δὲ τριτάτοισιν ἄνασσεν.

The duration of an age cannot now be determined.

14. Antilochum] Antilochus, the son of Nestor and friend of Achilles, was killed by Memnon (Odyss. iv. 188). He was famed for his beauty and manliness, as well as for his filial piety.

16. Troïlon] The death of Troilus, son of Priam and Hecuba, who was killed by Achilles, is related by Virgil (Aen. i. 474), following, not Homer, but some of the Cyclic poets (see A. P. 136, n.), the event having taken place before the time at which the Iliad opens. His sisters were Creusa, Polyxena, Laodice, and Cassandra.

17. Desine mollium] A Greek construction, as ‘abstineto irarum’ (C. iii. 27. 69), ‘abstinens pecuniae’ (iv. 9. 37). Virgil too (Aen. x. 441) takes the same license, ‘tempus desistere pugnae.’ ‘Damnatus laboris’ (C. ii. 14. 19), ‘decipitur laborum’ (C. ii. 13. 38), ‘Ciceris invidit’ (S. ii. 6. 84), are other constructions with the genitive borrowed from the Greek.

20. rigidum Niphaten,] Niphates was a mountain range east of the Tigris. The name means the snow-mountain. Perhaps a part of it may have been covered with perpetual snow. The arms of Augustus were first carried into Armenia in B. C. 20 (Epp. i. 3, Int.); we must therefore suppose Horace to be speaking of conquests to come, as he does in C. i. 12. 53, sqq.

21. Medumque flumen] The Euphrates. ‘Flumen’ is the subject of ‘volvere,’ which verb depends on ‘Cantemus’ (v. 19).

22. vertices,] ‘Vertex’ is perhaps the right word, not ‘vortex,’ as it is generally spelt when applied to water. Quintilian explains how ‘vertex’ passed into its applied meanings thus: “Vertex est contorta in se aqua, vel quicquid aliud similiter vertitur. Inde propter flexum capillorum pars est summa capitis, et ex hoc quod est in montibus eminentissimum. Recte inquam dixeris haec omnia vertices; proprie tamen, unde initium est” (viii. 2).

23. Gelonos] This was one of the tribes on the north bank of the Danube. ‘Intra praescriptum’ means within limits that Cæsar should prescribe them.

ODE X.

Licinius Murena, or A. Terentius Varro Murena, as he was called after his adoption by A. Terentius Varro, was apparently a man of restless and ambitious character, and, as we have seen, paid the penalty of his rashness with his life (C. ii. 2. 5). It is very probable that Horace wrote this Ode to his friend to warn him of the tendencies of his disposition, and to recommend to him the virtue of moderation. All else that we learn from Horace’s poems respecting Murena is, that he was of the college of augurs (C. iii. 19), and that he had a house at Formiæ, where he received Mæcenas and his party on their way to Brundisium (S. i. 5. 37, sq.).

Argument.—The way to live, Licinius, is neither rashly to tempt nor cowardly to fear the storm. The golden mean secures a man at once from the pinching of poverty and the envy of wealth. The loftiest objects fall soonest and most heavily. In adversity or prosperity the wise man looks for change. Storms come and go. Bad times will not continue for ever. Apollo handles the lyre, as well as the bow. In adversity show thyself brave, in prosperity take in sail.

5. Auream quisquis] ‘Whoso loves the golden mean (between poverty and immense riches), is safe and free from the squalor of a crazy roof, is sober and free from the envy of a palace.’

6. obsoleti] That which has gone out of use; therefore, old and decayed. This word has various applications.

9-12. ingens — celsae — summos] These words are emphatic. ‘It is the lofty pine that is oftenest shaken by the winds,’ and so forth. Translate ‘summos montes’ ‘the tops of mountains.’

14. Alteram sortem] The object of ‘metuit’ and ‘sperat.’

15. Informes hiemes] This epithet is like ‘inaequales’ in the last Ode, ‘rough,’ ‘uncouth.’ Compare C. iii. 29. 43:—

“Cras vel atra Nube polum Pater occupato Vel sole puro.”

17. olim Sic erit: quondam cithara] ‘Olim,’ being derived from the demonstrative pronoun ‘illo,’ of which the older form is ‘ōlo,’ or ‘ollo,’ and which only indicates the remoter object, signifies some time more or less distant, either in the past or future. So likewise ‘quondam,’ which is akin to ‘quum,’ an adverb relating to all parts of time, signifies any time not present. Translate here, ‘at times.’

Apollo is almost always represented with a bow and arrows, or a lyre, or both. Homer has many epithets describing him with his bow. The ancients believed him to be the punisher of the wicked and the author of all sudden deaths among men, as Diana (Artemis) was among women. He was the god of music, but got his lyre from Mercury (C. i. 21. 12, n).

22. idem] ‘and yet you.’

23, 24. Contrahes — vela.] The order is ‘Contrahes vela nimium Turgida secundo vento.’

ODE XI.

This Ode is addressed to one Hirpinus, who, if a real person, is quite unknown. The poet bids him cease to trouble himself about distant nations, and put away care, since old age is approaching.

Argument.—Never mind what distant nations are about, nor trouble thyself for the wants of life, which needs but little: youth is going, and age approaching: the flowers and the moon are not always bright: why worry thyself for ever? Let us drink under the shade of yonder tree. Mix wine, boy, and bring Lyde to sing to us.

1. Quid bellicosus] As to the Cantabri, see above, 6. 2, and for the Scythians, i. 19. 10. The description of the Scythian, separated from Italy by the Hadriatic, is not geographically accurate, but Horace does not mean to be very definite (see Introduction).

2. Hirpine Quinti,] The names are inverted, as in C. ii. 2. 3, “Crispe Sallusti.”

3. remittas] ‘Remitto’ has the sense of deferring, here and in other places (as, C. iv. 4. 21, “quaerere distuli”).

4. trepides] This word, the root or stem of which is ‘trep’ (τρέπω), signifies to hurry hither and thither. Hence to be eager or anxious, as here and elsewhere. ‘Usum aevi’ means the wants of life. ‘Be not anxious for the wants of a life that asks but little’: as Goldsmith says,

“Man wants but little here below, Nor wants that little long.”

6. Levis] ‘smooth,’ ‘beardless.’

10. rubens] This word is not commonly used to express the brilliancy of the moon. It has many different applications, as to the moon (here), to the ripe yellow corn, to the golden waters of Pactolus, to the green fields in spring (Virg. Georg. iv. 306).

11. minorem] This, like ἥσσων, signifies ‘the victim of’ or ‘a slave to,’ as we should say.

14. sic temere] ‘Sic’ has a force of its own, signifying ‘carelessly,’ ‘just as we please.’ The Greek οὕτως, has the same force.

15. Canos] Horace, or his friend, or both, had gray hair. He describes himself as prematurely gray, in Epp. i. 20. 24. As to ‘odorati,’ see above, 7. 22, n.

16. Assyriaque nardo] It was not only the poets that confounded Syria and Assyria. Cicero (in Verr. ii. 3. 33) speaks of “reges Persarum ac Syrorum,” for the kings of Persia and Assyria. See also Pliny (N. H. v. 12). Horace uses ‘Syrio’ for an Indian commodity (above, C. 7. 8), “Malobathro Syrio”; and ‘Assyrii’ for the coast of Syria (C. iii. 4. 32), and ‘Assyrius’ for any Eastern person (A. P. 118), “Colchus an Assyrius.” This confusion is easily accounted for by the title of that great division of Alexander’s empire, which embraced the whole of Asia under the dominion of a Syrian monarch.

18. Quis puer] He imagines himself at the banquet, and calling to the slaves to bring wine, which the Romans usually drank mixed with water. See C. iii. 19. 11, n.

19. Restinguet] ‘will temper,’ or ‘dilute.’

21. devium] One who lives out of the way, as (Ov., Heroid. ii. 118) “Et cecinit maestum devia carmen avis.” ‘Fidicinae’ and ‘tibicinae,’ women who played upon the lyre or the flute, were employed at dinners to entertain the company.

23. in comptum] ‘In comptum nodum’ signifies ‘into a plain knot,’ without ornament, such as the Lacedæmonian women wore.

ODE XII.

This Ode is addressed to Mæcenas, and, from the language of it, we might suppose he had asked Horace to write something on a higher subject than he was accustomed to. Horace tells him that his lyre is not suited to wars and triumphs, but he loves to sing of the beauty of Licymnia, under which name it is supposed he means Terentia, the wife of Mæcenas. They may at this time have been lately married, but they did not long continue to live happily.

Argument.—Do not ask me with my soft lyre to sing of bloody wars, of centaurs, and of giants: as for the triumphs of Cæsar, Mæcenas, thou couldst tell them better in prose than I can in verse. My task is to sing of the beauty and faithfulness of Licymnia, who graces the dance and sports with the damsels on Diana’s holiday. Wouldst thou, for all the wealth of Persia, Phrygia, and Arabia, give a lock of Licymnia’s hair, or one of her kisses?

1. Numantiae,] The siege of Numantia, in Spain, by the Romans, lasted, like that of Troy, for ten years, when it was finished by Scipio Africanus Minor, who took the city B. C. 133. The bravery with which the Numantines behaved earned them from their enemies the title ‘feri,’ ‘savage.’

2. dirum Hannibalem,] This epithet is found three times in this connection. See C. iii. 6. 36; iv. 4. 42.

Siculum mare] Alluding to the naval victories of Duilius, Metellus, and Lutatius Catulus, in the first Punic war (see C. iii. 6. 34).

5. nimium mero] This use of ‘nimium’ is common in Tacitus, who also uses it with a genitive, as (Hist. iii. 75), “nimius sermonis erat.” Hylæus was a centaur. As to the Lapithæ, see C. i. 18. 8.

7. Telluris juvenes,] The Gigantes, who were called γηγενεῖς, ‘earth-born,’ made war upon Zeus, and were destroyed by him with the help of Hercules, and the bow and arrows given him by Apollo. Horace gives Bacchus the credit of their defeat in C. ii. 19. 21, sqq., and Pallas in C. iii. 4. 57, where Hercules is not mentioned.

unde] See C. i. 12. 17.

9. tuque pedestribus] ‘But you, rather, in prose,’ and so forth. The conjunction couples this part of the Ode with the preceding, not with what follows. ‘Que,’ after negative sentences, has a qualified adversative sense, as, among other instances (C. ii. 20. 3):—

“Neque in terris morabor Longius, invidiaque major Urbes relinquam.”

So τε often follows οὔτε, the fact being that every negative proposition may be resolved into an affirmative with a negation. Here the connection is between ‘nobis’ and ‘dices.’ Mæcenas was an author, though probably an indifferent one; and Horace may have put off his request that he should write a poetical account of Augustus’s achievements, by suggesting that he should write one in prose. It does not follow that Mæcenas ever wrote, or that Horace ever seriously intended to advise his writing. ‘Pedestribus’ is an adaptation of the Greek πεζὸς λόγος for ‘prose,’ or ‘soluta oratio,’ which latter was the usual expression for prose in Horace’s time. He uses the word ‘pedester’ again twice to express a plain style of speech but not for prose as opposed to poetry (S. ii. 6. 17, and A. P. 95). Quintilian uses the word, but expressly as a Grecism. The word ‘prosa’ or ‘prorsa,’ as its correct form appears to be, is of later use than the age of Augustus.

11. ductaque per vias] This appears to refer to the the triumphs of Augustus noticed in C. i. 2. 49. See also C. iv. 2. 35, n. Epod. vii. 7.

12. Regum colla minacium.] The same as ‘reges minaces.’ Their necks are mentioned in allusion to their humbled pride.

13. dominae] If by Licymnia is meant Terentia (see Introduction), ‘dominae’ may stand for wife, as in Virg. (Aen. vi. 397): “Hi Ditis dominam thalamo deducere adorti.”

14. lucidum Fulgentes] The neuter adjective performs in this and like cases the office of an adverb, which is very common in all languages.

15. bene mutuis] ‘her faithful heart full of love happy and mutual’ (see Introduction).

18. certare joco] ‘to engage in a contest of wit.’

19. nitidis] ‘in festive garb.’

20. Dianae celebris die.] Her festival was held on the ides of August. The dances at her festival were led by ladies of rank (see C. iv. 6. 31. A. P. 232). ‘Choris’ appear to be private, as opposed to the sacred dances. Dancing was not unusual in private society at this time, even among ladies. Therefore it was not degrading to Terentia, who was probably fond of this amusement. Other words used with ‘brachia,’ to express dancing, are ‘jactare,’ ‘deducere,’ ‘ducere,’ ‘mittere,’ ‘movere.’ The graceful motion of the arms seems to have been one of the chief attractions in dancing, as it is still, wherever it is practised as an art.

The expression ‘ferre pedem’ is used by Virgil (Georg. i. 11), and ‘ludere’ (Ec. vi. 27). ‘Dianae celebris die’ is the day on which the temple of Diana was crowded with worshippers. ‘Celebris’ and ‘creber’ are the same word under different forms.

21. dives Achaemenes,] Achæmenes was the great-grandfather of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, and the Achæmenid dynasty of Persian kings, of which were Darius and Xerxes, took its name from him. His name is used here loosely for those kings, but he was not a king himself, though of a noble family. See C. iii. 1. 44. Epod. xiii. 8.

22. Phrygiae Mygdonias opes] See C. iii. 16. 41, n.

23. Permutare] See C. i. 17. 2, n. ‘Crine’ here means a lock of hair.

26. facili saevitia] ‘with complying cruelty’; that is, a cruelty that is only pretended and is easily overcome.

27. poscente magis] ‘more than thou who askest them.’ ‘Occupare’ has the force of φθάνειν, ‘to be beforehand,’ ‘to anticipate,’—‘sometimes she is the first to snatch.’

ODE XIII.

It is impossible to say with certainty when the accident happened which is referred to in this Ode, but there are reasons for supposing it was when Horace was about forty years old, B. C. 25 or 26. It appears that a tree on his farm fell and nearly struck him. In this Ode he describes the danger he had escaped, and abuses the tree and the man who planted it. A year afterwards, we find him celebrating the anniversary of his escape with a sacrifice to Liber (C. iii. 8. 6), and in the 17th Ode of this book (v. 32) he speaks of offering a lamb to Faunus for his preservation.

The latter part of the Ode is a remarkable instance of Horace’s way of digressing into subjects only remotely connected with his principal theme. In speaking of his escape, he is led into a description of the company he should have been brought into if he had been sent so suddenly to Hades, dwelling particularly on Alcæus and Sappho, and the power of their music over the spirits of the dead.

Argument.—Whoever planted thee, thou tree, did so on an evil day, and with impious hand he reared thee. Parricide, guest-murder,—there is no crime he would not commit. No one can provide against all dangers. The sailor fears the sea, and nothing else; the soldier fears his enemy alone; but death comes often from an unexpected source. How nearly was I sent to the regions below, where all the shades wonder, Cerberus listens, the Furies are charmed, and the damned suspend their labors, while Sappho and Alcæus sing.

1. nefasto] A ‘dies nefastus’ was properly one on which, the day being dedicated to religion, it was not lawful for the prætor to hold his court. Ovid thus defines ‘dies fasti’ and ‘nefasti’ (Fast. i. 47):—

“Ille nefastus erit per quem tria verba silentur; Fastus erit per quem lege licebit agi”;

where the three words alluded to are said to be ‘do,’ ‘dico,’ ‘addico,’ all of them familiar and of common occurrence in Roman civil procedure. Hence the name, which is compounded of ‘ne’ and ‘fari.’ And because no secular work but what was necessary could prosper on the days called ‘nefasti,’ all unlucky days came to bear that name as here, and the word was thence applied to express all that was bad, as C. i. 35. 35. The words may be rendered, “he not only planted thee on an evil day (whoever it was that first planted thee), but with impious hand reared thee.” The ‘pagus’ was Mandela, in a valley of the Sabine hills, where Horace had his farm.

6. Fregisse cervicem] This is the ordinary phrase for strangulation. It occurs again Epod. iii. 2. The force of ‘penetralia’ is, that in the inner part of the house the images of the Penates and the hearth of Vesta were placed, where, if anywhere, the person of a guest should be sacred.

10. Tractavit,] This word is sufficient for both substantives. There is no necessity for supplying ‘patravit’ for ‘nefas,’ as Orelli says. The word ‘tractare’ is widely applied.

11. caducum] This word signifies ‘falling’ (iii. 4. 44), ‘fallen,’ or ‘ready to fall.’ More generally the last, as here. Virgil has (Aen. vi. 481): “Hic multum fleti ad superos belloque caduci Dardanidae”; where it means ‘fallen.’

14. in horus] ‘from hour to hour.’

Bosporum] The form of the Greek βοῦς πόρος requires that the name should be written thus, and not Bosphorum, as it is often spelt. The Phœnicians were proverbial as sailors, and the name is so used here.

17. celerem fugam] C. i. 19. 11, n. The defeat of Crassus by the Parthians, B. C. 55, and of M. Antonius, B. C. 36, left a deep and long impression on the Romans.

18, 19. catenas — et Italum Robur;] ‘the bonds and the prowess of the Roman.’ Among the things which the Roman soldier carried to battle with him (an axe, a saw, &c.) was a chain to secure any prisoner he might take. To this Horace probably refers in ‘catenas,’ and below in C. iii. 8. 22.

21. furvae regna Proserpinae] ‘Furvus’ is an old word signifying ‘dark,’ and is not different from ‘fulvus,’ except in usage. It is much used in connection with the infernal deities and their rites. From the same root Festus derives ‘furiae,’ ‘fuligo,’ and other words of the same kind. The first syllable in Proserpina is usually long in other writers.

23. Sedesque discretas piorum] According to the notions of the ancient poets, the great divisions of Orcus were three: 1st, Erebus, the region of darkness and mourning, but not of torment, which lay on the banks of the Styx, and extended thence over a considerable tract towards the other two; 2d, Tartarus, the place of punishment; and 3d, Elysium, the place of happiness. In the first of these Minos presided, in the second Rhadamanthus, and in the third, Æacus. In the Homeric times Elysium was upon earth in the μακάρων νῆσοι. See Odyss. iv. 563, and the Schol. thereon, and C. iv. 8. 25.

24. querentem Sappho puellis de popularibus,] Some of Sappho’s poetry, of which fragments remain, is addressed to her young female friends, and complains with jealousy of their transferring their affections to others. Horace alludes to this. The Æolians settled in Lesbos, Sappho’s native island (C. i. 1. 34), wherefore her lyre is called Æolian.

26. plenius] ‘in grander strains.’

27. Alcaee, plectro dura navis,] See C. i. 32. 6, n. The ‘plectrum’ (πλῆκτρον) was a small stick (gilt or ivory or plain wood) with which the strings of the lyre were sometimes struck, instead of with the fingers.

29. sacro — silentio] ‘Strains worthy of profound (religious) silence.’

30. Mirantur — dicere;] ‘Admire them both, as they sing’; a Grecism for ‘mirantur dicentes.’ ‘Magis’ modifies ‘bibit.’

32. Densum humeris] This is rather an unusual expression for ‘crowded together.’

33. carminibus] This is the ablative case, as (S. i. 4. 28) “Stupet Albius aere”; (S. ii. 7. 95) “Vel quum Pausiaca torpes, insane, tabella.”

34. centiceps] Elsewhere Horace represents Cerberus with three heads, C. ii. 19. 31, and C. iii. 11. 20; in the latter of which places, which greatly resembles this and should be compared with it, he describes him with a hundred snakes guarding his head. Hesiod represents him with fifty heads, but three is the more usual account.

35. intorti] ‘Anguis’ is more commonly feminine than masculine.

36. Eumenidum] This name was given to the Erinnyes, as one of better omen than the other names which they bore. It signifies ‘the kind-hearted’ (εὖ μένος, ‘mens’). From Æschylus downwards they were represented in horrid forms and with snakes in their hair, as here. The Romans called them ‘Furiae,’ and, like the later Greeks, confined their number to three, whose names were Alecto, Megæra, and Tisiphone. See C. i. 28. 17, n.

37. Quin et] ‘moreover,’ or ‘nay, even.’ ‘Quin’ represents ‘qui’ with a negative particle affixed, and is strictly an interrogative, ‘why not?’ or ‘how should it not be so?’ but like οὐκοῦν it is used in direct affirmations, as here and in many other places. As to the punishments of Prometheus and Tantalus, see Epod. xvii. 65, sq. Orion the hunter is mentioned below, C. iii. 4. 71.

38. laborum decipitur] See ii. 9. 17, n. ‘Is beguiled of his sufferings.’

40. lyncas.] Elsewhere this word is only used in the feminine gender. Homer represents the heroes as following in Elysium the favorite pursuits of their lives on the earth. See Odyss. xi. 571, sqq. and Virgil, Aen. vi. 651, sqq.

ODE XIV.

Who Postumus was, or whether it is a real name, is uncertain. The subject of the Ode is the certainty of death, and it ends with a hint upon the folly of hoarding.

Argument.—Time is slipping away, Postumus, and piety will not retard the approach of age or death. No sacrifices will propitiate Pluto, who keeps even the giants Geryon and Tityos beyond that stream which all must cross, even though we expose not ourselves to the dangers of war, the sea, and climate. Thou must leave home, wife, and all thou hast, and thine heir will squander what thou hast hoarded.

1. fugaces] ‘fleeting.’

4. indomitae] The Greek ἀδάμαστος.

5. trecenis quotquot eunt dies] ‘three hundred every day.’

6. illacrimabilem] Here this word is used in an active sense. It is used passively in C. iv. 9. 26: “Omnes illacrimabiles urgentur.” See note on C. i. 3. 32. Compare “Orcus — non exorabilis auro” (Epp. ii. 2. 178).

7. ter amplum] ‘Ter’ expresses the triple form of the monster, “forma tricorporis umbrae” (Aen. vi. 289). He was a mythical king of the island Erytheia (Gades), slain by Hercules (C. iii. 14. 1). Tityos was a giant who, for attempting to violate the goddess Artemis, was killed by Apollo and cast into Tartarus, where vultures devoured his liver (C. iii. 4. 77; iv. 6. 2).

8. tristi Compescit unda,] This is Virgil’s description (Aen. vi. 438),—

“Tristique palus inamabilis unda Alligat et novies Styx interfusa coercet,”—

which is repeated from Georg. iv. 479. Sophocles (Electra, 137) calls it πάγκοινον λίμναν.

9. scilicet] This is in reality a verb, ‘you may know,’ ‘you may be sure.’ It is used as an adverb, ‘assuredly,’ sometimes in a serious sense (as here), sometimes in an ironical.

10. Quicunque terrae munere vescimur,] This expresses the words of Homer, ὃς θνητός τ᾽ εἴη καὶ ἔδοι Δημήτερος ἀκτήν (Il. xiii. 322), οἳ ἀρούρης καρπὸν ἔδουσι (Il. vi. 142).

11. reges] This is Horace’s usual word for the rich, as observed on C. i. 4. 14. ‘Colonus’ was the lessee of a farm, the owner of which was called ‘dominus’ in respect to that property. ‘Reges,’ therefore, are ‘domini.’ A ‘colonus’ might be rich and the tenant of a large farm; but Horace refers to the poorer sort here and in C. i. 35. 6. ‘Inops’ he uses sometimes in an extreme, sometimes in a qualified sense of want, but more generally the latter, as he does ‘pauper,’ C. i. 1. 18, n. The opposition is between high and low, and the difference is one of position, as in the third Ode of this book (v. 21, sqq.). “The small and great are there, and the servant is free from his master.” (Job iii. 19.) This seems to express Horace’s meaning.

15. Frustra per auctumnos nocentem] See S. ii. 6. 18, n. With ‘nocentem’ connect ‘Corporibus.’

18. Cocytos] This was the name of a tributary of the river Acheron in Thesprotia, a part of Epirus. For some reason, these rivers came to be placed in Tartarus, and the Styx was added to them as a third. The language of the text expresses very well the character an infernal stream might be expected to wear.

Danai genus] ‘the family (or children) of Danaus.’ The punishment of the fifty daughters of Danaus is referred to in C. iii. 11.

19. damnatusque longi] ‘condemned to an endless task.’ This follows the Greek construction, καταγνωσθεὶς πόνου, as observed C. ii. 9. 17, n.

20. Sisyphus Aeolides] Homer too calls him Σίσυφος Αἰολίδης, and says he was κέρδιστος ἀνδρῶν, ‘the most gain-seeking of men’ (Il. vi. 153) and Horace calls him ‘vafer,’ S. ii. 3. 21. His punishment (‘longus labor’) was to roll a stone up a hill, down which it always rolled again when it was near the top. (See Epod. xvii. 68.) The cause of this punishment was variously stated in different legends.

23. invisas cupressos] He calls them ‘funebres’ in Epod. v. 18. The cypress was commonly planted by tombs.

24. brevem] ‘Brevis,’ is nowhere else used in this sense of ‘short-lived.’ It corresponds to ὀλιγοχρόνιος and μινυνθάδιος. With this passage compare C. ii. 3. 17, sqq.

25. Caecuba] See C. i. 20. 9, n.

dignior] This is ironical; the heir would at least know that wealth was made to spend, and so would be a worthier possessor than the man who had hoarded it.

27. superbo] The pride of the heir is transferred to the wine. Cicero (Phil. ii. 41) says, “natabant pavimenta mero, madebant parietes.” On the pontifical feastings, see C. i. 37. 2, n. As to ‘pavimenta,’ see notes on S. ii. 4. 83. Epp. i. 10. 19.

ODE XV.

When Augustus had brought the civil wars to an end B. C. 29, he applied himself to the reformation of manners, and Horace probably wrote this and other Odes (ii. 18, iii. 1-6) to promote the reforms of Augustus, perhaps by his desire, or that of Mæcenas. They should be read together, and with C. i. 2. From the reference to the temples in the last stanza, it may be assumed perhaps that this Ode and the sixth of the third book were written about the same time, that is, B. C. 28, when Augustus set himself particularly to restore the public buildings, which had fallen into neglect during the civil wars.

Augustus passed several sumptuary laws to keep down the expensive habits of the rich citizens, regulating in particular the cost of festivals and banquets. But they soon fell into disuse and contempt, as Tiberius, writing to the Senate fifty years afterwards, declared: “Tot a majoribus refertae leges, tot quas divus Augustus tulit, illae oblivione, hae, quod flagitiosius est, contemptu abolitae securiorem luxum fecere.” (Tac. Ann. iii. 54). Horace in this Ode complains that the rich are wasting their means on fine houses and luxurious living, contrary to the example of their forefathers, who were content to live in huts while they built handsome temples for the gods.

Argument.—The rich man’s palaces and flower-gardens and ponds are occupying all our once fertile land. This was not the way of our ancestors, who had but little while the state was rich, who dwelt in no spacious houses, whom the law bade content themselves with a turf-roofed cottage, and beautify the towns and temples with marble.

1. Jam pauca aratro] Tiberius (see Introduction) complained to the Senate that Rome was entirely dependent on the provinces for her corn, and was at the mercy of the winds and waves, which might at any time cut off the supply and reduce the citizens to live on their ornamental woods and country-houses. (Compare Sall. Bell. Cat. 13.) ‘Regiae’ is used in the same way as ‘rex’ elsewhere (see C. i. 4. 14). ‘Regal piles’ are the enormous villas of the rich. ‘Jam’ means ‘soon.’

2. undique latius] Cicero (ad Att. i. 18, 19, 20) complains that some of his contemporaries (‘piscinarii’ he calls them) were so devoted to their fish-ponds (‘stagna’), that they cared more for them than for all the interests of the state, as if this might fall and they still keep their playthings: “Ita sunt stulti ut amissa republica piscinas suas fore salvas sperare videantur” (18). Elsewhere he calls them ‘piscinarum Tritones’ (ii. 9). As to the ‘lacus Lucrinus,’ see A. P. 63, n.

5. tum violaria] This is opposed to ‘tum laurea’ (v. 9).

6. Myrtus] This word is of two declensions. So likewise are ‘quercus,’ ‘laurus,’ ‘pinus,’ ‘cornus,’ ‘ficus.’

omnis copia narium] ‘Every abundance of sweet smells.’ ‘Narium’ is put for the perfumes of flowers. It is not so used elsewhere.

10. ictus.] ‘Ictus’ is used by other poets besides Horace for the fierce rays of the sun. See Ovid, Met. v. 389. Lucretius, ii. 808.

11. intonsi] This is equivalent to ‘antiqui.’ ‘Catonis’ is M. Porcius Cato, called the Censor from the stern way in which he executed the duties of that office, B. C. 184, doing all he could to put down luxurious and expensive habits.

12. Auspiciis] ‘Example.’

13. census] A man’s property was called his ‘census’ because it was rated by the censors once in five years, and the period was called a ‘lustrum,’ because, when this duty was finished, the censors performed a lustration, or sacrifice of atonement for the city.

14. nulla decempedis] ‘Privatis’ agrees with ‘decempedis.’ Horace complains that the private houses of his day had verandahs (‘porticus’) so large as to be measured by a ten-foot rule. Here they dined in the hot weather, and caught the cool breezes of the north. This practice was called ‘coenatio ad Boream.’ ‘Opacam excipiebat Arcton’ is like Virgil’s ‘Frigus captabis opacum’ (Ec. i. 53), where ‘the shady coolness’ means ‘the coolness caused by the shade’: and ‘opacam Arcton’ combines the notions of the north wind and the coolness of the shady side of the house, which was the north side. ‘Metata’ is again used passively in S. ii. 2. 114, but no other writer so uses the word.

17. Fortuitum caespitem] ‘The turf that lies at hand,’ and so, ‘cheap.’ This means cottages roofed with turf, as Virgil says (Ec. i. 69), “tuguri congestum culmine caespes.” ‘Fortuitum’ is equivalent to τὸν τυχόντα. Horace alludes to the ruined state of the temples in C. ii. 18. 2.

ODE XVI.

The person to whom this Ode is addressed, Pompeius Grosphus, is said to have been of the equestrian order. He was possessed of large property in Sicily, of which island he was probably a native. On his return, Horace gave him a letter of introduction to his friend Iccius (Epp. i. 12), in which he speaks highly of his worth. He is not to be confounded with the Pompeius of C. ii. 7 (Introduction). He appears, from the latter part of the Ode, to have been in Sicily when it was written. Perhaps he had written Horace a letter which called up the particular train of thought that runs through the Ode, or had qualities which made it applicable to him. The object of the Ode is to reprove the craving for happiness which has been bestowed upon others.

Argument.—The sailor and the savage warrior alike pray for rest, but wealth cannot buy it. Riches and power cannot remove care from the dwelling. The humble alone are free. Why do we aim at so much happiness in this short life, and run away from home? We cannot fly from ourselves and care. We should be cheerful for the present, and not expect perfect happiness. One man lives many days, another has few. I may have opportunities of happiness which are denied to thee; and yet thou hast ample possessions, and I but a humble farm, a breath of the Grecian Muse, and a contempt for the vulgar.

2. Prensus Aegaeo,] ‘Deprensus’ (‘overtaken,’ ‘caught’) was a nautical term for a ship overtaken by a storm. The storms of the Ægean are mentioned C. iii. 29. 63. ‘Simul’ is the same as ‘simul ac.’

3. certa fulgent] ‘shine distinctly.’

5. Thrace] For ‘Thracia.’ See C. iii. 15. 2, n.

10. Summovet] This is the proper word to express the lictor’s duty of clearing the way. The lictor is called ‘consularis,’ because the consuls were attended by these officers, as were other high magistrates. As to ‘laqueata,’ see S. ii. 3. 273, n.

14. salinum,] See note on S. i. 3. 13. ‘Cupido,’ when it refers to the love of money, is always masculine in Horace.

17. jaculamur] See C. i. 2. 3, n.

18, 19. Quid — mutamus] ‘Why do we seek in exchange’ for our own?

Patriae — exsul] This is another Grecism, πατρίδος φυγάς. Ovid uses the same construction (Met. ix. 409): “Exsul mentisque domusque.”

21. Scandit aeratas] See C. iii. 1. 37, n. ‘Vitiosa’ may be rendered ‘morbid,’ arising from a diseased state of mind. ‘Æratas’ is ‘brazen-beaked.’ Like sentiments are found in S. ii. 7. 111-115. Epp. i. 11. 25, sqq.; 14. 12, sq.

25. quod ultra est] ‘what lies beyond’; that is, ‘the future.’

26. Oderit] This is a strong way of expressing ‘nolit,’ ‘refuse,’ ‘avoid.’

29. cita mors] See C. iv. 6. 4, n. He was destined to an early death, and therefore calls himself μινυνθάδιος (Il. i. 352).

30. Tithonum] Eos (Aurora) obtained for her husband Tithonus the gift of immortality, of which, when old age became too great a burden, he repented, and was taken by her to heaven (see C. i. 28. 8).

31. Et mihi] ‘and perhaps to me Time shall give some blessing he denies to thee.’ He then goes on to compare their respective gifts and means to say that he is as satisfied with his humble condition as Grosphus should be with his riches.

33. Siculae] See Introduction.

35. equa,] Mares rather than horses were used for racing. Virg. Georg. i. 59: “Eliadum palmas Epiros equarum.” As to ‘quadriga,’ see Epp. i. 11. 29, n.

bis Afro Murice tinctae] These garments were called δίβαφα; compare Epod. xii. 21: “Muricibus Tyriis iteratae vellera lanae.” The purple dyes most prized were the Tyrian, the Sidonian (Epp. i. 10. 26), the Laconian (C. ii. 18. 8), and African (Epp. ii. 2. 181). The garment dyed with this color was the lacerna, an outer cloak worn over the toga. It was very costly. What these garments gained in appearance by their dye, they lost in savor; for Martial reckons among the worst smelling objects “bis murice vellus inquinatum.”

38. Spiritum Graiae tenuem Camenae] ‘A slight breath of the Grecian Muse,’ which is a modest way of describing his talents as a follower of the lyric poets of Greece.

39. Parca non mendax] Elsewhere he addresses the Parcae as ‘veraces’ (C. S. 25). The Parcae, who correspond to the Greek Μοῖραι, were goddesses, whose office it was to execute the decrees of Jove (‘fata’), which therefore they knew, and were said sometimes to reveal. They attended men at their birth, and foretold their character and fortunes, and so Horace says Parca gave him the gifts he mentions. The original conception, which Homer adopts, supposed but one Μοῖρα, and Horace uses the singular number. But according to the later notions there were three. See next Ode, v. 16.

malignum] ‘spiteful,’ which Horace says feelingly, for he had suffered from their malice.

ODE XVII.

The last two lines of this Ode, showing that Horace had not yet paid the sacrifice he had vowed to Faunus for his preservation from death, makes it most probable that it was written not long after C. 13 of this book, B. C. 25 or 26. In the same year Mæcenas appears to have recovered from a fever, and to have been received with applause in the theatre on his first appearance after his illness (C. i. 20. 3). But his recovery seems to have been only partial, and it would appear that Horace had to listen to his complaints and apprehensions of death, his fear of which is said to have been great. Horace remonstrates with his friend in an affectionate way about his complaints and apprehensions.

Argument.—Why kill me with thy complaints? I cannot survive thee, Mæcenas; one half of my life being gone, how should the other stay behind? I have sworn to die with thee, and the monsters of hell shall not separate us. Our star is one and the same. The power of Jove rescued thee from the adverse influence of Saturn on that day when thou wert received with acclamations in the theatre, and Faunus at the same time rescued me from death. Offer thy sacrifice and dedicate thy temple, and I will offer my unpretending lamb.

2. amicum est] A translation of the Greek φίλον ἐστί, and equivalent to ‘placet.’

6. altera,] ‘I, the other part.’ Two definitions of friendship by Pythagoras are worth preserving. One is, σώματα μὲν δύο ψυχή δὲ μία, and the other ἐστὶ γὰρ ὣς φαμεν ὁ φίλος δεύτερος ἐγώ. Erasmus (Adag. Neaera et Charmion) speaks of a custom of the Egyptians, among whom it was usual for persons to bind themselves by an oath each not to survive the other, such persons being called οἱ συναποθνήσκοντες. This, if true, corresponds with Cæsar’s account of the Soldurii (B. G. iii. 22).

7. Nec carus aeque] ‘Carus’ requires ‘ipsi’ to be supplied, as (Epp. i. 3. 29), “Si patriae volumus, si nobis vivere cari.” ‘Neither so dear’ (to myself as you were to me), nor surviving with an entire life. Horace and Mæcenas died the same year, and it has been unreasonably surmised, from this coincidence and the language here used, that Horace hastened his own death in order to accompany his friend. (Compare Epod. i. 5.)

11. Utcunque] For ‘quandocunque,’ ‘whenever.’

13. Chimaerae] See C. i. 27. 24.

14. Gyas] This name is sometimes written Gyges. It belongs to one of the giants who made war upon Zeus.

16. Justitiae] Δίκη and the Μοῖραι were daughters of Zeus and Themis, and the former is here introduced as associated with her sisters. See C. 16. 39, n.

17. Seu Libra] What Horace thought of astrology may be collected from C. i. 11. He introduces a little of it here to entertain his friend, showing, at the same time, but little care or knowledge of the subject, and rather a contempt for it. He says whatever the constellation may have been under which he was born, whether Libra, Scorpio, or Capricornus, his star no doubt coincided with that of Mæcenas, for that their fortunes were one.

20. Capricornus] The sun enters this constellation in the winter. It is therefore charged with the storms that then occur, and is called the tyrant of the western wave, as Notus is called the lord of the Hadriatic (C. i. 3. 15).

23. refulgens] Shining in opposition, so as to counteract his influences. Those who were born when Saturn was visible were supposed to be liable to all manner of ills. But the star of Jupiter, if it shone at the same time, would destroy the power of Saturn.

26. Laetum theatris] See Introd.

28. Sustulerat,] The use of the indicative in hypothetical cases of this kind is not easily reduced to rule; but it seems to correspond to the Greek construction of ἄν with the indicative. When the condition is not fulfilled, or is a negative condition, or implies a negation, then the consequent clause may be expressed by the indicative mood, in the pluperfect tense if the action be a complete action and past, in the perfect if it be present. “Sustulerat si non levasset: sed levavit.” Horace’s meaning might be thus expressed: “The trunk had killed me, had not Faunus lightened the blow.” It should be observed, that in sentences of this character the ‘nisi’ or ‘si’ always follows.

Horace was under the particular care of Mercury, the Muses, and Faunus, to each of whom, as well as to Liber (iii. 8. 7), he attributes his preservation on this occasion (C. iii. 4. 27). Faunus or Pan was the son of Hermes or Mercury.

29. levasset] ‘had averted.’

30. Reddere victimas] Mæcenas had vowed an offering, a shrine probably to Apollo, the healer, for his recovery; Horace had vowed a lamb to Faunus (see Introduction).

ODE XVIII.

This Ode, which deals with Horace’s favorite subjects, the levelling power of death, and the vanity of wealth, and the schemes of the wealthy, is dedicated to no particular friend. It is like C. iii. 24.

Argument.—No gold in my roof, no marble in my hall, no palace have I, nor female clients to serve me, but I have honesty and understanding and, though I be poor, I am courted by the rich: what more should I ask of the gods or my friend, content with my single Sabine estate? Days are passing on, and, though ready to drop into thy grave, thou art building and stretching thy borders, and tearing up the landmarks of thy client, and driving him from his home. But to what purpose is this? To Hades thou must go in the end: the earth opens to rich and poor; Prometheus the crafty, and Tantalus the proud, they cannot escape; and the poor man finds in death a release from his toils, whether he seek it or not.

2. lacunar,] See S. ii. 3. 273, n.

3. trabes] ‘blocks.’ The architrave or base of the entablature resting upon a column is probably meant. The marble from Mount Hymettus in Attica was white. The Numidian, referred to in the next verse, was yellowish.

5. Attali] See C. i. 1. 12, n. ‘I have not, a stranger heir, taken possession of the palace of Attalus.’ The meaning is, ‘I have not had the luck to come to an unexpected estate, as the Romans came in for the property of Attalus.’

7. Laconicas] See C. 16. 35, n.

8. honestae — clientae:] ‘respectable dependants,’ which may mean the rustic women on a man’s farms, the wives of the ‘coloni.’ This is not the technical sense of ‘cliens’ or ‘clienta,’ for which see Smith’s Dict. Ant.

10. Benigna vena] ‘a productive vein.’ This metaphor is from a mine.

11. Me petit] ‘seeks my company.’

14. unicis Sabinis] ‘my single Sabine estate.’ Supply ‘praediis.’ The farm which Mæcenas gave him in the valley of the Digentia, among the Sabine hills.

16. interire] This word seems to be an adaptation of φθίνειν, by which the Greek expressed the latter days of the month.

17. Tu secanda marmora Locas] You—i.e. any luxurious old man—‘You enter into contracts for the hewing of marble,’ to ornament your houses, in the way of pillars, wall-coating, and floors. ‘Locare’ may be said either of one who receives or of one who pays money: ‘locare rem faciendam’ or ‘utendam,’ to let out work to be done, or to let a thing (as a house, &c.) to be used. In the former case the ‘locator’ pays, in the latter he receives payment. Here the former is meant. The correlative terms are ‘redemptor’ and ‘conductor.’ See C. iii. 1. 35, n.

20. urges Summovere littora,] Compare with this C. iii. 1. 33, sqq. “Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt.” ‘Summovere’ is to push up or push out farther into the sea by artificial means, and so increase your grounds on which to build. As to ‘Baiae,’ see Epp. i. 1. 83, n.

22. ripa.] ‘Ripa’ is not used for ‘littus,’ ‘the shore of the sea’ (as here), so often as ‘littus’ is used for ‘ripa,’ ‘the bank of a river.’

23. Quid, quod usque] ‘Quid’ and ‘quid enim’ are commonly used to introduce a fresh instance or illustration of what has been said before, or else they carry on the flow of an argument, or something of that sort. It has been usual to insert a note of interrogation after it in these cases, which only makes an intelligible formula unintelligible.

24. Revellis agri terminos] A law of the twelve tables provided against this wrong. “Patronus si clienti fraudem fecerit, sacer esto.” Solomon thus exhorts the rich (Prov. xxiii. 10, 11); “Remove not the old landmark, and enter not into the fields of the fatherless; for their Redeemer is mighty, he shall plead with thee.”

29. Nulla certior tamen] ‘There is no dwelling marked out (or defined) which more certainly awaits the wealthy landlord than the bounds of greedy Orcus.’ Horace means to say, ‘Though you think you may push the boundary of your estate farther and farther, you must go to a home marked out for you, and which you can neither expand nor escape from.’ In ‘destinata’ (agreeing with ‘aula’) and in ‘finis’ is contained the notion of prescribed and fixed limits, in which the force of the passage lies.

34. Regumque pueris,] C. i. 4. 14, n.

35. Callidum Promethea] This story of Prometheus trying to bribe Charon is not found elsewhere.

36. Hic] i.e. Orcus, “non exorabilis auro” (Epp. ii. 2. 179).

37. Tantali Genus] See C. i. 6. 8, n.

38. coërcet] ‘confines.’

40. Vocatus atque non vocatus audit.] Horace’s language is bold, coupling ‘audit’ with ‘non vocatus.’ ‘Functum laboribus,’ ‘when he has finished his labors,’ is derived from the Greek κεκμηκότα.

ODE XIX.

This Ode was perhaps composed at the time of the Liberalia, like the third elegy of the fifth book of Ovid’s Tristia. The scene is laid in the woods, and the poet is supposed to come suddenly upon the party, consisting of Bacchus, with his attendant nymphs and the wild creatures of the woods, all attending with admiration to the god as he sings his own achievements. The poet is smitten with terror, which gives place (v. 9) to the inspiration of the divinity, in virtue of which he breaks out into echoes of all he had heard.

Argument.—Among the far hills I saw Bacchus—O wonderful!—reciting, and the Nymphs learning, and the Satyrs all attention. Awe is fresh in my heart; the god is within me, and I am troubled with joy. O spare me, dread Liber! It is past, and I am free to sing of the Bacchanals; of fountains of wine and milk and honey; of Ariadne; of Pentheus, and Lycurgus; how thou tamedst the waters of the East, and dost sport with the Thracian nymphs; how thou hurledst the giant from heaven, and how Cerberus did crouch to thee, and lick thy feet.

1. Bacchum] The legends and attributes of Bacchus contained in this Ode are entirely of Greek origin. The Romans had no independent notions of this divinity, whose name Βάκχος, ‘the shouter,’ is properly no more than an adjunct of Διόνυσος.

2. docentem — discentes] These correspond to the terms διδάσκειν and μανθάνειν, as applied to the choragus who trained, and the chorus who learnt their parts in the Greek plays.

3. Nymphasque] The Naiades and Dryades (see C. iii. 25. 14). These nymphs were the nurses of Bacchus in his infancy, and are always represented as his companions.

4. Capripedum Satyrorum] The Satyrs are usually confounded with the Fauns, Faunus again being confounded with Pan, who was represented with goat’s feet like the Satyrs. Lucian describes the Satyrs as being ὀξεῖς τὰ ὦτα, but only describes Pan as having the lower extremities like a goat, τὰ κάτω αἰγὶ ἐοικώς. It is vain, therefore, trying to trace any consistency in the poet’s conceptions of these uncouth divinities.

6, 7. turbidum Laetatur] ‘beats wildly.’

9. Fas est] ‘the god permits me.’ Here the poet is supposed to recover from the terror inspired by the god, and to feel that he is at liberty to repeat what he has heard. ‘Fas est’ is equivalent to δυνατόν ἐστι. The power as well as the permission of the god is given. C. i. 11. 1, n.

Thyiadas] The attendants of Bacchus were so called, from the Greek word θύειν, ‘to rave.’

10. lactis — mella;] The same attribute that made Dionysus the god of wine also gave him milk and honey as his types. He represented the exuberance of nature, and was therein closely connected with Demeter. Any traveller in the East can tell of honeycombs on the trees as curiously wrought as any in garden-hives. Virgil says (Ec. iv. 30): “Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella.”

12. iterare] This means ‘to repeat’ what the poet had heard from the god, as he taught the nymphs to praise him.

13. Fas et] ‘Et’ is used by the poets as an enclitic, and put after the word it belongs to, which is not done by the prose-writers.

beatae conjugis] i.e. Ariadne, whose crown is one of the constellations, ‘corona,’ placed in heaven by Bacchus, according to the story recorded in his happy manner by Ovid (Fast. iii. 459-516).

14. tectaque Penthei] Pentheus, king of Thebes (Epp. i. 16. 74), having gone out to see the secret orgies of Bacchus, was torn to pieces by the Bacchanals, with his mother Agave at the head of them.

16. Lycurgi.] See C. i. 18. 8, n.

17. Tu flectis amnes,] The Hydaspes and Orontes, which Bacchus is said to have walked over dry-shod.

19. Nodo coërces] This is a variation of ‘nodo cohibere crinem’ (C. iii. 14. 22). ‘Bistonidum’ means the women of the Bistones, a Thracian tribe. ‘Fraus,’ in this sense of ‘harm,’ occurs again, C. S. 41.

21. Tu, cum parentis] Horace followed some legend not found by us elsewhere in this description of Bacchus changed into a lion and fighting with the giant Rhœtus. As to the wars of the Giants, see notes on C. ii. 12. 6, and iii. 4. 43, 50.

28. Pacis eras mediusque belli.] ‘You were the same, whether engaged in (in the midst of) peace or war’; the same, i.e. as vigorous in war as in the dance or jest.

30. Cornu decorum,] Dionysus was called by the Greeks χρυσόκερως, because he was the son of Jupiter Ammon, called the Horned. This symbol of power, common to the Greeks as well as to all the nations of the East (see the Hebrew Scriptures passim), was adopted from this divinity by Alexander the Great (who professed to be the brother of Bacchus and son of Ammon) and his successors, who have it represented on their coins. Compare C. iii. 21. 18: “Vires et addis cornua pauperi.”

leniter atterens Caudam,] There is a notion of tameness and pleasure in this action. ‘As you came he gently wagged his tail, as you departed he licked your feet.’ ‘Ter-’ is to turn or wag, and ‘adter-’ is to wag at or towards.

31. trilingui Ore] ‘three mouths,’ as ἑκατομπόδων Νηρηΐδων signifies the hundred Nereids (Soph. Oed. Col. v. 717). See note on ii. 13. 34.

ODE XX.

This Ode appears to have been written impromptu, in a mock-heroic or but half serious style, in reply to an invitation of Mæcenas (v. 6). The poet says that he whom Mæcenas delights to honor cannot fail to live for ever, and that he already feels his immortality, and that wings have been given him with which he shall soar to heaven, and fly to the farthest corners of the earth.

Argument.—On a fresh, strong wing shall I soar to heaven, far above envy and the world. Whom thou, dear Mæcenas, delightest to honor, Styx hath no power to detain. Even now my plumage is springing, and I am ready to fly away and sing in distant places, and to teach barbarous nations. No wailings for me; away with the empty honors of a tomb.

1, 2. Non usitata nec tenui — Penna] ‘On no common or mean wing.’

biformis] As swan and poet.

4. invidia major] Horace was not too good to be maligned, but he could rise above it, which is the meaning of ‘major,’ κρείσσων. His birth drew contempt upon him while he held a command in Brutus’s army, and afterwards when he became intimate with Mæcenas (see Sat. i. 6. 46, sqq.); but those who envied tried as usual to make use of him (see Sat. ii. 6. 47, sqq.). He appears in some measure to have outlived detraction, according to his own words (C. iv. 3. 16):

“Jam dente minus mordeor invido.”

6. quem vocas,] ‘whom thou honored by an invitation.’ See Introduction. It was on the strength of such invitations that he affirmed,

“Pauperemque dives Me petit.” (C. ii. 18. 10.)

9, 10. asperae Pelles] Like the skin on a swan’s legs.

11. Superne,] As this is formed from ‘supernus,’ the last syllable would naturally be long; but it is short in Lucretius twice, and the same with ‘inferne.’

13. Daedaleo ocior] Orelli has collected many examples of hiatus like this from Horace, Virgil, and Ovid. See C. i. 28. 24.

15. canorus Ales] The swan. See C. iv. 2. 25, 3. 20. Virgil (Ec. ix. 27) has,

“Vare tuum nomen — Cantantes sublime ferent ad sidera cycni.”

16. Hyperboreosque campos.] There was a mystery attached to the distant regions of the north, to which Pindar (Pyth. x.) says no man ever found the way by land or sea. They did not however neglect the Muses. They were a happy race, ἀνδρῶν μακάρων ὅμιλος; a sacred family, ἱερὰ γενεά, free from old age, disease, and war. These considerations will explain Horace’s meaning.

18. Marsae cohortis] The Marsi were one of the hardiest of the Italian tribes, and supplied the best foot-soldiers for the Roman army, which is hence called ‘Marsa cohors’ (see C. iii. 5. 9).

Dacus — Geloni,] See C. i. 19. 10, n. The Daci were not finally subdued till the reign of Trajan.

19. peritus] Here the meaning is ‘instructed,’ as ‘juris peritus’ is one instructed and skilled in the law. Horace means that barbarous nations will become versed in his writings: ‘mei peritus me discet’ is perhaps the full sentence. But why he should class those who drank of the waters of the Rhone (of which many Romans drank) with the barbarians mentioned, is not easy to understand.

20. Hiber] By Hiber is probably meant the Caucasian people of that name.

Rhodanique potor.] This mode of expression for the inhabitants of a country, as those who drink of their national river, is repeated twice, C. iii. 10. 1, and C. iv. 15. 21.

21. inani funere] That is, a funeral without a corpse. The poet says he shall have taken flight and shall not die. The idea is like that of Ennius in those verses (quoted by Cicero de Senect. c. 20),—

“Nemo me lacrimis decoret nec funera fletu Faxit. Cur? Volito vivu’ per ora virum.”

22. Luctusque turpes] ‘disfiguring grief.’

24. supervacuos] The prose-writers before Pliny used the form ‘supervacaneus.’