Volume 1 — B (continued 3)

Distribution of the Benawas according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.

Dehra Dûn 3

Sahâranpur 2,347

Muzaffarnagar 2,620

Meerut 1,620

Bulandshahr 24

Mathura 63

Agra 31

Farrukhâbâd 10

Mainpuri 8

Bareilly 451

Bijnor 655

Morâdâbâd 755

Shâhjahânpur 32

Pilibhît 8

Bânda 8

Lalitpur 4

Benares 5

Ghâzipur 212

Gorakhpur 84

Basti 1,134

Tarâi 293

Râê Bareli 45

Sîtapur 13

Faizâbâd 62

Bahrâich 10

Sultânpur 201

Partâbgarh 5

Bârabanki 32

Total 10,735

Benbans.—(“Of the stock of Râja Vena.”)—A small sept of Râjputs in Mirzapur and Rîwa. The sept is interesting as an example of the development in quite recent times of a new Râjput sept. There seems to be little doubt that only a couple of generations ago they were Kharwârs, a purely Dravidian tribe, and have developed into Râjputs since they obtained the chiefship of that part of the country. The present Râja has now married into a respectable Chandel family, and his claim to be a pure bred Râjput will doubtless soon cease to be disputed.

2. “Familiar with the use of bows and arrows, and great adepts in laying snares and traps, they are seldom without large supplies of game and flesh of wild animals of all kinds. A variety of birds they keep dried for medical purposes; mungooses, squirrels, and flying foxes they eat with avidity as articles of luxury. Spirituous liquors and intoxicating drugs are indulged in to a large extent, and chiefs of clans assume the title of Bhangi or drinkers of hemp (bhang) as a mark of honour.” They practise all the usual gypsy trades. “In lying, thieving, and knavery he is not a whit inferior to his brother of Europe, and he practises everything that enables him to pass an easy life without submitting to any law of civilized Government or the amenities of social life. The women deal in charms for exorcising the devil, love phylters, palmistry, cupping with buffalo horns, administering moxas and drugs for spleen and rheumatism. She has a charm for extracting worms from carious teeth by repeating indecent verses. They are the only tattooers. At home she makes mats of palm leaves, while her lord alone cooks. Bediyas have no talent for music; Nats and Banjâras have. Firdausi says this was the reason they were exiled to Persia. Bediya women are even more circumspect than European gypsies. If she does not return before the jackal’s cry is heard in the evening, she is subject to severe punishment. It is said that a faux pas among her own kindred is not considered reprehensible. Certain it is that no Bediyâni has ever been known to be at fault with any one not of her own caste. They are fond husbands, kind parents, affectionate children, and unswerving friends. Attachment to their nationality is extreme, and no Bediya has ever been known to denounce his race. Whenever a Bediya is apprehended by a police officer, his clansmen do their best to release him, and if condemned to imprisonment or death, they invariably support his family. He is a Hindu or Musalmân according to the population he lives in. Some are Deists, some Kabîrpanthis, or Sikhs; some take the disguise of Jogis, Faqîrs, Darveshes, Santons, etc. Hence he is called Panchpîri. His dead are usually buried, and his marriage contract is solemnized over country arrack without the intervention of priests, the only essential being the consent of the elders of the clan. Marriage is restricted to his own clan; but kidnapped children brought up in camp are not prohibited. He is very sparing of ceremony; in reply to the exhortations of the bride’s relatives to treat her kindly, he simply declares,—‘This woman is my wedded wife,’ marking her head at the same time with red lead. The bride replies,—‘This man is my husband.’ Incestuous marriages are believed to be common among them. It is said that all Bediyas, whether professing Hinduism or Muhammadanism, worship Kâli. Like the gypsies, they never go to court. Their chiefs (sardârs) have supreme power, and manage their affairs with the help of tribal councils (panchâyat). The punishments are fine, stripes with a shoe, expulsion from caste. The fines are spent in liquor. The chief is generally hereditary, and he is invested with authority over his clansmen, wherever they may be located. This is possible, as the Bediya, though a vagrant, is much attached to his birthplace, and often returns there.”

Domestic ceremonies. 4. During pregnancy the mother generally vows that if she gets over her confinement in safety, she will have the head of the child shaved at some shrine. She is attended at delivery by the Chamârin midwife, and after that by the women of her family. All Beriyas do the chhathi or sixth day ceremony after delivery; some do the barahi or twelfth day rite as well, and if the child be a boy, feed the tribesmen. Adoption is common among them; usually a sister’s son is adopted. There is no ceremony except the distribution of sweets to the kinsmen, and the formal announcement that the adoption has taken place. There is no initiation rite for males; but when a girl reaches puberty, and is prostituted for the first time, the money she earns is spent in drinking and in feeding the other unmarried girls of the tribe, while Satya Nârâyana is worshipped, and verses in honour of him are recited. In a marriage of a virgin girl of the caste, which is very unusual, they follow the orthodox form; when they get hold of some other woman or of a widow there is no ceremony except feeding the clansmen, and until this is done the husband cannot eat the food cooked by her.

5. The caste is in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Farrukhâbâd they touch the left foot of the corpse with fire and then bury it. In Etâwah they cremate the dead and collect the ashes, which they put into an earthen pot, and then bury this in the ground, raising over it a small earthen platform. When they can afford it, they offer at this place some cakes in honour of the dead, which they subsequently consume themselves. They do not employ the Mahâbrâhman; all the death ceremonies are done by the sister’s son or son-in-law of the deceased. They have no regular srâddha; but once a year, on any convenient date, they offer up cakes in the name of their dead ancestors in general, and invite a few of the brethren to a feast.

Religion. 6. Their tribal deities are Devi, Kâliji, and Jwâlamukhi. Many of them also worship a deity called Sayyid, which they understand to represent Muhammad, the prophet. Others visit the shrine of Madâr Sâhib. They seem to depend more on ancestor worship than on any other form of belief. They hardly employ Brâhmans at all except for giving omens at marriages, and it is, of course, only the very lowest Brâhmans who serve them.

Occupation and social status. 7. The Beriya, as we have seen, supports himself to a large extent by prostituting his women. His women loaf about villages and procure information about valuable property for their male relations. He is a pilferer and petty thief, and will steal crops from fields and any uncared-for property which he can find lying about. He makes almost a speciality of stealing the clothes and brass vessels of men who labour in the fields, and a camp of these people is such a pest in a neighbourhood that they would meet with short shrift from the villagers if they were not protected by some landowners, who intrigue with their women, and by goldsmiths and others, who receive stolen property from them. They have also been known to commit more serious crime and attack camel carts and wedding parties at night. They usually begin the attack on a travelling party with a shower of stones, and if this fail to compel them to abandon their goods, they assail them with their bludgeons. In Farrukhâbâd the Gunnar sub-caste carry the regular Kanjar spud (khanti,) with which they dig out young jackals and pass them off as wolf cubs for the sake of the Government reward. They have a vague tradition that they were once Râjputs, and were forced to take to their present means of living by the Muhammadans after the siege of Chithor. But their appearance and physique certainly indicate that they are a branch of the Indian gypsy race, and closely allied to the Sânsiya and his kinsfolk. The women who are prostitutes salute with the word salâm; those who are married use Râm! Râm! When they take an oath they turn to the river and swear by mother Ganges. They are steady believers in the demoniacal theory of disease. When a person falls sick they call in a wizard (syâna), who smokes a huqqa, and with a few incoherent words waves a broom over the patient, and thus scares the ghost. When a patient is attacked by the Evil-eye, they put some thorns of the babûl (acacia arabica) in an earthen pot face downwards; then a shoe is waved over it, and they call out—“Evil glance! leave the sick man!” They eat mutton, goat’s flesh, and pork; not beef, fowls, fish, vermin, or the leavings of other people. But there is reason to believe that when in camps by themselves they are much more catholic in their diet. No respectable caste will eat from their hands, they will eat both kachchi and pakki from the hands of all but the very lowest menials.

Distribution of the Beriyas according to the Census of 1891.

District. Chauhân. Kâmchor. Raghubansi. Others. Muhammadans. Total.

Sahâranpur … … … … 11 11

Meerut … … … … 6 6

Bulandshahr … … … … 3 3

Aligarh … … … 7 1 8

Mathura … … … 2 … 2

Agra 59 140 … 926 96 1,221

Farrukhâbâd 24 8 25 662 22 741

Mainpuri … 32 49 600 … 681

Etâwah 26 … … 779 … 805

Etah 1 39 … 156 … 196

Bijnor … … … 9 1 10

Morâdâbâd … … … 10 … 10

Cawnpur 57 … … 1,033 … 1,090

Fatehpur 90 … … 631 … 721

Bânda 54 … … 190 … 244

Hamîrpur 53 … … 368 … 421

Allahâbâd 7 … … 1,015 2 1,024

Jhânsi 14 … … 113 … 127

Jâlaun 4 … … 38 … 42

Lalitpur 1 … … 147 4 152

Mirzapur 19 … … … … 19

Jaunpur … … … 108 … 108

Ghâzipur … … … … 4 4

Gorakhpur … … … 19 … 19

Basti 4 … … 83 701 788

Azamgarh … … … 89 … 89

Lucknow … … … 192 9 201

Unâo 171 … … 90 12 273

Râê Bareli 794 … … 676 1 1,471

Hardoi … … … 90 … 90

Faizâbâd 227 … … 455 2 684

Gonda … … … 30 … 30

Bahrâich 48 … … 105 7 160

Sultânpur 773 … … 709 2 1,484

Partâbgarh 516 8 … 537 … 1,061

Bârabanki 856 … … 452 9 1,317

Total 3,798 227 74 10,321 893 15,313

2. Of the clans above enumerated the Chandraseniya, Kulhiya, Athbhaiya, and Râwat marry girls of the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, Râthaur, Chandel, Sirnet, Panwâr, Gautam, Raghubansi, Gaharwâr, Tomar, and Gahlot septs. The Taseli intermarry with Râjputs of rank inferior to these. The high class Bhadauriyas give their daughters to the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, and Râthaur septs.

Distribution of the Bhadauriya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.

Sahâranpur 4

Meerut 54

Aligarh 62

Mathura 54

Agra 4,034

Farrukhâbâd 1,490

Mainpuri 1,936

Etâwah 5,387

Etah 239

Bareilly 398

Budâun 300

Morâdâbâd 165

Shâhjahânpur 1,130

Pilibhît 257

Cawnpur 2,533

Fatehpur 933

Bânda 169

Hamîrpur 116

Allahâbâd 421

Jhânsi 371

Jâlaun 596

Lalitpur 36

Benares 363

Ballia 232

Gorakhpur 68

Basti 19

Azamgarh 93

Lucknow 162

Unâo 521

Râê Bareli 1,417

Sîtapur 1,112

Hardoi 609

Kheri 1,266

Faizâbâd 50

Gonda 340

Bahrâich 516

Sultânpur 910

Partâbgarh 366

Bârabanki 298

Total 29,027

2. The name is also applied to a class of dancing girls in the Agra Division.

Distribution of the Bhagats according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.

Sahâranpur 1

Farrukhâbâd 185

Mainpuri 7

Etâwah 12

Etah 127

Bareilly 14

Budâun 11

Bânda 4

Benares 124

Total 485

4. In Sultânpur they are said to marry girls of the septs of the Bhâratipur Chauhâns, Kath Bais and Kath Bisen, and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Chauhâns of Mainpuri, Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli, Gahlot, Sombansi, Râjkumâr, Bandhalgoti, and Bachgoti. In Faizâbâd they marry girls of the Gargbansi and Raghubansi septs, and give girls to the Sombansi, Bachgoti, and Bais.

Distribution of the Bhâlê Sultân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

District. Hindus. Muhammadans. Total.

Sahâranpur 17 27 44

Meerut 20 … 20

Bulandshahr 6,370 4,790 11,160

Agra 59 3 62

Farrukhâbâd 9 6 15

Mainpuri 36 … 36

Budâun 11 … 11

Shâhjahânpur … 9 9

Pilibhît 19 4 23

Cawnpur 11 75 86

Fatehpur 3 … 3

Bânda … 1 1

Allahâbâd 324 18 342

Lalitpur 2 2 4

Benares 15 86 101

Jaunpur 25 3 28

Ghâzipur … 7 7

Gorakhpur 35 64 99

Basti 155 53 208

Azamgarh 122 29 151

Lucknow 17 283 300

Unâo 5 38 43

Râê Bareli 377 372 749

Sîtapur 20 23 43

Kheri 3 108 111

Faizâbâd 757 687 1,444

Gonda 406 352 758

Bahrâich 108 271 379

Sultânpur 8,016 4,607 12,623

Partâbgarh 49 17 66

Bârabanki 329 735 1,064

Total 17,320 12,670 29,990

Distribution of the Bhânds according to the Census of 1891.

District. Hindus. Musalmâns. Total.

Sahâranpur … 12 12

Muzaffarnagar … 50 50

Meerut … 27 27

Bulandshahr … 167 167

Aligarh … 105 105

Mathura … 20 20

Agra … 180 180

Farrukhâbâd 8 101 109

Mainpuri … 80 80

Etah … 112 112

Bareilly … 23 23

Bijner … 32 32

Budâun … 21 21

Morâdâbâd … 75 75

Shâhjahânpur … 57 57

Pilibhît … 11 11

Cawnpur … 12 12

Fatehpur … 79 79

Hamîrpur … 40 40

Allahâbâd … 52 52

Jhânsi … 8 8

Jâlaun … 9 9

Lalitpur … 9 9

Jaunpur … 33 33

Ghâzipur … 84 84

Gorakhpur … 47 47

Lucknow … 43 43

Unâo … 5 5

Râê Bareli … 21 21

Sîtapur … 294 294

Hardoi … 58 58

Kheri … 203 203

Gonda … 1,325 1,325

Bahrâich 6 385 391

Sultânpur … 75 75

Partâbgarh … 25 25

Bârabanki … 120 120

Total 14 4,000 4,014

4. So Nakula lived on the milk of the cow in the jungle until he grew up, and then the cow died. As he was lamenting her loss, a voice came from heaven, “Do not grieve! You, Bâlnîk, are destined to be the progenitor of those who make fans (sûp) and sieves (chhalni) from the hide of the cow. These you will sell and teach the world the art of grinding and sifting flour for bread.”

5. Thus Nakula or Bâlmîk became an ascetic, and taught the people the art of making bread; so he was called Sûpach Bhagat, from the sûp or winnowing fan, which he invented. Here it may be incidentally remarked that Sûpach appears to represent the Sanskrit Svapâka or “dog-cooker,” who in early Hindu literature is one of the most degraded classes, and is ranked with the Chandâla.

6. When he had accomplished his mission he retired from the world and entered the hole of a snake. When Râma was on his journey to Ceylon in search of Sîta, he halted near the place. The smoke of his fire disturbed the holy man, who came out in a rage, and the followers of the hero worshipped him in the form of Bânbhisûr, “the lord of the ant-hill” (bânbhi, Sanskrit, Vâlmîka, an ant-hill). When Bâlmîk heard of the capture of Sîta he was consumed with rage, and began to kill every Brâhman who came within his reach. He started for Prayâg (Allahâbâd), and halted somewhere near Gopiganj, in the Mirzapur District, and thence he was called Chandâla. Parmeswar took pity upon him, and, in order to save his soul, sent Guru Nânak from heaven, who won his confidence by relating to him all the events of his past life. He then asked Chandâla, “For whose sake dost thou commit these excesses?” “For the sake of my wife and children,” he answered. Guru Nânak then said:—“Go and ask your wife if she is willing to lay down her life for your sake.” She refused, and Chandâla was so disgusted with the world that he turned his thoughts to Parmeswar, and settled down at this place as an ascetic, and from him the place was called Chandâlgarh, the present Chunâr. He was known by the Muhammadans as Gada, or “the mendicant,” and the hillock on which he lived is known as Gada Pahâr to the present day, and is one of the places of pilgrimage of the Bhangis.

7. Remembering the sins of his life, no one would touch Chandâla; so Guru Nânak brought him to the Triveni, or sacred junction of the Ganges and Jamuna, at Prayâg. There he told him to stand in the water and utter the words Râma! Râma! But all he could say was, Mâra! Mâra! “Stricken! Stricken!” So Nânak went to Chandâla’s wife and told her that as long as she lived her husband had no chance of absolution. She consented to die for his sake, and by the mercy of Parmeswar, she and her husband were transported to heaven. She left two sons, Kâlu and Jîwan.

8. In those days Râja Kesava reigned at Kâshi or Benares. A relation of his, who bore a bad character, died, and no one would remove his corpse. The servants of the Râja suggested that this duty might be imposed on the sons of Chandâla. The Râja sent for Kâlu, who consented to perform the task. In return for his services he was given the monopoly of burning all the bodies on the Benares Burning Ghât. He married a poor woman, and, in default of issue, adopted two sons to follow his profession. In time he became very rich, and then he succeeded in making a slave of Râja Hari Chand or Haris Chandra. He was so pious and god-fearing that he used daily to pay the expenses of the marriage of a poor Brâhman’s daughter. One day, as he was hunting, a poor Brâhman asked him to pay for the marriage of his daughter. He replied:—“My treasury is at your service.” “This will not suffice,” answered the Brâhman, “without the wealth of Kâlu as well.” So the Râja said:—“Sell me to Kâlu for all his wealth.” Thus the Râja became Kâlu’s slave, and his Râni wandered over the world. After some time Râotâr, son of Hari Chand, died, and the Râni, his mother, brought his corpse to the Ghât, where her husband was a slave, to be burned. The Râni could not pay the usual fee, and she at last offered to give half her sheet instead. But, before she could perform this last act of piety, Parmeswar was moved to pity, and carried off the Râja, Râni, and Kâlu, to heaven, where they are still. Their adopted sons became the progenitors of the race of the Doms or Chandâlas. The Bhangis are the descendants of Jîwan, the elder brother.

9. Jîwan, in want of a livelihood, began to wander in the jungle. By chance he came across the army of Alexander the Great, and was employed by him to remove the filth and night-soil of his camp. When the Greek army was at Delhi, one day, Lâl Beg, an incarnation of the Almighty, came and begged alms at the door of Jîwan. He treated him so hospitably that Lâl Beg said—“How can I requite your kindness?” “I am childless,” answered Jîwan, “bestow on me a son.” So Lâl Beg kicked Jîwan seven times, and said:—“For every kick thou shalt have a son;” and so it was. Alexander, who was also childless, when he heard of this miracle, called Jîwan, and giving him a horse ordered him to fetch Lâl Beg to his presence. Lâl Beg refused to go, and calling for the Qâzi of Delhi, ordered him to sacrifice the horse of Alexander, and when he had done so gave him a leg for his trouble. Then Lâl Beg disappeared, and when Alexander heard what had happened he threatened to hang Jîwan unless he could produce either Lâl Beg or the horse. Lâl Beg appeared, restored the horse to life, and rode it to the palace. He ordered Jîwan to bring the three-legged horse before Alexander. When the Emperor saw the horse he asked what had become of the fourth leg. “It is with your Majesty’s Qâzi,” answered Jîwan. The Emperor was wroth, and ordered them to drown Jîwan in the Jumna. One of his sons became a Muhammadan like Alexander, and he was the progenitor of the Shaikh or Musalmân Bhangis. Another disappeared on the way (râh) to the river, and his descendants are the Râwat Bhangis. A third hid himself in a paddy (dhân) field, and from him are sprung the Dhânuks. The fourth hid in a grove of bamboos (bâns), and from him came the Bânsphors. The fifth saved his life by swimming (helna), and his descendants are the Helas. The sixth son escaped by holding on to an earthen pot (hânri), and he was the father of the Hâris. Jîwan and his seventh son walked beneath the water till they came to Amritsar, and from them come the Lâlbegi Bhangis.

11. According to another legend, in the beginning was chaos; the Almighty created Bâlmîkji, and he was placed on duty to sweep the stairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion, said to Bâlmîkji:—“Thou art getting old; I will give thee something to reward thee.” Next day Bâlmîkji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and there, through the mercy of Providence, he found a boddice (choli). He brought it to his house, and laying it aside attended to his other work. By the omnipotence of God, from this boddice was born a male child. When Bâlmîkji heard the voice of the child he went to the foot of the heavenly staircase and said—“Almighty God! a son has been born from the boddice given to thy servant.” He was told in reply—“This is a Guru given unto thee.” Bâlmîkji then said that he had no milk for the child. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path to get it to nurse the child. God, moreover, said that he had created out of Lâ illâha ill allâho (“there is no God but God”) Lâl Beg, and his name should be Nûri Shâh Bâla. Bâlmîkji descended from heaven and came to this earth and saw a female hare (sassi) suckling her young. He caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lâl Beg drank her milk, and was nourished and grew up. From that time sweepers are forbidden to eat the hare, a prohibition possibly based on totemism. The Almighty declared Lâl Beg to be the Guru, and that in every house a temple of two-and-a-half bricks would be reared to him, and for this reason a temple of two-and-a-half bricks is built in front of the house of every pious sweeper.

12. Another legend tells how the holy prophet (Hazrat Paighambar), saint (Mehtar) Ilias, or the Prophet Elias, attended at the Court of Almighty God, where many prophets were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed, and finding no room to spit in, he spat upwards, and his spittle fell upon the prophets. They all felt disgusted and complained to Almighty God, who directed that he should serve throughout the world as a sweeper. Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet should be created in the world to intercede for him, and it was ordered that such a one should be born. According to the order of the God of Mercy he came into the world and took to sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of forgiveness. One day, the great saint, Barê Pîr Sâhib, Pîr-i-Dastagîr, or Sayyid Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, took his coat (chola) off, and gave it to Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher (matka), and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the great saint asked him why he did not wear the coat. He answered—“My work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some lucky day.” The great saint said—“Wear it to-day, and come to me.” He agreed, and went to open the pitcher, but it was shut so fast that he could not open it. He came to the saint and said that the pitcher would not open. The saint said—“Take my name and say to the pitcher that the Pîr Sâhib calls you.” Mehtar Ilias went and did as he was bidden, and putting the pitcher on his head brought it to the saint. The saint said, Nikalâo, Lâl Beg, “Come out quickly, my boy” (Lâl is “My dear boy,” beg means “quickly”). Immediately out of the pitcher came a fair man wearing red clothes, and the saint said to Lâl Beg:—“This was the order of Almighty God that you should be the prophet of the sweepers and intercede for them at the day of judgment.” Mehtar Ilias took him home, and placing him under a nîm tree filled his pipe for him (a custom of the sweepers to the present day towards their religious teachers) and worshipped him. Lâl Beg became at once invisible, and Mehtar Ilias went to the great saint and told him the story. The great saint said that Lâl Beg had disappeared because he did not approve of his religion. “However, worship him, and he will intercede for you.” He then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do penance, and said—“In the first age the ghatmat (vessels worshipped to represent Lâl Beg) will be golden; in the second, they will be of silver; in the third, copper; in the fourth, earthen.” This is why the sweepers now worship vessels of earth, and believe in Lâl Beg as their prophet.

13. Another form of the legend connecting Lâl Beg with Benares and Chunâr is thus told:—In the beginning Bâlmîk went to Ghazni Fort and did penance there. A barren Mughal woman came to visit him and ask for a son, and promised that if one were given her, she would dedicate him to his service. In short, by the intercession of Bâlmîk, she gave birth in due time to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When he grew up she took him and dedicated him to Bâlmîk, according to her promise. Bâlmîk afterwards took him to Benares. The ninety-six millions of godlings that inhabit Benares had turned the Chandâlas out of the home of the gods, and placed them at Chandâlgarh or Chunâr. When Bâlmîk was in Benares he saw that in the mornings when the sweepers came from Chandâlgarh to sweep the city, they used to sound drums before entering it, and that the inhabitants, who were really godlings, used to hide themselves in their houses to avoid seeing them. When they had finished sweeping they again sounded drums, and then the people came out of their houses and went on with their business. When Bâlmîk saw this, he could not hide himself, and asked the people why they avoided seeing sweepers. The people answered—“Because they are sweepers it is unlawful for us to look upon them.” Bâlmîk out of pity gave up his life for them. When he died, blood and matter oozed from his body, so that no Hindu could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of Benares went to Chandâlgarh to call a sweeper, and saw them all there. The sweepers came into Benares and threw the body of Bâlmîk into the Ganges. But the Hindus found the body lying in the same condition in another house, and called the sweepers again. Again the sweepers threw the body into the Ganges and went home. A third time the body was found in a house in Benares, and the people were astonished, and calling the sweepers saw all their faces. Afterwards Bâlmîk appeared in a dream to an inhabitant of Benares, and told him that as long as the people refused to see the sweepers his body would not leave the city. Ever since then the people have not hidden themselves from the sweepers. The sweepers took the body from the city, for the last time, and Bâlmîk told them to take it to Chandâlgarh. And it is said that when the body reached Chandâlgarh all the mat huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold; but this was in the age of gold.

14. Still another Panjâb legend of Lâl Beg tells that he was the son of Shaikh Sarna, a resident of Multân, who left that place in the train of his spiritual master for Sadhaura, in the Ambâla District, where he devoted himself to the worship of the saint Pîran Pîr, Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, who lived from 1078 to 1166 A.D. Shaikh Sarna had no child, and some one referred him to Bâlmîk, who then resided at Ghazni. Whereupon the Shaikh set out for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he approached the place he came across a girl, named Pundri, feeding swine, and when he asked her where Bâlmîk was, she said that she was his daughter. On this the Shaikh offered to watch her swine if she would take his wife to her father, to which she agreed. When she returned she saw that two young pigs had been born during her absence, and asked the Shaikh Sarna to carry them home for her, which he did. Meanwhile his wife had so won over Bâlmîk by her devotion, that he asked her what she wanted, and she answered, “a son.” So Bâlmîk promised her a son, whom she was to call Lâl Beg. After nine months she gave birth to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When Lâl Beg was twelve years old his mother dedicated him to Bâlmîk, and sent him to the saint on an elephant. He served Bâlmîk with heart and soul, and the saint was so pleased with him that he made him chief of all his disciples. Lâl Beg then proceeded to Kâbul and Kashmîr, accompanied by Bâlmîk and all his followers. On arrival at Kâbul and Kashmîr, Lâl Beg told his followers to go and beg in the cities, but the people would not allow it. So they complained to Lâl Beg, who told them, after consulting Bâlmîk, to fight the people, and with the help of the saints and all the gods Lâl Beg gained the victory and took possession of Kâbul and Kashmîr.

15. After establishing his authority Lâl Beg placed one of his followers, named Sultâni, a native of the place, on the throne, and then went to Thanesar, where Bâlmîk died. His tomb is still worshipped as a shrine. Lâl Beg subsequently went with all his followers to Delhi and founded the Lâl Begi religion, dividing his followers into five sects—Lâl Begi, Shaikhri, Dumri, Heli, and Râwat.

16. Another legend shows more decided traces of Hindu influence. One day Siva became very drunk, and the procreating principle (madan) escaped from him. Parameswar took it in his hand and assumed the form of a man, put some of it in the ears of Anjana, and so Hanumân was born. He then rubbed some of it on a red stone, and Lâl Beg sprung forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum), whence came Sarkandnâth. Then on some cow-dung (gobar), whence came Gobarnâth. And lastly he washed his hands in a river, where a fish swallowed some of the principle, and brought forth Machhandranâth, the preceptor of Guru Gorakhnâth.

17. To close this long account of sweeper hagiology, Lâl Beg’s father was a Mughal, and had no children. He heard that Bâlmîk, who could help him, was living in a jungle not far from him; so he prayed to him and had in due time a son, whom he named Lâl Beg. About this time the Pândavas were making a great sacrifice (jag) which they could not complete, and a saint (Mahâtma) had told them that the sacrifice would be useless unless Bâlmîk came to complete it. So one of them mounted a heavenly chariot and found Bâlmîk in the jungle covered with leprosy; but he took him in his chariot, and brought him to the sacrifice. Draupadi had prepared all the food necessary for the sacrifice, and had distributed it to all present. Everybody but Bâlmîk had a taste of the thirty dishes in turn; but Bâlmîk collected all his share together and gobbled it down in two-and-a-half mouthfuls. Now, properly, the sound of a shell (sankha) from heaven ought to have been heard for every grain of food eaten before the sacrifice was properly completed. But now only two-and-a-half sounds were heard, when Bâlmîk consumed his share. The reason for this was that Draupadi was angry because Bâlmîk would not eat. However, as a sound had been heard, the sacrifice was considered complete. After this Bâlmîk gave power to Lâl Beg over all Hindustân, and ordered all the sweepers and scavengers to worship him for the accomplishment of their prayers.

18. Out of this mass of legend, which might be easily increased, very little can be gathered as to the actual personality of Lâl Beg. According to Sir H. M. Elliot, Lâl Guru is the name of the Râkshasa Aronakarat; but it is very doubtful who this personage was. Aruna is the title of the dawn, and Lâl or “red” may be a translation of this word. Major Temple hazards the speculation that Lâl Beg may represent Lâl Bhikshu, or the “red mendicant,” which would bring the origin of the cultus to the era of Buddhism. The connection, again, of the worship with Bâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, who is said to have received the banished Sîta into his hermitage on the Chitrakûta hill, in the Bânda District, where he educated her twin sons, Kusa and Lava, is at present inexplicable. But it serves as an additional example of the extraordinary mixture of all the mythologies out of which so much of modern Hinduism is made up.

Tribal organization. 19. As might have been expected from what has been already said, the ethnological classification of the Bhangis is not very easily fixed. The last Census classifies them under five main sub-castes: Bâlmîki, derived from the tribal saint whose legends have been already given; Dhânuk, which, though allied to the Bhangis, has been treated as a distinct tribe; Hela, Lâl Begi, and Patharphor, or “stone-breaker.” Of the word Hela more than one explanation has been given, of which none can be regarded as certain. We have given already the folk etymology, which makes it out to mean a person who saved his life by swimming (helna). Others say that hela means a “cry,” and that they were so called because they were town criers, a function which the Bhangi usually still discharges in Northern India. According to another theory, again, it is derived from hilna, in the sense of “to be domesticated”; others again derive it from hel, “a basket load,” or hel or hil, “filth, mud.” One list from Benares divides the caste into nine endogamous sub-castes,—Shaikh, Hela, Lâl Begi, Ghâzipuri Râwat, who trace their origin from Ghâzipur, and take their name from the Sanskrit râja-dûta, or “royal messengers,” Hânri or Hâri, who appear to be so called because they pick up bones (Sanskrit, hadda) and other rubbish, Dhânuk, Bânsphor, and Dhê. Of these, according to the Benares account, the Lâl Begis have their head-quarters at Amritsar and Delhi; the Râwats at Agra, Mainpuri, Meerut, Ghâzipur, and Dînapur; the Shaikhs at Mirzapur and Delhi, and the Helas at Calcutta.

20. The detailed Census lists supply no less than thirteen hundred and fifty-nine sub-castes of Hindu and forty-seven of Muhammadan Bhangis. It is impossible with our existing knowledge to attempt anything approaching a complete analysis of this mass of names. Many, however, fall into two groups: first those connected by name at least with some tribe or occupational and well-known caste. Such are the Bâgri, Bais, Baiswâr, Bâlakchamariya, Bargûjar, Barwâr, Bhadauriya, Bisensob, Bundeliya, Chamariya, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhîpi, Dhelphor, Gadariya, Jâdon, Jâdubansi, Jaiswâr, Jogiya, Kachhwâha, Kâyasthbansi, Kinwâr, Sakarwâr, Tânk, Thâkur Bais and Turkiya. Others, again, clearly take their names from their places of origin, such as the Antarbedi, “those of the Duâb,” Bilkhariya, Banaudh, Baranwâr, Bhojpuri Râwat, Ghâzipuri Râwat, Jamâlpuriya, Jamunapâri, Janakpuri, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, Katheriya, Manglauri, Mânikpuri, Mainpuri, Mathuriya, Mehtarânpuri, Mukundpuri, Multâni, Nânakpuri, Sayyidpuri, Sarwariya, and Ujjainwâl or Ujjainpuriya.

21. Of the more important local sub-castes, we find in Dehra Dûn, the Badlân and Nânakshâhi; in Sahâranpur, the Barlang, Chanahiya, Machal, and Tânk; in Muzaffarnagar, the Bhilaur, Deswâl, Gahlot, and Soda; in Bulandshahr, the Bachanwâr, Baiswâr, Bhadauriya, Bhagwatiya, Bhokar, Chandâliya, Chauhân, Chauhela, Chunâr, Dhakauliya, Garauthiya, Janghârê, Jasnubali, Nauratan, Nirbâni, Panwâri, Phûlpanwâr, Râthi, Rolapâl, Shaikhâwat, Tarkhariya, Turkiya, Ujjainpuriya, and Ujjainwâl; in Aligarh, the Chutelê, Kalawata, Kharautiya, Kothiya, Kausikiya, and Mathuriya; in Mathura, the Soda; in Mainpuri, the Pattharwâr; in Etah, the Churelê, Katheriya, Mathuriya, and Patthargoti; in Bareilly, the Bargûjar, Dankmardan, Janghârê, Katheriya, and Rajauriya; in Bijnor, the Gangwati; in Morâdâbâd, the Barchi, Bargûjar, Bhumiyân, Deswâli, Multâni, and Rajauriya; in Shâhjahânpur, the Katheriya; in Cawnpur, the Basor and Domar; in Fatehpur, the Sûpa Bhagat; in Allahâbâd, the Bilkhariya; in Jhânsi, the Domar; in Ghâzipur, the Râwat; in Basti, the Audhiyâr, Desi, and Dom; in Lucknow, the Bânsphor; in Unâo, the Turaiha; and in Sultânpur, the Dom.

22. Of the Benares sweepers, Mr. Greeven writes:—“In Benares, only the Lâl Begi, Shaikh Mehtar, and Hela, with a few Râwats, are found. All sub-castes, including Lâl Begis, who acknowledge a Musalmân hero, claim to be Hindus, with the exception of the Shaikh Mehtars, who call themselves Muhammadans. These pretensions are, however, equally rejected by Hindus, who exclude them from temples, and by Musalmâns, who exclude them from mosques. The distinction between Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars is purely religious, and an elaborate legend admitting the common origin has been invented to explain why Mazhabis, who are Lâl Begis converted to Nânakshâhi doctrines, do not object to eating with Shaikh Mehtars. Only Lâl Begis and Râwats eat food left by Europeans, but all eat food left either by Hindus or Musalmâns. The Shaikh Mehtars alone, as Musalmâns, circumcise, and reject pig’s flesh. Each sub-caste eats uncooked food with all the others, but cooked food alone (kachchi, pakki). Only Helas refuse to touch dogs. Shaikh Mehtars and Lâl Begis alone admit proselytes. No sweeper touches the corpse of any other caste, nor, within his caste, of any sub-caste, except his own. While to the west of Delhi they are willing and regard it as their function to sweep streets and burn corpses, in Benares they profess, on the authority of a legend, to abandon streets to Chamârs, corpses to Doms. In fact, sweepers by no means endorse the humble opinion entertained with respect to them; for they allude to castes, such as Kunbis and Chamârs, as petty (chhota); while a common anecdote is related to the effect that a Lâl Begi when asked whether Musalmâns could obtain salvation, replied—“I never heard of it, but perhaps they might slip in behind Lâl Beg.”

23. Further he goes on to say:—“Each sub-caste of sweepers is endogamous, but within each sub-caste are certain exogamous stirpes (gotra). Thus the Lâl Begis admit three exogamous stirpes—Kharaha, ‘hare’; Pattharâha, ‘stone’; and Chauhân.” These sections, it may be noted, are almost certainly totemistic. Thus the Kharaha section will not eat the hare; the Pattharâha will not eat out of stone vessels. We shall notice later on another explanation of this; in fact, as in the case of the Dhângars, each of these minor castes is constantly working out fresh explanations of their totemistic sections, and this is probably the explanation why it is now so difficult to trace this form of tribal organisation among the castes of Upper India. Mr. Greeven adds that besides these sections a special section has been created by spiritual ministers (bâba), who proudly declare that, just as kingship is not confined to any special classes, so they have abandoned their section, but not their sub-caste. This special section, though recruited from three exogamous sub-divisions, is endogamous.

24. Another account of these Benares sections may be given. These are said to be Chauhân, who connect themselves with the Râjput sept of the same name; Chuhân, who are named from chûha, “a rat”; Kharaha, “a hare”; Patthara, “a stone”; Pathrauta, who profess to derive their name from a kind of vegetable known as pathri-kâ-sâg.

26. Again, in Mirzapur, the Bhangis name seven endogamous sub-castes: Halâlkhora, who are said to be so called because they support themselves by honest labour and do not eat the leavings of others; Lâl Begi, Râwat, Domar, who are like Doms; Hinduaiya, who are supposed to be so called because they are Hindus and more precise in the observances of the faith than other Hindu sweepers; Kirtiya, who are said to have been originally Hindus and to have been converted (kirtiya) to Islâm.

27. In Lucknow, again, their endogamous sub-castes are given as Bânsphor, Hela, Râwat, Hâri, Dhânuk, Lâl Begi, Shaikh or Shaikhra, Chûhra, and Dom.

28. In Bareilly, the Bhangis are reported to have four exogamous sections,—Khariya, who are perhaps the same as the Kharaha of the Benares list, Dalwariya, Tânk Mardân, Singha.

29. In Mirzapur another name for the Hela sub-caste is said to be Mâlwar, which the members say is derived from their profession of keeping hogs. They may possibly be akin to the Mâl of Bengal.

30. Lastly, Sir H. M. Elliot names the Bhangi sections (gotra) as Baniwâl, Bilpurwâr, Tânk, Gahlot, Kholi, Gagra, Sarohi, Chandâliya, Sirsawâl, and Siriyâr. Some of these are the names of Râjput septs; others are apparently taken from the place of their origin. It has as yet been found impossible to identify the exact part of the country in which these sections prevail.

Traditions of origin. 31. Beyond the legends already given in connection with Lâl Beg, the Bhangis do not appear to have any very distinct traditions of their history. The Lâl Begis of Benares undertake occasional pilgrimages to Amritsar, which they consider to be their home. The Bhangis of Mirzapur refer their origin to Jaunpur. They make occasional visits to the village of Surhurpur, where they worship at the tomb of a Muhammadan Faqîr named Makhdûm Shâh. On the other hand, the Hindu Helas make pilgrimages to the temple of Kâlika Mâi, in the village of Lokhari, in the Bânda District. They attend a special fair held in honour of the goddess on the thirtieth day of Chait, at which, as at the shrine of the goddess Vindhyabâsini Devi at Bindhâchal, they have the ceremonial shaving of their sons performed, and offer pigs, goats, rams, and a libation of spirits. They have also a preference for arranging marriages, and taking their barbers from this place, which they regard as their original home. The Benares Lâl Begis all collect at what is called the Panchâyat Akhâra sacred to Guru Nânak, near the Sivâla Ghât, in the city, for the decision of all social matters. There is, lastly, the Gada Pahâri at Chunâr, to which reference has been already made, which is a well-known resort for the Bhangis of the eastern part of the Province.

Tribal council and caste discipline. 32. The Bhangis have a most elaborately organised tribal council. Thus, the Lâl Begis of Benares, to follow Mr. Greeven’s account again, have a semi-military organisation modelled on that of the British Cantonment in which they are employed. Their headman is known as Brigadier Jamadâr, whose office, though in theory elective, is in practice hereditary, so long as the requirements are fulfilled. These are chiefly: on election to provide two dinners for the whole sub-caste, sweetmeats, to the value of fourteen rupees, to be distributed among them, and two turbans to each president as below described. Within the sub-caste the administrative unit is the “company” (bera), of which in Benares there are eight, viz., the Sadar, or those employed by private residents in Cantonments; the Kâlê Paltan, who serve the Bengal Infantry; the Lâl Kurti, or “Red Coats,” who are employed by the British Infantry; the Teshan, or those employed at the three Railway Stations of Cantonment, Râjghât, and Mughal Sarâi; the Shahr, or those employed in the City; the Râmnagar, who take their name from the residence of the Mahârâja of Benares, whom they serve; the Kothiwâl or “Bungalow men,” who serve residents in the Civil Lines; and lastly, the Genereli, who are the survivors of the sweepers who were employed at headquarters when Benares was commanded by a General of Division. Under the Brigadier each “company” has four officers (sardâr) as follows:—The Jamadâr or President, the Munsif or Spokesman, the Treasurer or Chaudhari, and the Nâib or Summoner. As with the Brigadier, these offices, though supposed to be elective, are practically hereditary, provided that the candidate can afford to present one dinner to the whole sub-caste, and one turban to each of the Presidents. Under these officers every member of the company is designated a private soldier (sipâhi); and out of these a ministerial officer is appointed under the title of the messenger (piyâda).

33. At a meeting of the council a private may, with much respect, interrupt proceedings to direct attention to anything irregular. On the conclusion of the evidence, the three inferior officers in each company confer together until they arrive at a unanimous decision, which, through their spokesman, they submit to their President. When each President is unanimous with his assistants, he confers with the Presidents of the other companies, and when all eight Presidents are unanimous they confer with the Brigadier, who, if he agrees with them, delivers the final decision. In case of disagreement, the disputed question must be argued out, or further evidence adduced, until the disagreement is removed. Mr. Greeven adds:—“As there is no record or evidence of judgment, it may well be inquired how it is possible, except by accident, ever to obtain a unanimous decision amongst thirty-three human beings. In point of fact, however, the issues are of so simple a character and, therefore, so fully within the compass of the private soldiers, that public opinion is very powerful, and, as in cases of dead-lock, oaths are administered to the dissentient officers, the practical result follows that where an officer, in spite of an oath, persists in blocking the decision of a dispute by a corrupt, or perverse, or even unpopular verdict, he is liable to be dismissed from his office, or even expelled from the brotherhood. The subordinate officers decide according to the verdict of the private soldiers, and a President rarely persists in opposition to his subordinate officers, while the Brigadier accepts the opinion of the Presidents almost as a formality.”

34. When any dispute arises, the aggrieved party, depositing a process-fee (talabâna) of a rupee-and-a-quarter, addresses his summoner, who, in company with the Treasurer, and through the medium of the spokesman, refers the matter to the President. Unless the question is so trivial that it can be settled without caste punishments, the President fixes a time and place, of which notice is given through the messenger, to the summoners of the other seven companies. Within each company the messenger, who is remunerated with one-and-a-quarter annas out of the process-fee, carries round the notice to each private soldier.

35. Only worthy members of the caste are allowed to sit on the tribal matting and smoke the tribal pipe (huqqa). The proceedings begin with the spreading of the matting, and the pipe is passed round. The members sit in three lines, and in the following order of precedence:—The Brigadier Jamadâr, each batch of four officers of the eight companies arranged as follows,—the President to the right, next the spokesman, treasurer, and summoner, and behind them all private soldiers. Each party to the dispute, in charge of the messenger of his company, is cross-questioned individually by the eight spokesmen, who then proceed to examine the witnesses adduced by the litigants, and any persons acquainted with the facts of the case.

36. The punishments inflicted by the council are of three kinds,—fines (dând); compulsory dinners (bhog, khâna); and outcasting (kujât karna). Non-compliance with an order of fine or entertainment is followed by expulsion. Fines are always multiples of one-and-a-quarter, which is a lucky number. The formal method of outcasting consists in seating the culprit on the ground and drawing the tribal mat over his head, from which the turban is removed. The messengers of the eight companies inflict a few taps with slippers and birch brooms from above. It is alleged that unfaithful women were formerly tied naked to trees and flogged with birch brooms, but that, owing to the fatal results that occasionally followed such punishment, as in the case of the five kicks among Chamârs, and a scourging with a clothes line, which used to prevail among Dhobis, the caste has now found it expedient to abandon such practices.

37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his expense.

38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President (Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.

Marriage rules. 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste, provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage. Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste, but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact, all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the Helas. The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.

40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs, and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi), and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but the wife is not treated as an out-caste.

Initiation. 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren, and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats distributed among those present. This ceremony is known as the chauki. Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit, or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered before the holy volume. The present head of the community at Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak, and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—

Sonê kâ ghât; sonê kâ mât;

Sonê kâ ghorâ; sonê kâ jorâ;

Sonê kî kunjî; sonê kâ tâlâ;

Sonê kâ kiwâr; lâo kunjî; kholo kiwâr;

Dekho dâdâ Pîr kâ dîdar.

Marriage ceremonies. 42. The following account of the ritual in force in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract (nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between” (bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom, except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).

The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies, in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot (gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When, however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake, in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.

43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with music, to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm leaves.

44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father, usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.

45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway. From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole. On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are lowered.

46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a present.

47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle (châdar) of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as Mân, does this office.

48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary, for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the bridegroom and his father.

49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.

50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber, washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife, until appeased by a present.

51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket, with a basket of fruit and flowers between them. To overcome their modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride (dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress (maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.

Divorce. 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation. Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis. The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of the penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.

Birth ceremonies. 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. Among the Lâl Begis the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.

Death rites. 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing; while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths. The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli), or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the mound, until forty days after the funeral.

55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and, if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.

56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats, rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary, to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class mendicant, usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed, while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume (granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and when it has once been broken the ghost is released.

57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites, for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri) containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree. They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies. In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.

59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis. They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.

60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow, Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if Hindus, the festivals of the faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.

Social rules. 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri). The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence. Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus. No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals, scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word salâm only.

Occupation. 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially they are the lowest of the low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs. The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an indifferent character.

63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa) each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact most of the cases which come before the council relate to disputes of this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.

Distribution of the Bhangis according to the Census of 1891.

District. Bâlmîki. Dhânuk. Hela. Lâl Begi. Pattharphor. Others. Muhammadans. Total.

Dehra Dûn 59 … … 746 … 2,662 … 3,467

Sahâranpur 95 … 72 6,057 … 23,890 5 30,119

Muzaffarnagar 378 258 … 16,128 … 13,093 … 29,857

Meerut 4,770 … … 30,297 … 23,402 91 58,560

Bulandshahr … … … 2,859 … 27,939 … 30,798

Aligarh … … 64 8,228 766 20,186 … 29,244

Mathura … 14 57 1,231 … 11,953 31 13,286

Agra … … … 10,707 47 5,031 663 16,430

Farrukhâbâd … … … 5,840 53 1,259 3 7,155

Mainpuri … … … 8,870 484 682 … 10,036

Etâwah … … 1,069 4,042 127 913 45 6,196

Etah 27 … 8 4,612 4,662 4,042 … 13,351

Bareilly … … … 8,925 … 5,807 … 14,732

Bijnor 43 … 11,399 … 1,286 … 13,148

Budâun … … … … … 17,337 … 17,337

Morâdâbâd 32 210 … 11,199 … 13,187 14 24,642

Shâhjahânpur … … … 5,146 53 2,409 225 7,833

Pilibhît … 1 … 3,200 … 1,170 8 4,379

Cawnpur … 65 392 3,698 … 2,356 63 6,574

Fatehpur … 222 556 33 2 3,016 46 3,875

Bânda … … … … … … 11 11

Hamîrpur … … 139 … … 183 41 363

Allahâbâd … … 1,790 556 … 6,359 644 9,349

Jhânsi … … 36 1,444 72 826 180 2,558

Jâlaun … … … 951 … 1,326 531 2,808

Lalitpur … … … 123 … 455 133 711

Benares … … … 144 … 1,126 812 2,082

Mirzapur … … 144 13 … 378 930 1,465

Jaunpur … … … … … 15 1,751 1,766

Ghâzipur … … … … … 1,360 477 1,837

Ballia … … … … … 1,348 120 1,468

Gorakhpur … … 300 38 … 1,466 2,025 3,829

Basti … … … … … 2,315 1,095 3,410

Azamgarh … … … … … 13 1,772 1,785

Kumâun … … … … … 692 … 692

Garhwâl … … … … … 126 … 126

Tarâi 275 … … 2,116 … 390 … 2,781

Lucknow … 675 313 766 … 2,867 1,424 6,045

Unâo … 798 457 8 … 390 20 1,673

Râê Bareli … … 480 … … 693 14 1,187

Sîtapur 6 39 … 2,747 … 1,186 305 4,283

Hardoi … … … 4,496 … 1,027 … 5,523

Kheri … … … 3,522 18 557 84 4,181

Faizâbâd … 5 654 417 … 426 1,212 2,714

Gonda … … 685 932 … 246 130 1,993

Bahrâich … 1 … 809 … 687 586 2,083

Sultânpur … … 761 … … 1,145 593 2,499

Partâbgarh … … … 4 … 1,553 433 1,990

Bârabanki … … … 1,446 … 35 818 2,301

Total 6,105 2,288 7,977 1,63,751 6,284 210,792 17,335 4,14,532

2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.

Distribution of the Bhântus according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.

Agra 3

Bareilly 17

Budâun 98

Morâdâbâd 2

Ghâzipur 12

Kheri 9

Sultânpur 231

Total 372

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G. I. C. P. O.—No. 17 S. to G. N. W. P.—2–11–95.—500.