Volume 33 — PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO
James Alexander Robertson translation
By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522
Source: Our transcript is made from the original document which exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.
Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.
[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO] [FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]
Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſto de Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo. Antonio Pigafeta,1 patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],2 to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,3 renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord.4
Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmo et exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdo monsor. franco chieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL episto di aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mare occeanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comre de sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopa vna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qi de ſoto intendera v exa sa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandola quando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna graca mi donno et recomando. Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,5 with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),6 and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,7 who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship, I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.8 Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,9 a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”],10 [who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure,11 finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement,12 you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, although you are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.13
Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno alto fuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqi ſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eL vento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la pa nel principio de la nocte La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La ta nel fine tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli el po era del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo to del maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capo genneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri. The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.14 These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they call farol.15 He always carried that farol set at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and called sparto rope16 which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together. If he showed two lights besides that of the farol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall.17 If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;18 after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.19 Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.20 When he desired to alter his course, he showed two;21 and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight,22 and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master.23 Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.24
Luni a x d̃ agusto go de ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi Poi venirono ad un alto q̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqi ꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capi ꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcune coſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capo genneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto. On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,25 (and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.26 Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.27 It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port.28 From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.29 Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish30 [providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any31 woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.
Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni Sapera vr̃a IlLma sa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de alta habondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano. We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.32 On the 26th33 of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood.34 We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso35 to get pitch,36 staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];37 but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.38
Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in 14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqi Jnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqi noſti q̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqi chiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto. At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south,39 and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus for many days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.40 Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,41 before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked,42 all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious.43 When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes called tiburoni [i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,44 although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night,45 with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour46 blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm.47
Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo. vn altra quando la femina vol far li oui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li alti vcelli et nõ de alto Si como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad alti vcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alti congregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola. I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the female wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.48
Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Sto auguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate. qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta lucia et in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li alti quãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle. After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west49 until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin50 which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of the anta,51 which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.52 For a king of diamonds [danari],53 which is a playing card, they gave me 654 fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day, and on that day had the sun on the zenith;55 and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.56
Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissa et piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme. e deL re de portugalo li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Lalto a legni groſſi fanno foco infra eſſi in tera in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte. vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro. fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua morto Suo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deL ſuo figliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala. qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono: doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gati maimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta. hanno porci q̃ ſopa La ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandisso piacere vederli Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quando ajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ. That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,57 put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,58 and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years.59 They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they call boii60 and sleep in cotton hammocks called amache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of those boii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,61 and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,62 hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.63 Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,64 who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed her son, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,65 he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio,66 who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are: doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,67 have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,68 while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots, and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful.69 They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.70 They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,71 and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.72 The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.73 The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.74 But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure75 to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76 It had been about two months since it had rained in that land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.77 Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.
Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ alto ſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supa la camera deL maiſto et victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo. At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.78 One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action.79
Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin. AL miglio. Maiz Alla farina. hui AL hamo. pinda AL cortello tacse Al petine chigap Alla forfice pirame AL ſonaglio Jtanmaracz Buono piu q̃ bono tum maragathum Some words of those people of Verzin80 For Millet maiz for Flour hui for Fishhook pinda for Knife tacse for Comb chigap for Scissors pirame for Bell itanmaraca Good, better tum maragathum
Steſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume de acqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li alti suoi haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li alti portoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dento nella terra ꝓ paura de noi Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi. in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle. ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de sta maria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui. We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees81 toward the Antarctic Pole, where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends.82 He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width.83 A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.84
Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale. nõ volano et viueno de peſe eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſi como viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele. le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et sta chiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna. Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves.85 Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf, with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.
Partendone de qi ariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capo gñalle Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqi capili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho. era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, le gambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn alta pietra. Lo capo genneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quato de li noſti homini ꝓ terra da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſti et mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſti corſe doue ſtauano li alti Se miſſeno in fila tuti nudi ariuando li noſti a eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa li noſti li feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto. queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando le vedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati anno le tete longue mozo brazo. ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre menavano quato de qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze. li noſti ne canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj. Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.86 We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,87 singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same, actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet into the presence of the captain-general. When the giant was in the captain-general’s and our presence, he marveled greatly,88 and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.89 He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That animal has a head and ears as large as those of a mule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.90 His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.91 In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,92 and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.93 The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink, and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four94 of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were, who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them, they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made from the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had nothing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter are not so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their husbands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. They led four of those young animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals.
Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſti pima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſti et dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capo gñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li alti et tanto trata bile et gratioſo. ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouani como nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima. poi eL capo gñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capo gñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li alti ma piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy. Six days after the above, a giant painted95 and clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,96 and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When the captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. He was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths97 and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni. He uttered [the words] “Jesu,” “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria” and “Jovani” [i.e., John97 as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captain-general, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us.
Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quato de queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente JL capo genneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se alta mente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqi ſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capo gñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li alti duy voleuano ajutarli ma iL capo nõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciua laſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capo pur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli alti dui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſti doue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto Lalto tanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſti lo ferirono vn pocho ſopa la teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li alti duy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora ma ne lalba parloro a le donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece. lalto menaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della. li noſti ſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere. A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them—the youngest and best proportioned—by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.98 Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us.99 The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.100 He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrapped about them with their hands.101 The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly for Setebos102 to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured103 was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women, and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.104 The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman105 that night, but determined to sleep there, for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,106 but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke107 to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.108 Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives.
Quando queſta gente ſe sente malle aL ſtomacho in loco de purgarſe se metẽo nela golia dui palmi et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro ꝟde miſquiade cõ ſangue ꝓq̃ mangiano certi cardi Quando li dole eL capo Se danno neL fronte vna tagiatura neL trauerſo et cuſſi nele brace ne le gambe et in ciaſcuno locho deL corpo cauandoſſe molta ſangue. vno de qelli hauiuão pre ſi q̃ ſtaua nela nr̃a naue diceua como qeL ſangue nõ voleua ſtare iui et ꝓ qello li daua paſſione anno li capeli tagliati cõ la quierega amodo de frati ma piu longui cõ vno cordonne di bambaso intorno lo capo neL qalle ficano le freze quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro deL corpo ꝓ lo grandiſsimo fredo. Quando more vno de queſti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti ne vedeno vno ſoura altri asay piu grande gridando et facendo piu grã feſta cosi como eL demonio li apare de pinto de qella Sorte ſe depingeno quiamano eL demonio magior ſetebos ali alti cheleulle anchora coſtui ne diſſe cõ ſegni hauere viſto li demonj con dui corni in teſta et peli longui q̃ copriuano li piedi getare focho ꝓ La boca et ꝓ iL culo JL capo gñale nomino queſti populi patagoni tutti ſe veſtino de la pelle de qello animale gia deto nõ anno case ſenon trabacque de la pelle deL medeſimo animale et cõ qelli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q̃ la quiamão chapae ogni vno de li dui q̃ pigliaſſemo mangiaua vna ſporta de biſcoto et beueua in vna fiata mezo ſechio de hacqua et mangiauão li ſorgi ſenza ſcorti carli. When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,109 they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more110 and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it is left longer;111 and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head, to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.112 When one of those people die, x or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others, and he cries out and rejoices more.113 They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,114 and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.115 They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no houses except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani116 do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae.117 Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them.
Steſſemo in queſto porto el qaL chiamaſſemo porto de sto. Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue acadetenno molte coſe. Açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma sa ne ſapia algune fu q̃ ſubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le altre quato naue ordinorono vno tradimẽto ꝓ amazare iL capo genneralle et queſti erano eL vehadore de Larmata q̃ ſe chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL theſorero alouise de mendoſa eL contadore anthonio cocha et gaſpar de cazada et ſquartato eL veador de li homini fo amazato lo theſorʒ apognialade eſendo deſcoperto Lo tradimento de li alquantj giornj gaſpar de caſada ꝓ voler fare vno alto tradimẽto fo ſbandito cõ vno prete in queſta tera patagonia. eL Capo generale nõ volſe far lo amazare perche Lo imperator̃ don carlo lo haueua facto capo Vna naue chiamata ſancto Jacobo ꝓ andare a deſcourire la coſta Se perſe tucti li homini Si ſaluarono ꝓ miracolo nõ bagniandoſſe apenna dui de queſti venirono ali naui et ne diſcero el tuto ꝓ il que eL capo gñale ge mando alguni homini cõ ſacqi pienny de biſcoto ꝓ dui meſi ne fu forſa portarli eL viuere ꝓ che ogni giorno trouauano qalque coſa de la naue eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue q̃ ſonno cento millia la via aſpriſſima et pienna de ſpini ſtauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in machioni nõ trouauano hacqua da beuere ſenon giaçio il que ne era grandisima fatiga. Jn queſto porto era aſayſſime cape Longue q̃ le chiamano missiglioni haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole q̃ non le poteuano mangiare ancho ſe trouaua Jnſenſo ſtruzi volpe paſſare et conigli piu picoli aſſay de li noſtri Qui in cima deL piu alto monte drizaſſemo vna croce in ſigno de queſta terra, q̃ err deL re de ſpagnia et chiamaſſemo queſto monte monte de xo. In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months.118 Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of the fleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.119 A ship called “Sancto Jacobo” was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,120 or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.121 There were very many long shellfish which are called missiglioni122 in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,123 foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ].
Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno terſo al antartico trouaſemo vno fiome de hacqua dolce nel qalle le naui quasi ꝓſenno ꝓ li venti teri bili ma dio et li corpi ſancti le ajutarono Jn Queſto fiume tardaſſemo circa duy meſi ꝓ fornirne de hacqua legnia et peſcie longho vno braſo et piu cõ ſquame. era molto bonno ma pocho et inanſi ſe partiſſemo de qui eL capo genneralle et tuti nuy Se confeſſasemo et Comunicaſsemo Como veri chriſtianni. Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third124 degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies125 aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.126 Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.127
Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL medeſimo polo trouaſſemo neL giorno delle vndici millia vergine vno ſtreto eL capo deL qalle chiamão capo dele vndici millia vergine ꝓ grandiſsimo miracolo Queſto ſtreto e longo cento et diece legue q̃ ſonno 440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua q̃ va a referire in vno alto mare chiamato mar pacificho circundato da mõtagnie altiſſime caricate de neue nõ li poteuamo tro uare fondo ſinon con lo proiſe in tera in 25 et 30 braza et ſe non era eL capitanio gennerale nõ trouauamo Queſto ſtrecto perch̃ tuti penſauamo et diceuamo como era ſerato tuto intorno. ma iL capitano gñale q̃ ſapeua de douer fare la ſua nauigatiõe ꝓ vno ſtreto molto aſcoſo como vite nela theſoraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta fata ꝓ qella exelentiſſimo huomo martin de boemia Mando due naui Sto. anthonio et la conceptiõe q̃ coſſi le quiamauano auedere q̃ era neL capo de la baia noi cõ le altre due naue la capitania Se chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria ſteſſemo ad aſpectarle dento ne la baya La nocte ne souravenne vna grande fortuna q̃ duro fino al alto mezo Jorno ꝓ il que ne fu forza leuare lanchore et laſsiare andare de qua et dela per la baia a le altre due naui li era trauerſia et nõ poteuão caualcare vno capo q̃ faceua la baya quaſi in fine ꝓ voler venir̃ a noi ſi que li era forſa adare in ſeco pur acoſtandoſe aL fine de La baya penſando de eſſere perſi viteno vna boca picola q̃ no [paſaua: crossed out in original MS.] pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi ſe cazaronno dentro ſi que perforza diſco perſeno el ſtreto et vedendo q̃ nõ era cantone ma vno ſtreto de tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno alto ſtretto et vnalta baya piu grande q̃ le due pime molto alegri subito voltor̃o Jndrieto ꝓ dirlo aL capitanio gñale noi penſauamo foſſeno perſe prima ꝓ La fortuna grande. Lalta perche eranno paſſati dui giorni et nõ aparauão et ancho per certi fumi q̃ faceuano duy deli ſui mandati in tera ꝓ auiſarne et coſi ſtando ſuſpeſi vedemo venire due naui cõ le velle pienne et cõ le bã dere ſpiegate verſo de noi. eſſendo coſi vicine subito ſcaricorono molte bom barde et gridi poy tuti inſieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda ſemo acercare piu inanzi. Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole,128 we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the]129 eleven thousand virgins [i.e. October 21], whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.130 It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings131 on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captain-general who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the “Santo Anthonio” and the “Conceptione” (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de la Baia [i.e., of the Bay].132 We, with the other two ships, [namely], the flagship, called “Trinitade,” and the other the “Victoria,” stayed inside the bay to await them.133 A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape134 formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed: crossed out in original MS.] appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].135 Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.136 And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.137 Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captain-general. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.138 And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.139 Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on.
Essendo entrati in queſto ſtreto trouaſſemo due bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio gñale mando la naue ſancto anthonio insieme cõ la concitione ꝓ vedere ſe qella boca q̃ era ꝟſo ſirocho haueua exito neL mare pacifico la naue ſancto anthonio noL volſe aſpectare la conceptiõe ꝓ q̃ voleua fugire ꝓ retornare in Spagnia como fece iL piloto de queſta naue Se chiamaua ſtefan gomes Loqalle hodiaua molto lo Capo gennerale ꝓq̃ inanzi Se faceſſe queſta armata coſtui era andato da Lo imperator̃ ꝓ farſe dare algune carauele ꝓ diſcourire terra ma ꝓ la venuta deL Capo gennerale ſua mageſta nõ le li dete ꝓ queſto ſe acordo cõ certi ſpagniolli et nella nocte ſeguente pigliarono lo capo de la ſua naue el qalle era germano deL capo gñale et haueua nome aluaro de meſchita Lo ferirono et Lo meſſeno in feri et coſi lo conduſſero in spagnia in queſto naue. era lalto gigante q̃ haueuamo prezo ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptiõe ꝓ nõ potere ſeguire queſta La aſpectaua andando fugi ꝓ lo medeſimo [porto: crossed out in original diqua et dela sto. anto a la nocte torno indrieto et ſe MS.] ſtrecto nuy eramo andati a deſcourire lalta bocha verſo eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL medeſimo [porto: crossed out in original MS.] ſtreto ariuaſſemo a vno fiume qeL chiamaſſemo eL fiume delle ſardine ꝓche apreſſo de queſto ne eranno molte et coſi quiuy tardaſſemo quatro Jorni ꝓ aſpectare le due naue in queſti giorni mãdaſemo vno batello ben fornito ꝓ deſcoprire eL capo de lalto mare venne in termi ne de tre Jorni et diſſero como haueuano [haueuano: doublet in original MS.] veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gennerale lagrimo ꝓ allegreza et nomino qeL capo Capo dezeado perche laueuano Ja grã tempo diſiderato. Tornaſemo indrieto ꝓ sercar le due naue et nõ trouaſſemo ſinõ la conceptiõe et domandandoli doue era lalta. riſpoſe Johan ſeranno q̃ era capo et piloto de queſta et ancho de qella q̃ ſe perſe q̃ nõ ſapeua et q̃ may nõ Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la boca la Cercaſſemo ꝓ tuto lo ſtreto fin in qella boca doue ella fugite. il capo gennerale mando indrieto la naue victoria fina aL principio deL ſtreto auedere ſe ella era iui et non trouandola meteſſe vna bandera in cima de alguno mõticello cõ vna letera in vna pigniatella ficada in tera apreſſo la bandera acio vedendola trouaſſeno la lr̃a et ſapaſſeno lo viagio q̃ faceuamo ꝓ che cuſſi era dato le ordine fra noi Quando ſe ſmariuamo le naue vna de lalta. ſe miſſe due bandere cõ le lr̃e luna avno mõticello nela prima baya lalta in vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL capo gñale leſpeto cõ lalta naue apreſſo eL fiume Jsleo et fece metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de queſto fiume eL qalle era fra alte montagnie caricate de neue et deſcendeneL mare apreſſo Lo fiume de le ſardine. Se nõ trouauamo queſto ſtreto eL capo. gñale haueua deliberato andare fino a ſetanta cinqʒ gradi aL polo artãticho [sic] doue in taL altura aL tempo de la eſtate nõ ge e nocte et ſe glie ne he poche et coſſi neL inuerno Jorno. açio q̃ vr̃a IlLma. sa iL creda quando eramo in queſto ſtrecto le nocte eranno ſolamẽte de tre hore et era neL meſe doctobr̃ La terra de queſto ſtrecto amã mancha era voltata aL ſiroco et era baſſa chiamaſſemo aqueſto ſtreto eL ſtreto patagoni cho ĩ Lo qaL ſe troua ogni meza lega Seguriſſimi porti hacque exelentiſſime Legnia ſinon di cedro peſchie ſardine miſſiglioni et appio erba dolce ma gene anche de amare naſce atorno le fontane del qalle mangiaſſimo aſſay Jorni ꝓ nõ hauer̃ alto credo nõ ſia aL mondo el piu bello et meglior̃ ſtreto como equeſto. Jn queſto mar occeanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de peſci ſonno tre ſorte de peſſi Longui vno brazo et piu q̃ ſe chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li qalli ſequitano peſci q̃ volanno chiamattj colondrini Longui vno palmo et piu et ſonno obtini aL mangiare. Quando qelle tre ſorte trouão alguni de queſti volanti Subito li volanti ſaltanno fora de lacqua et volano fin q̃ anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de baleſtra in tanto q̃ queſti volano li alti li corenno indrieto ſocta hacqua a La ſua ombra nõ ſonno cuſſi preſto caſcati ne lacqua q̃ queſti ſubito li piglianno et mangiano coſa in vero beliſſima de vedere. After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.140 The captain-general sent the ship “Sancto Anthonio” together with the “Concitione” to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship “Sancto Anthonio” would not await the “Conceptione,” because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia—which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,141 and he hated the captain-general exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin142 of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The “Conceptione,” as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The “Sancto Anthonio” turned back at night and fled along the same [port: crossed out in original MS.] strait.143 We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port: crossed out in original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.144 So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore the cape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],145 for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,146 but we found only the “Conceptione.” Upon asking them where the other one was, Johan Seranno,147 who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captain-general sent the ship “Victoria” back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.148 Two banners were planted with their letters—one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay149 where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo,150 and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-five degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.151 The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast152 and was low. We called that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,153 water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,154 a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.155 In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.156 Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,157 which are one palmo and more158 in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet—more than a crossbow’s flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch.
Vocabuli de li giganti pataghoni AL capo her. aL ochio. other. AL nazo or Alle cillie occhecheL ALe palpebre SechechieL Ali bussi deL nazo oresche ALa boca xiam Ali Labri Schiahame Ali denti phor. ALa linga SchiaL AL mento Sechen A li pelli archiz AL volto cogecheL Ala golo ohumez ALa copa Schialeschin ALe ſpalle pelles. AL gomedo CoteL ALa man chene ALa palma de Laman Caimeghin AL dito Cori Ale orechie Sane Soto eL broço Salischin Ala mamela othen AL peto ochij AL corpo gecheL AL menbro ſachet Ali teſticuli Sacancas Ala natura de le donne Jsse AL vzar cõ eſſe Jo hoi ALe coſſe chiane AL genochio tepin AL chulo Schiaguen Ale culate hoij AL brazo maz AL polso holion A le gambe coss AL piede thee AL calcagno tere ALa chauequie deL pie perchi Ala ſola deL pie caotſcheni Ale onguie Colim AL core thoL AL gratare gechare Al homo ſguerco Calischen AL giuane Calemi AL hacqua holi AL fuoco ghialeme AL fumo giaiche Al no ehen AL si Rey AL oro pelpeli ALe petre lazure Secheg AL solle Calexcheni Alle ſtelle ſettere. AL mare Aro AL vento oni ALa fortuna ohone AL peſse hoi AL mangiare mechiere ALa ſcutella elo ALa pigniata aschanie AL demandare ghelhe Vien qui hai si AL gardar chonne AL andar Rey AL Combater oamaghce Ale freze Sethe AL Cane holL AL lupo Ani AL andare longi Schien ALa guida anti ALa neue theu AL courire hiani AL Seruzo ucelo hoihoi A li sui oui Jani Ala poluere derba che mangião Capac. AL odorare os AL papagalo cheche ALa gabiota ucelo Cleo AL misiglioni Siameni. AL panno roſso Terechae. AL bonet AicheL Al colore nego. AineL AL roſso taiche AL gialo peperi AL coçinare yrocoles ALa cintura Catechin AL ocha cache AL diauolo grande Setebos Ali picoli cheleule. Words of the Patagonian giants For Head her for Eye other for Nose or for Eyebrows occhechel for Eyelids sechechiel for Nostrils oresche for Mouth xiam for Lips schiahame for Teeth phor for Tongue schial for Chin sechen for Hair archiz for Face cogechel for Throat ohumez for Occiput schialeschin159 for Shoulders pelles for Elbow cotel for Hand chene for Palm of the hand caimeghin for Finger cori for Ears sane Armpit salischin for Teat othen for Bosom ochij for Body gechel for Penis sachet for Testicles sacancas for Vagina160 isse for Communication with women jo hoi for Thighs chiane for Knee tepin for Rump schiaguen for Buttocks hoij for Arm maz for Pulse holion for Legs coss for Foot thee for Heel tere for Ankle perchi for Sole of the foot caotscheni for Fingernails colim for Heart thol for to Scratch gechare for Cross-eyed man calischen for Young man calemi for Water holi for Fire ghialeme for Smoke giaiche for No ehen for Yes rey for Gold pelpeli for Lapis lazuli secheg for Sun calexcheni for Stars settere for Sea aro for Wind oni for Storm ohone for Fish hoi for to Eat mechiere for Bowl elo for Pot aschanie for to Ask ghelhe Come here hai si for to Look chonne for to Walk rey for to Fight oamaghce for Arrows sethe for Dog holl for Wolf ani for to Go a long distance schien for Guide anti for Snow theu for to Cover hiani for Ostrich, a bird hoihoi for its Eggs jani for the powder of the herb which they eat capac for to Smell os for Parrot cheche for Birdcage cleo for Misiglioni siameni for Red Cloth terechae for Cap aichel for Black ainel for Red taiche for Yellow peperi for to Cook yrocoles for Belt catechin for Goose cache for their big Devil Setebos for their small Devils Cheleule
Tucti queſti vocabuli ſe prenuntiano in gorgha ꝓche cuſſi li prenũtiauão Loro. All the above words are pronounced in the throat, for such is their method of pronunciation.161
Me diſſe queſti vocabuli queL gigante q̃ haueuamo nella naue per q̃ domandandome Capac çioe pane che chusi chiamano quela radice q̃ vzanno Loro ꝓ panne et oli çioe hacqua Quando eL me vite ſcriuer queſti nomi domandandoli poi de li alti cõ la penna in mano me Jntendeua vna volta feci la croce et la basai moſtrandoglila Subito grido ſetebos et fecemi ſegno Se piu faceſſe la croce me intrarebe neL corpo et farebe crepare Quando queſto gigante ſtaua male domando la croce abraſsandola et baſandola molto Se volse far Xp̃iano inanzi la ſua morte eL chiamaſemo paulo Queſta gente Quando voleno far fuoco fregano vno legnio pontino cõ vno alto in fine q̃ fanno Lo fuocho in vna certa medola darbore q̃ fra queſti dui legni. That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me for capac,162 that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, and oli, that is to say, water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out “Setebos,” and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.163
Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne diſbucaſemo da queſto ſtrecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico ſteſſemo tre mesi et vinti Jorni senſa pigliare refrigerio de coſa alguna mangiauamo biſcoto non piu biſcoto ma poluere de qello cõ vermi apugnate ꝓ che eſſi haueuano mãgiato iL buono puzaua grã damẽte de orina de Sorzi et beueuamo hacqua Jalla gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo certe pelle de boue q̃ erano ſopa Lantena mangiore açio q̃ Lantena nõ rompeſſe la ſarzia duriſſime ꝓ iL Solle piogia et vento Le laſciauamo ꝓ quato ho cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho ſopa le braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora aſſay volte ſegature de aſe li sorgi ſe vendeuano mezo ducato lo vno et ſe pur ne haueſſemo potuto hauer̃ ma ſoura tute le alti ſquiagu re Queſta era la pegiore. Creſsiuano le gengiue ad alguni ſopa li denti Cosi de Soto Como de ſoura q̃ ꝓ modo alguno nõ poteuamo mãgiare et coſſi moriuano ꝓ queſta infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigãte cõ vno Jndio de La terra deL verzin vinti cinque ho trenta homini ſe infirmorono q̃ neli brazi neli gambe o in alto loco ſicque poqi reſta rono ſani ꝓ La gratia de dio yo nõ hebi algunna infirmitade. Jn Queſti tre meſi et vinti giorni andaſemo circa de quatro millia legue in vn golfo ꝓ queſto mar pacifico in vero he benne pacifico ꝓ q̃ in qʒſto tempo nõ haueſsemo fortuna Senſa vedere tera alcuna sinõ due yſolete deſhabitate nelle qaL nõ trouaſſemo alto ſenon vcelli et arbori la chiamaſſemo yſolle infortunate Sono longi luna da lalta ducento legue nõ trouauamo fondo apreſſo de loro ſe nõ vedeuamo molti ti buroni La pima Jzolla ſta in quindiſi gradi de latitudine aL hauſtralle, et lalta in noue ogni Jorno faceuamo cinquanta ſesanta et ſetanta Legue a La catena ho apopa et ſe ydio et ſala ſua madre bennedeta nõ ne daua cosi bõ tempo moriuamo tucti de fame in queſto mare grandiſſimo Credo certamẽte nõ ſi fara may piu taL viagio. Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.164 We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.165 We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.166 We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.167 But above all the other misfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.168 Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.169 In truth it is very pacific,170 for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.171 The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.172 Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again].
Quando fuſſimi vſciti da queſto ſtrecto Se haueſſemo nauigato Sempre aL ponẽte hauereſſemo dato vna volta aL mondo ſenza trouare terra niuna Se nõ el capo deli xjos vergine che he capo de queſto ſtrecto aL mare occeanno leuante ponẽte cõ Lo capo deſeado del mare pacifico liqalli dui capi ſtanno in cinquãta duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL polo antarticho. When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we would have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Virgins.173 The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole.