Volume 33 — NOTES

[Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden are made from Arber’s reprint The first three English books on America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book, entitled The decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London in 1555; from Mosto, from Il primo viaggio, intorno al globo di Antonio Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which was published as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell’America, appearing under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was translated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.]

There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical of the differences will be shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the page immediately preceding the beginning of the relation proper: “Navigation and discovery of Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of Rhodes.”

Trinidad

(Flagship of 110 tons)

San Antonio

(120 tons)

Servants and sobresalientes

Concepcion

(90 tons)

Sobresalientes

Victoria

(85 tons)

Sobresalientes

Santiago

(75 tons)

Sobresalientes

Merino Joan de Aroche Aroche, boundary of Sevilla

Martin Barrena Villafranco in Guipúzcoa

Hernan Lorenzo Aroche

The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Muñoz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the fleet.

Sobresalientes

Secular priest Pero Sanchez de Reina

Licentiate Morales

Hernando Rodriguez

Hartiga

Diugurria

Soldier Diego Arias Sanlúcar

Blacksmith Juan Hernandez Triana

Servant of Luis de Mendoza Hernando de Aguilar

The negro of the pilot Juan Carballo

In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amer., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list.

Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth.

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as follows:

“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the men.

“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.

“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship ‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San Antonio.’ Thus were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ‘San Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’ and ‘Victoria.’

“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands, and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him.

“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders commanded.

“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the ‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately approached the ‘Santiago.’

“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably.

“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding, ‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with them.

“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.”

Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants.”

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the meeting.

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of the “Santiago”) was given command of the “Concepcion,” Mesquita of the “San Antonio,” and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty was executed. That the history of Magalhães’s expedition was generally known is evident from the following: “The next day after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.

A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he became acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Biographical Dictionary (London, 1848); Grande Encyclopédie (Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.

Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).

Eyes ather

Eyelashes occhechl

Lips schiane

Hair ajchir

Throat ohumer

Shoulders peles

Penis scachet

Testicles scaneos

Rump schiachen

Arm mar

Pulse ohon

Legs choss

Feet teche

Heel there

Sole of the foot cartscheni

Fingernails colini

To scratch ghecare

Young man calemi

Water oli

Smoke jaiche

We chen

Yes zei

Petre lazure secheghi

Sun calexcheni

To eat mecchiere

To look conne

To walk rhei

Ship theu

To run haim

Ostrich eggs jan

The powder of the herb which they eat capae

Red cloth terechai

Black amel

Red theiche

To cook jrecoles

A goose chache

Their little devils Cheleult

In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, the equivalent of “no;” theu is “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomes courir (“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo); and alcocinare (Italian MS. al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: la pouldre d’herbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for oresche (“nostrils”); canneghin for caimeghin (“palm of the hand”); ochy for ochii (“bosom”); scancos for scaneos (“testicles”); hou for hoii (“buttocks”); ohoy for ohon (“pulse”); cartschem for cartscheni (“sole of the foot”); chol for thol (“heart”); om for oni (“wind”); aschame for aschanie (“earthen pot”); oamaghei for oamaghce (“to fight”); amet for amel (“black”); and ixecoles for jrocoles (“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui, the correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”

Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the vocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.

English Roncagli Pigafetta

Nose or or

eye óthel other

hand tzén chene

ear sha sane

ostrich óyue hoi hoi

Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’s U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.

At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the Ysole Infortunate (“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.

The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.”

When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (see Vol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565, Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of the skiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing.”

Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.

After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”

Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: “We left Mazava and went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran along the said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There we saw three rocky islands, and turned our course west for about 10 leguas where we came upon two islets. We stayed there that night and in the morning went toward the south southwest for about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and one-third degrees. At that point we entered a channel between two islands, one of which is called Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well as the islands of Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by west. Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to the north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain considerable gold and to be well stocked with food, and so great an extent of land that its limits are unknown. From Mazava, Seilani, and Subu, on the course followed toward the south, look out for the many shoals, which are very bad. On that account a canoe which was guiding us along that course, refused to go ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and Matan, we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu. There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave us rice, millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. The king and queen of that place and many of the inhabitants readily became Christians.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says that the king of Macangar (i.e., Mazaua) conducted the Spaniards “a matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo [i.e., Cebú], which is in ten degrees, and in this island Fernando de Magalhães did what he pleased with the consent of the country.” Brito says merely (Navarrete, iv, p. 308): “After that, after passing amid many islands, they reached one called Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The king of Mazaba conducted them to another large island called Zubó.”

MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the words: “Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and Bohól.”

Malacca, or more correctly Mâlaka is the name of an ancient territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, and is possibly derived from “Malayu” meaning in Javanese “to run” or “fugitive.” At an early period Malacca fell under the sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles northwest of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade once centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 A.D. The first European to visit the city was Varthema, about the year 1505. It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1511, and they held it (1580–1640 under Spanish control) until 1641 when it was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully besieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it, although the Dutch possessed it from 1818–1825. For descriptions and history of Malacca, see the following Hakluyt Society publications: Stanley’s East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp. 190–195; Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 71–90 (and other citations); Burnell and Tiele’s Linschoten (London, 1885), i, pp. 104–106; Gray’s Voyage of François Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 238–249.

The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo’s Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia. Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian empire. See Telfer’s Johann Schiltberger (Hakluyt Society publications, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp. 11–45) India the Less, India the Greater, and India Tertia. Yule points out that Jordanus’s Lesser India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran, and India along the coast as far as some point immediately north of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very indefinitely to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India Tertia is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just reverses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geographer, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of “Middle India which is called Aden.” Conti divides India into three parts: the first extending from Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the Ganges, and the third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses whether Mekran and other lands belonged to India or Ariana.

Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebú and the death of Magalhães: “They stayed there about one month, and the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The king of Zubó ordered the kings of the other islands to come to him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and went to an island called Mathá. He set fire to a village, and not content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the savages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their boats.”

In regard to João Serrão’s death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says: “As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and abandoned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him.”

Duarte Barbosa captain of the “Trinidad”

Juan Serrano captain of the “Concepcion”

Luis Alfonso de Gois captain of the “Victoria”

Andres de S. Martin pilot of his Majesty

Sancho de Heredia notary

Leon de Ezpeleta notary

Pedro de Valderrama priest

Francisco Martin cooper

Simon de la Rochela calker

Cristóbal Rodriguez steward

Francisco de Madrid sobresaliente and soldier

Hernando de Aguilar servant of Luis de Mendoza

Guillermo Fenesi or Tanaguì gunner of the “Trinidad”

Anton Rodriguez sailor

Juan Sigura sailor

Francisco Picora sailor

Francisco Martin sailor

Anton de Goa common seaman

Rodrigo de Hurrira common seaman

Pedro Herrero sobresaliente

Hartiga sobresaliente

Juan de Silva, Portuguese sobresaliente

Nuño servant of Magallanes

Henrique, from Málaca servant of Magallanes and interpreter

Peti Juan, French servant of Magallanes

Francisco de la Mezquita servant of Magallanes

Francisco son-in-law of Juan Serrano

All of these names are to be found in Navarrete’s list. See ante, note 26.

English Visayan

(Pigafetta) (Encarnación) (Sanchez)

man lac —— lalaqui (?)

woman (married) babay babaye babaye

hair boho bohóc bohoc

face guay —— bayhon (?)

eyebrows chilei quilay quiray

eye matta matà mata

nose ilon ilong irong

jaw apin aping aping

mouth baba bá-ba bábá

teeth nipin ngipon ngipon

gums leghex lagos lagus

tongue dilla dila dila

ear delenghan dalonggan doronggan

throat liogh liog ——

chin queilan solang (?) sulang (?)

beard bonghot bongot bongot

shoulder bagha abaga abaga

spine [backbone] licud licod licod

breast dughan doghan dughan

body tiam tian tian

armpit ilot iloc iroc

arm botchen bocton; botcon butcon

elbow sico sico sico

hand camat camot camut

palm of hand palan palad [sa camot] palad [sa camut]

finger dudlo todlo tudlo

fingernail coco coco coco; colo

navel pusut posad posud

penis utin otin otin

testicles boto boto boto

vagina billat bilat bilat

buttocks samput sampot ——

thigh paha paa paa

knee tuhud tohod tohud

calf of leg bitis bitiis bíti-is

ankle bolbol bool bool boco boco

heel tiochid ticód ticud

sole of foot lapa lapa lapa lapa ——

gold balaoan buláoan bulauan

silver pilla pilác ——

brass concach calonggáqui ——

iron butan pothao puthao

sugarcane tube tobó tubo

honey deghex dogos dugos

wax talho talo talo

salt acin asín asin

wine tuba nia nipa toba nga nipa tuba nga nipa

to eat macan pagcaon (?) pagcaon (?)

hog babui baboy babuy

goat candin canding canding

chicken monoch manóc manuc

pepper manissa malisa ——

cloves chianche sangqui sangqui

cinnamon mana mana mana

ginger luia loy-a luy-a

garlic laxuna lasona lasona

egg silong itlog itlug

cocoanut lubi lobí lubi

vinegar zlucha suca suca

water tubin tobig; tubig tubig

fire clayo calayo calayo

smoke assu aso aso

balances tinban timbangan timbang; timbangan

pearl mutiara mutia mutia

mother-of-pearl tipay tipay tipay

pipe subin sobing subing

rice cakes tinapai tinapay tinapay

good main maayo maopay

knife capol; sundan sípol; sondang sipol; sundang

scissors catle catli catli

to shave chunthinch gunting ——

linen balandan balantan ——

their cloth [i.e., hemp] abaca abacá abacá

hawk’s bell coloncolon colongcolong goronggorong

comb cutlei surlay sodlay

shirt sabun —— sabong (?) [i.e., ornament]

sewing-needle daghu dagom dagum

dog aian; ydo ——; iro ayam; ——

scarf [veil] gapas gapas [i.e., cotton] ——

house ilaga; baiai ——; balay ——; balay

timber tatamue tatha (?) [i.e., to split] or pata (?) [i.e., a piece of wood or bamboo] tahamis (?)

mat tagichan tagicán taguican

palm-mat bani banig banag

cushion uliman olnan, and allied forms (?) olonan (?)

wooden platters dulan dolong dulang

sun adlo arlao adlao

star bunthun bitoon (?) bitoon (?)

morning uema ogma; odma (?) ——

cup tagha tagay tagay

bow bossugh bosog bosog

arrow oghun odyong odiong

shield calassan calasag calasag

quilted armor baluti baloti ——

dagger calix; baladao calis; baladao caris; baladao

cutlass campilan campilan campilang

spear bancan bangcao bangcao

like tuan —— to-ang

banana saghin saguing saguing

gourd baghin bagong ——

net pucat; laia ——; laya raya

small boat sampan sampan sampan

large canes cauaghan caoayan cauayan

small canes bonbon bongbong bongbong

large boats balanghai balañgay barangay

small boats boloto baloto baloto

crabs cuban coboa ——

fish ícam; yssida ——; isda ——; isda

a colored fish panapsapan panapsápan panapsapan

a red fish timuan —— tiao (?)

another fish pilax —— pilas

ship benaoa bángca ——

king raia hari hadi

one uzza usá usa

two dua doha duha

three tolo toló tolo

four upat opát upat

five lima limá lima

six onom onóm unum

seven pitto pitó pito

eight gualu oaló ualo

nine ciam siàm siam

ten polo napoló napolo

Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably to error on Pigafetta’s part and the obstacles in the method of communication between peoples the genius of whose respective languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for “man” is tao or tauo, although Mallat gives a form dala, which may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p. 123, where the origin of the words lalac, “man,” and babaye, “woman,” are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general word for “woman” or “married woman;” while binibini is given by Mallat as the Tagálog equivalent of “girl,” and by Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as the equivalent of “influential woman.” Liog is used for both “throat” and “neck.” Tian is properly “belly,” and the mistake would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when desiring the word for “body,” which would be construed by the natives to that particular part toward which he happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis corresponds to both “shin” and “calf of the leg.” Iro denotes also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta’s bolon is the word for “moon” instead of “star.” The occurrence of what are today Tagálog forms in Pigafetta’s list shows how the various dialects shade into one another and how the one has retained words that have sunk into disuse in the other.

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabitants of that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they learned the location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes Gibith in Transylvanus, Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note 2).

Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the chart of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 53b in MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Below is shown the island of Caghaian.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 15–17) gives a fuller account of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they attempt to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to anchor near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by the people of another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam de Campos, lands alone in order to get provisions. Being received kindly at this port, named Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto Princesa), the people set about preparing provisions for the strangers. Then going to another nearby village, where Carvalho makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats, and swine are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking negro who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who promises to guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at the last moment. Capturing a prau and three Moros near the former village, they are guided to Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that the two ships remained a month in Palawan, “a rich country, where they got new directions about Burneo, and captured two men to guide them there.”

At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart of Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v., p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on folio 54b, where it is preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 17–20) says that while on the way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands—Guillemard, Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina Balu—Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the port of Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambassador to the king to whom he takes a present. After a stay of twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks, attack and capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next morning the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave, taking with them fourteen men and three women of those captured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward course, the “Trinidad” grounds on a point of the island of Borneo, where it remains for four hours until swung clear by the tide.

Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that their object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa who takes a present to the king, pilots are promised as far as Mindanao. During their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks desert the ships. Three others, among them Carvalho’s son, are ashore when the fear of attack instigated by the two Greeks leads the two ships to attack the Borneans, and the five men are left behind on the island.

The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) in the world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 246–248. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 57–66. See also Henry Ling Roth’s Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is an excellent work on modern conditions in Borneo.

Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1).

Albo’s narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222–224) of the events of the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at the Moluccas is as follows: “We left Borney, and returned by the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel between the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turning west [sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus we went by that same route in search of the island of Quipit toward the south. On this course between Quipit and Cagayan, we saw to the southward an island called Solo, where many very large pearls are to be found. The king of that island is said to have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a latitude of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast by east and southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a latitude of 6 and five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the headland of Quipit. Many islets lie between those two islands, and one must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The abovenamed headland lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends southeast and west northwest with Poluan.

“Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky islets. Along the coast many settlements are passed, where considerable excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. That coast also produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed northeast until we saw a gulf, whereupon we turned southeast until we saw a large island. There is a very large settlement extending from that point to the eastern headland of the island of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island. Considerable gold is obtained there from a very large river. That headland lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian.

“We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we saw an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, where we saw another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing along that same course to the head of that island. Then we saw another island called Candicar, and sailed eastward between the two islands until we reached a point some distance ahead, and at that place we entered a channel between Candicar and another island called Sarangani. We anchored at the latter island and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two islands lie in 4 and two-thirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees south latitude, and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees. From the headland of Quipit and Candicar, the course is north northwest and south southeast without meeting any headland.

“We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two islands lie a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin lies in 3 and two-thirds degrees.

“From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter island lies in exactly 3 degrees.

“We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island to Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those islands are sighted.

“From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached a position midway between two islets which lie northeast and southwest from one another. The one to the northeast is called Suar and the other Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes and the other in 1 and one-half degrees.

“We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden.”

The “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 20–23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Joló), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). “And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands which are named Semrryn.” A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight “three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes?],” and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. “While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519.”

The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus “where there occur many islands” intervening.

At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription “All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;” probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.): “Here follow the cloves.” 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled “Maluco,” showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription “Caui gomode, that is, cloves;” shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method of finding the best; and also of nutmegs.”

Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness.

Quintaladas

First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [cámara] apiece 60

Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks 20

The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada 40

Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks 22

Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals 22

Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada 22

Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada 8

The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada 3

Chaplains, four quintals apiece 4

Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece 5

Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece 14

Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece 10

Sailors, one quintalada apiece 2

Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece 1½

Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece 3 arrobas

Gunners

The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada 5

The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece 2½

Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas 2½

Calkers, the same 2½

Coopers, the same 2½

Crossbowmen, the same 2½

Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece 1

Stewards, three quintals apiece 3

Stonecutters, three quintals apiece 3

In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there.

If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties.

Chests

The captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth 4

The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms 3

Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece 2

The notaries of the ships one chest apiece 1

Masters and pilots, each one chest 1

Boatswains, one chest apiece 1

Alguacil of the fleet, one chest 1

Chaplains, one chest apiece 1

The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece 1

The captains’ servants, one chest for each two 1

Physician and surgeon, one chest 1

Sailors, one chest for each two 1

Common seamen, one chest for each two 1

Boys, one chest for each three 1

Master gunners of the ships, each one chest 1

The other gunners, one chest for each two 1

Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two 1

Stewards, one chest apiece 1

Sobresalientes, one chest apiece 1