Volume 33 — PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO (continued 3)

Dopo diſnare il prete et alguni altri andaſſemo in terra ꝓ baptizar La reyna laq^alle venne cõ quaranta dame la conduceſſemo ſop^a lo tribunalle facendola ſedere ſoura vno coſſino et lalt^e Zirca ella fin q^eL prete Sapara li moſtray vno Jmagine de La nr̃a donna vno bambino di legnio beliſſimo et vna croce ꝓ il que li venne vna contrictiõe q̃ piangendo domando lo bateſimo la nomina ſemo Johanna como la madre de linperator̃ ſua figliola moglie deL principe Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre ognuna lo ſuo nome bap tizaſſemo octo cento anime fra homini donne et fanciulli la regina era Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et nero haueua la bocha et le onghie roſiſſime in capo vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de ſolana cõ vna coronna in circa de le medeſme foglie como q^ella deL papa ne may va in alguno locho ſenza vna de queſte ne demando iL banbino ꝓ tenerlo in locho de li ſoi ydoli et poy ſe parti ſultardi iL re et la reyna cõ aſayſſime perſonne vennerono aL lito lo cap^o alhora fece tirare molte trombe de fuocho et bombarde groſſe ꝓ ilche pigliaronno grandiſimo piacer̃ eL cap^o et lo re ſe chiamanão fratelli Queſto re ſe chiamaua raia humabõ Jnanzi paſaſſeno octo giorni forenno baptizati tucti de queſta yſola et dele altre alguni bruſaſſemo vna vila ꝓ nõ vollere hobedire aL re ne a noy la q^alle era in vna yſola vicina aqueſta poneſſemo quiui la croce ꝓ que queſti populi eranno gentilli ſe foſſero ſtato mori li hauereſſemo poſto vna colonna in ſegnio de piu dureza ꝓ che li mori ſonno aſay piu duri ꝓ conuertirli cha li gentilli. After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.³¹³ We named her Johanna, after the emperor’s mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.³¹⁴ The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she wore a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,³¹⁵ with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.³¹⁶ She asked us to give her the little child Jesus to keep in place of her idols;³¹⁷ and then she went away. In the afternoon,³¹⁸ the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.³¹⁹ The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king’s name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other island, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathen. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen.

Jn queſti giorni lo cap^o gñalle andaua ogni di in terra ꝓ vdire meſſa et diceua aL re molte coſe de La fede La regina vene vno giorno cõ molta pompa ad vdir la meſſa tre donzelle li andauão dinanzi con tre de li ſui capelli in mão eLa era veſtita de negro et biancho cõ vno velo grande de ſeta trauerſato cõ liſte de oro in capo q̃ li copriua li ſpalle et cõ Lo ſuo capello aſaiſſime donne la ſeguiuão leq^alle erão tute nude et diſcalce ſenon Jntorno le parte ꝟgonioſe haueuão vno paniocolo de tella de palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li capilli ſparſi La regina facta la reuerentia aL altare ſedete ſup^a vno coſſino Lauorato di ſeta inanzi ſe comenſaſſe la meſſa iL cap^o la ba gnio cõ alquante ſue dame de hacqua roza muſchiata molto ſe delectauão de talle odore ſapendo Lo cap^o q^eL bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li diſſe Lo teneſſe in Locho de li ſui ydoli ꝓ che era in memoria deL figloL de dio ringratiandolo molto lo accepto. The captain-general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.³²⁰ One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.³²¹ She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedingly in such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of her idols, for it was in memory³²² of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it.

Vno giorno lo cap^o gñale inanzi meſſa feſſe venire lo re veſtito cõ la ſua veſta de ſeta et li principali de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se chiamaua bendara vno alt^o fratello deL re Cadaio et alguni Simiut ſibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti altⁱ que laſſo ꝓ non eſſere longo fece tuti q̃ſti Jurare eſſere hobedienti aL ſuo re et li baſaronno la mano poi fece q^eL re deſſere ſempre hobediente et fidelle aL re deſpagnia coſi lo Juro alhora iL cap^o cauo la ſua ſpada inanzi la ymagina de nr̃a donna et diſſe aL re Quando coſſi ſe Juraua piu preſto doueriaſi morire que aromper vno ſimiL Juramẽto ſiqueL Juraua ꝓ queſta ymagine ꝓ la vita de limperator̃ ſuo s^e. et ꝓ il ſuo habito deſſerle ſempre fidelle facto queſto lo cap^o donno aL re vna cathedra de veluta roſſo dicendoli ounque andaſſe ſemꝓ La faceſſe portare dinanzi avn ſuo piu porpinque et moſtroli Como La ſi doueua portare reſpoſe Lo farebe volentierj ꝓ amore ſuo et diſce aL cap^o Como faceua far vna Joya ꝓ donarlila laq^aL era due ſchione doro grande ꝓ tacare ali oreqⁱe due ꝓ metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre ꝓ pore ali piedi ſoura le calcagnie et altre petre precioſe ꝓ adornare le orechie Queſti ſonno li piu belli adornamẽti poſſano vzare li re de queſte bande liq^alli ſempre vano deſcalci con vno panno de tella de la cinta fina aL ginochio. Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king’s brother and prince’s father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king’s brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.³²³ The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter’s hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.³²⁴ Thereupon, the captain drew his Sword before the image of our Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,³²⁵ if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten³²⁶ in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other precious gems to adorn³²⁷ the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.

JL cap^o gñale vno Jorno diſſe al re et ali altⁱ ꝓ q^aL cagionne nõ bruzauão li ſoi ydoli como li haueuão ꝓmeſſo eſendo chriſtiannj et ꝓ che ſe Ly ſacrificaua tanta Carne riſpoſero q^eL q̃ faceuão non Lo faceuão ꝓ loro ma ꝓ vno infermo açio li ydoli li daſſe ſalute laq^eL non parlaua Ja cat^o giorni era fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de La yſolo Lo cap^o gli diſſe q̃ bruſſaſero le ydoli et credeſſeno in chriſto et ſe linfermo ſe baptiſaſſe ſubito garirebe et ſe cio nõ foce li tagliaſſero Lo capo alhora alhora riſpoſe lo re lo farebe ꝓ che varamẽte credeua in chriſto faceſſemo vna ꝓceſſione dela piaza fino aLa caſa de linfermo aL meglio poteſſemo oue Lo trouaſſemo que non poteua parlare ne mouerſe Lo baptizaſſemo cõ due ſue mogliere et x donzelle poi lo cap^o li fece dire como ſtaua ſubito parlo et diſſe como ꝓ la grac^a de nr̃o s^or. ſtaua aſſay benne Queſto fu vno manifeſſimo miraculo nelli tempi noſtⁱ Quando Lo cap^o Lo vdi parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere vna mandolata q̃ gia laueua facta fare ꝓ lui poi mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de lenſoli vna Coperta de panno Jallo et vno cuſſino et ogni giorno fin q̃ fo ſanno li mãdo mandolattj acqua roſa oleo rozato et algune conſerue de zucaro nõ ſtete cinque giorni q^eL comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo q̃ teniuão aſcoſo certe vecquie in caſa ſua in p̃ntia deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece diſfare molti tabernacoli ꝓ la riua deL mare neliq^alli mangiauão la carne conſacrata Loro medeſimi Cridarono caſtiglia caſtiglia li rouinauão et diſſeno ſe dio li preſtaua vita bruſarebenno quanti ydoli poteſſe trouare et ſe benne fuſſero in caſa deL re. Queſti ydoli ſonno de legnio Concaui ſenza li parti de drieto anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in ſuſo con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cõ quat^o denti grandiſſimj como porci cingiari et ſonno tucti depintj One day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians; and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince’s brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater, oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,³²⁸ in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out “Castiglia! Castiglia!” and destroyed³²⁹ those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life, they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king’s house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over.

Jn Queſta ysola ſonno molte ville li nomi de leq^alle et deli suoi et deli ſui principali ſonno queſti Cinghapola li ſui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL ſuo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL ſuo principalle theteu Vna lalutan iL ſuo principalle Tapan Vna cilumai et vnalt^a lubucun Tucti qʒſti ne hobediuão et ne dauão victuuaglia et tributo Apreſſo queſta yzola de zubu ne era vna q̃ ſe chiamaua matan laq^aL faceua Lo porto doue eramo iL nome dela ſua villa era matan li ſui principali zula et Cilapulapu Quella villa q̃ bruzaſſemo era in queſta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaia There are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cicanbul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.³³⁰ All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan, which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia.

Açio que vr̃a ilL^ma s^a ſapia le Cerimonie q̃ vzanno Coſtoro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonano q^elle borchie grandi poi ſe porta tre piati grãdj dui cõ roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in foglie con peche bruſtolato. Lalt^o con panne de Cambaia et due banderete di palma Vno pano de Cambaia ſe diſtende in terra poi veneno duy femine Vequiſſime ciaſcuna con vno tronbonne de cana in mão Quando ſonno montate ſuL panno fanno reuerentia aL ſolle poi ſe veſtenno cõ li pannj Vna ſe pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et piglia vnalt^o faciolo ne le manj et balando et ſunando con q^ello chiama iL ſolle lalt^a piglia vna de q^elle banderete et balla et ſuona col ſuo trõbonne ballõ et chiamão cuſſi vno pocho fra ſe dicendo molte coſe aL ſolle Quella deL faciolo piglia lalt^a bandereta et laſcio Lo faciolo et ambe due ſonando cõ li trombonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato Quella dali corni ſempre parla tacitamẽte aL ſolle et q^eLa alt^a li riſponde poy aq^ella de li corni li e apreſentato vna taça de vino et balando et dicendo certe parolle et lalt^a reſpondendoli et facendo vista cat^o ho cinque volte de beuere eL vino ſparge q^ello ſoura eL core deL porcho poy ſubito torna aballare a Queſta medeſima vien dato vna lancia Ley vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle ſempre tute due balando et moſtrã do cat^o ho cinque volte de dare [de dare: doublet in original MS.] cõ la lancia neL core aL porcho con vna ſubbita preſteza Lo paſſa da parte aparte preſto ſi ſera la ferita con erba q^e’lla q̃ amazato iL porcho ponendoſe vna torſa acceſa in boca laſmorza laq^alle ſta ſempre acceſa in queſte Ceremonie Lalt^a coL capo deL trombonne bagniandolo neL ſangue de porcho va ſanguinando coL ſuo dito La fronte pⁱma ali ſoi mariti poy ali altⁱ ma nõ veñeroño may a noi poy ſe diſueſteno et vano amangiare Quelle coſe q̃ ſonno nelli piati et Conuitano Senon femine Lo porcho ſi pella cõ lo fuocho ſique ni ſuno alt^o que Le vequie conſacrano La carne di porcho et nõ La magiauão ſe non foſſe morta de queſta ſorte. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those large gongs.³³¹ Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia³³² and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and making pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped³³³ with grass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.³³⁴ The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.³³⁵

Queſti populi vano nudi portano ſolamente vno pezo de tella de palma otorno Le ſue vergonie grandi et picoli hanno paſſato iL ſuo membro circa dela teſta de luna parte alalt^a con vno fero de oro houero de ſtanio groſſo como vna penna de ocha et in vno capo et lalt^o deL medeſimo fero alguni anno Como vna ſtella con ponte ſoura li capi altⁱ como vna teſta de chiodo da caro aſaiſſime volte Lo volſi vedere da molti coſi veqⁱ Como Joueni ꝓ che nõ lo potteua credere neL mezo dil fero e vn buso ꝓ ilq^alle vrinano iL fero et le ſtelle ſemp̃ ſtanno ferme Loro diceno q̃ le ſue moglie voleno cuſſi et ſe foſſero de altra ſorte nõ vzariano cõ elli quando queſti voleno vzare cõ le femine Loro mediſime Lo pigliano nõ in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a meterſi dento^o pⁱmo q^ella ſtella de ſoura et poy Lalt^a Quanto edent^o diuenta in ordine et cuſi ſempre ſta dent^o fin que diuenta molle perche altramẽti nõ Lo porianno cauare fuora. Queſti populi vzanno queſto ꝓche ſonno de debille natura anno Quante moglie voleno ma vna principalle Se vno deli nr̃i andaua in tera coſi dedi Como de nocte ogni uno Lo Conuitaua que mangiaſſe et q^eL beueſſe Le ſue viuande ſonno mezo cote et molto ſalate beueno ſpeſſo et molto con q^elli ſui Cannuti dali valzi et duro cinqʒ oſey hore vno ſuo mangiare Le donne amauão aſay piu noy que queſti atucti da ſey anny in ſu apoco apoco li apreno la natura ꝓ cagion de q^elli ſui membrj. Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm-tree cloth about³³⁶ their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwise they could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.³³⁷ Whenever any of our men went ashore, both by day and by night, every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars³³⁸ through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men’s penises.³³⁹

Quando vno deli ſui principali emorto li vzanno queſte Cerimonie pⁱma mente tutte le donne principale de la terra vano ala caſa deL morte in mezo dela caſa ſta lo morto in vna caſa in torno la caſa poneno corde a mo do duno ſtecato neliq^ali atachano molti ramy de arbore in mezo de ogni ramo e vno panno de bonbaſo aguiſa de pauigliõe Soto liqualli ſedeanno le donne piu principali tute coperte de panne bianqⁱ de bombaſo per vna donzella ꝓ ogni vna q̃ li faceua vento cõ vno ſparauentolo di palma le alt^e ſedeanno intorno la camera meſte poy era vna q̃ tagliaua apoco apoco cõ vno cortello li capilli aL morto vnalt^a q̃ era ſtata la moglie principale deL morto giaceua ſoura lui et giungeua la ſua boca le ſue many et li ſui piedi con q^elli deL morto. Quando q^ella tagliaua li capilj queſta piangeua et Quando reſtaua de tagliarli queſta Cantaua atorno la Camera erano molti vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et ſup^a q^ello mira ſtorac et belgioui q̃ faceuano olere la caſa grandemẽte lo teneno in caſa cinque aſey giorni cõ Queſte Cerimonie Credo ſia onto de canfora poi Lo ſepeliſſeno cõ La medeſima caſa Serata con quiodi de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de legni. ogni nocte in queſta cita circa de la meza nocte veniua vno vccelo negriſſimo grande Como vno Coruo et nõ era cuſſi preſto ne le caſe cheL gridaua ꝓ ilque tucti li canj vrlauão et duraua quat^o ocinque ore queL ſuo gridare et vrlare nõ ne volſeno may dire la cagiõ de queſto. They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief³⁴⁰ women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.³⁴¹ Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are many porcelain jars containing fire about the room, and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.³⁴² Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that screeching and howling would last for four or five hours,³⁴³ but those people would never tell us the reason of it.

Vennere a vintiſey de aqⁱlLe Zula principale de q^ella yſola matan mando vno ſuo figliolo con due capre apreſentarle aL cap^o gñale et dicendoli Como li mandaua tuta ſua ꝓmeſſa ma ꝓ cagion de lalt^o principalle Cilapulapu q̃ nõ voleua hobedire aL re deſpagnia nõ haueua potuto mandarglila et que neLa nocte ſeguente li mandaſſe ſolamente vno batello pienno de homini ꝓ che lui li aiutaria et combateria Lo cap^o gñale delibero de andarui cõ tre batelli Lo pregaſſemo molto nõ voleſſe vegnire ma lui Como bon paſtore non volſe abandonare lo ſuo grege. Ameza nocte ſe partiſſemo ſexanta homini armati de corſeletti et celade inſieme col re xp̃iano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o trenta ba languai et tre hore inanſi Lo Jorno ariuaſſemo a matan Lo cap^o non volſe Combater alhora mali mando adire ꝓ lo moro ſe voleuano hobedire aL re de spagnia et recognioſcere Lo re xp̃iano ꝓ ſuo s^e. et darne lo nr̃a tributo li ſarebe amicho maſe voleuano altramente aſpectaſſeno como feriuão le nr̃e Lance riſpoſero ſe haueuamo lance haueuão lancie de canne bruſtolatte et pali bruſtolate et que nõ andaſſemo alhora ad aſaltarli ma aſpectaſemo veniſſe Lo giorno perche ſarebenno piu gente. Queſto diceuão açio anda ſemo aritrouarli ꝓ che haueuão facto certi foſſi fra le caze ꝓ farne caſcare dent^o. Venuto Lo giorno ſaltaſſemo ne Lacqua fina ale coſſie caranta noue homini et cuſſi andaſſemo piu de dui trati de baleſt^a inanzi poteſẽo ariuar aL litto li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi ꝓ certe petre q̃ erano neL acqua li altⁱ vndici homini reſtarono ꝓ gardia de li bateli Quando ariuaſſemo in terra Queſta gente haueuão facto tre ſcadrony de piu de mille cinque cento ꝓſonne ſubito ſentendone ne venirono a doſſo con voci grandiſſimi dui ꝓ fiancho et Lalt^o ꝓ contro. Lo cap^o quã do viſte queſto ne fece dui parti et coſi cominciaſſemo a Combater li ſquiopeti et baleſtieri tirarano da longi caſi meza hora in vano ſola mente paſſandoli li targoni facti de tauole ſotille et li brazi Lo capp^o gridaua nõ tirare nõ tirare ma non li valeua niente. Quando queſti viſtenno que tirauamo li ſquiopeti in vano gridando deliborono a ſtar forte ma molto piu gridauão Quando erano deſcarigati li ſquiopeti may nõ ſtauano fermi ſaltando dequa et dela coperti con li ſui targonj ne tirauão tante frechie Lance de canna alguno di fero aL cap^o gñalle pali pontini bruſtolati pietre et Lo fango apena ſe poteuão defendere. Vedendo queſto Lo cap^o gñale mando alguni abruſare le ſue caſe per ſpauentarli Quando queſti viſtenno bruzare le ſue caze deuentorono piu fero ci apreſſo de le caſe forenno amazati dui deli nrj et vinti o trenta caſe li bruſaſſemo ne venirono tanti adoſſo q̃ paſſarono cõ vna freza ve nenata La gamba drita aL cap^o per il que comando q̃ ſe retiraſſemo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono ſique reſtaſſemo da ſey o octo cõ lo capitanio Queſti non ne tirauão in alt^o ſinon ale gambe per q̃ erano nude ꝓ tante Lancie et pedre q̃ ne trahevano non poteſſemo reſiſtere le bombarde de li batelli ꝓ eſſere tropo longui nõ ne poteuão ajutare ſiche veniſſemo retirandoſi piu de vna bonna baleſtrata longi de la riua ſempre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio ſempre ne ſeguitoro et repigliando vna medeſima Lancie quat^o oſey volte ne La Lanciauano queſti Connioſſendo Lo cap^o tanti ſi voltorono ſop^a de lui q̃ dui volte li botarono lo celadõe fora deL capo ma lui como bon Caualiero ſempre ſtaua forte cõ alguni altⁱ piu de vno hora coſſi combateſſemo et non volendoſi piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di cana deL vizo lui ſubito cõ la ſua Lancia Lo amazo et laſciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar de mano a La ſpada non puote cauarla ſenon meza per vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo Quando viſteno queſto tuti andorono adoſſo alui vno cõ vno grã terciado che e como vna ſimitara ma piu groſſo li dete vna ferita nelagamba ſiniſtra ꝓ Laq^alle caſco coL volto inanzi subito li foreno adoſſo con Lancie de fero et de cana et con q^elli ſui terciadi fin que iL ſpechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida nr̃a amazarono Quando lo feriuão molte volte ſe volto indrieto ꝓ vedere ſe eramo tucti dent^o neli bateli poi vedendolo morto aL meglio poteſemo feriti ſe ritraſſemo ali batelli q̃ gia ſe partiuão Lo re xp̃iano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo cap^o inanzi diſmontaſſemo in tera li comiſſe non ſi doueſſe partire dal ſuo balanghai et ſteſſe auedere in que modo Combateuão Quando lo re ſepe como era morto piance ſe non era queſto pouero cap^o niuno de noy Si ſaluaua neli bateli ꝓ che Quando lui Combateua li altⁱ ſe retiravão ali batelli. Spero in vr̃a IlL^ma s^a La fama duno ſi generoſo cap^o non debia eſſere extinta neli tempi noſtⁱ fra le altre vertu q̃ eranno in lui era Lo piu Coſtante in vna grandiſſima fortuna q̃ may alguno alt^o foſſe ſupõ taua la fame piu q̃ tucti li altⁱ et piu Juſtamente q̃ homo foſſe aL mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ſe Queſto fu iL vero ſe ve de aperta mente ninguno alt^o hauer̃ auuto tanto Jngenio ni ardire de ſaper dar vna volta aL mondo como Ja cazi lui haueua dato. Queſta bataglia fo facta aL Sabato vintiſete de apⁱlle 1521. iL cap^o La volſe fare in ſabato ꝓ q̃ era lo giorno ſuo deuoto nelaq^alle foreno morti con lui octo de li nr̃i et cat^o Jndij facto xp̃iani dale bombarde deli bateli q̃ eranno da poy venutj ꝓ aiutarne et deli nimici Se non Quindici ma molti de noy feriti. On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,³⁴⁴ sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.³⁴⁵ They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the natives would never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,³⁴⁶ which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts³⁴⁷ and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521.³⁴⁸ The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,³⁴⁹ and four Indians, who had become Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded.

Dopo diſnare le re xp̃iano mando adire cõ Lo noſt^o conſentimẽto aquelli de matan se ne voleuão dare lo cap^o con li altⁱ morti q̃ li dareſſemo Quanta merchadantia voleſſero riſpoſero non ſi daua vno taL homo como penſauamo et q̃ non Lo darebenno ꝓ la magior richeſſa deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire ꝓ memoria ſua. In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.³⁵⁰

Sabato q̃ fo morto Lo cap^o q^elli cat^o q̃ ſtauano nela cita ꝓ merchadantare fecero portare le noſtre merchantie alle naui poy faceſſemo dui gu bernatori duarte barboza portugueſe parente deL cap^o. et Johã ſeranno ſpagniolo linterprete nr̃o q̃ ſe chiamaua henrich ꝓ eſſere vno poco ferito nõ andaua piu in terra ꝓ fare le coſe nr̃e neceſſarie ma ſtaua ſempre ne La ſquiauina ꝓ ilque duarte Barboſa guuernator̃ de la naue cap^a li grido et diſſegli ſe benne e morto Lo cap^o ſuo s^e. ꝓ queſto non era libero anzi voleua Quando foſſemo ariuati in eſpagnia ſempre foſſe ſchiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL cap^o gñale et minaciandoli ſe non anda ua in terra Lo frustaria Lo ſchiauo ſi leuo et moſtro de non far cõto de queſte parolle et ando in tera adire al re xp̃iano Como ſe voleuão partire preſto ma ſe lui voleua far a ſuo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nr̃e merchadantie et cuſſi ordinorono vno tradimento Lo ſquiauo retorno ale naue et moſtro eſſere piu ſacente que pⁱma On Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,³⁵¹ a Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.³⁵² As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would see to it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should still be the slave of Doña Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.³⁵³ And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king³⁵⁴ that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning³⁵⁵ than before.

Mercore matina pⁱmo de magio Lo re xp̃ono mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano preparate le gioie haueu ꝓmeſſo de mandare aL re deſpagnia et que li pregaua cõ li altⁱ ſoi andaſero diſinare ſecho q^ella matina q̃ li la darebe andorono 24 homini in tera cõ queſti ando Lo nr̃o aſtrologo che ſe chiamaua s. martín de siuilla yo non li pote andare ꝓ che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de freza venenata che haueua nela fronte Jouan caruaio cõ Lo barizello tornorono indietro et ne diſcero como viſteno colui reſa nato ꝓ miracolo menare Lo prete acaſa ſua et ꝓ queſto ſeranno partittj per che dubitauão de q^alque malle nõ diſſero coſi preſto le parolle que ſentiſſimo grã gridi et Lamenti ſubito leuaſſemo lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele caſe ne aꝓpinquaſſemo piu ala terra et cuſſi tirãdo vedeſſemo Johã ſeranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare nõ doueſſemo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno li domandaſſemo ſe tucti li altⁱ con lo interprete erano morti diſſe tucti erano morti ſaluo linterprete ne prego molto Lo doueſſemo reſcatare cõ q^alque merchadantia ma Johã caruiao ſuo compare non volſero ꝓ reſtare loro patronj andaſſe Lo batello in tera Ma Johan ſeranno pur piangendo ne diſſe q̃ nõ hauereſſemo coſi preſto facto vella q̃ lauerianno amazato et diſſe q̃ pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL Juditio dimandaſſe Lanima ſua a Johan caruiao ſuo compadre ſubito ſe partiſſemo nõ ſo ſe morto o viuo lui reſtaſſe. On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders that the jewels³⁵⁶ which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martín de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable³⁵⁷ returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.³⁵⁸ Consequently, they had left that place, because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would kill him.³⁵⁹ We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.³⁶⁰ But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.³⁶¹

Jn queſta yzola ſe troua cani gati rizo millio panizo ſorgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte ſorte vino de palma et oro et e grande yſola con vno bon porto q̃ a due intrate vna aL ponente lalt^a aL grego et leuante ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe cento ſexanta cat^o gradi et ſe chiama Zubu Quiui inanzi q̃ moriſſe lo cap^o genneralle haueſſemo noua de malucho Queſta gente ſonano de viola cõ corde de ramo. In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,³⁶² gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.³⁶³ It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances—one to the west and the other to the east northeast.³⁶⁴ It lies in x degrees³⁶⁵ of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-four³⁶⁶ degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captain-general. Those people play a violin with copper strings.

Vocabuli de queſti populi gentili. AL homo: lac ALa donna paranpaon ALa Jouene beni beni Ala maritata babay Ali capilli bo ho AL vizo guay Ale palpebre pilac Ale ciglie chilei. Al ocquio matta. AL nazo Jlon. Ale maſſelle apin Ali labri oloL. A la bocca baba. A li denti nipin Ale gengiue leghex. Ala linga dilla Alle orechie delengan. Ala gola liogh. AL collo tangip AL mento q̃ilan. ALa barba bonghot Ale ſpalle bagha. A la ſchena licud. AL peto dughan AL corpo tiam Soto li braci Jlot AL bracio botchen AL gomedo ſico AL polſo molanghai ALa mano camat A la palma de la man palan AL dito dudlo Ala ongia coco AL Lombelico puſut AL membro vtin Ali teſticoli boto Ala natura de le donne billat AL vzar cõ loro Jiam Ale cullate ſamput Ala coſsa paha AL ginochio tuhud. AL Schincho baſsag baſsag ALa polpa de la gamba bitis ALa cauechia bolboL AL calcagnio tiochid Ala ſolla deL pie Lapa lapa AL horo balaoan AL argento pilla AL Laton concach AL fero butan Ale canne dolce tube AL cuchiaro gandan AL rizo bughax baras AL melle deghex ALa cera talho AL ſalle acin AL vino tuba nio nipa AL bere MinuncubiL AL mangiare maCan. AL porcho babui ALa capra candin ALa galina monoch AL miglio humas AL ſorgo batat AL panizo dana AL peuere maniſſa Ali garofoli chianche. ALa Cannella mana. AL gengero luia AL ayo Laxuna Ali naranſi acſua AL ouo ſilog AL coco lubi. AL acceto zlucha AL acqua tubin AL fuoco Clayo. AL fumo assu. AL ſofiare tigban. Alle belancie tinban AL pezo tahiL Ala perla mutiara. Ale madre de le perle tipay. Ala zampognia Subin AL mal de s^to Job. Alupalan portame palatin comorica Acerte fogacie de rizo tinapai buono main Nõ ti da le AL cortello capol ſundan Ale forfice catle A tosare chunthinch AL homo ben hornato pixao Ala tella balandan A li panni q̃ ſe copreno Abaca AL conaglio colon colon Ali pater nr̃j dogni ſorte tacle AL petine cutlei miſsamis AL pentinare monssughud. ALa Camiza Sabun. ALa gugia de coſire daghu AL cuſire mamis A La porcelana mobuluc AL cana aian ydo AL gato epos. Ali ſui veli gapas Ali criſtalini balus Vien qⁱ marica Ala caza Jlaga balai AL legniame tatamue Alle ſtore doue dormeno Tagichan Ale ſtore de palma bani Ale cuſſini de foglie Vliman A li piati de legnio dulan AL ſuo ydio Abba. AL ſolle adlo ALa luna ſonghot Ala ſtela bolan bunthun. ALa aurora mene Ala matina vema Ala taza tagha grande baſsaL AL archo boſsugh. ALa freza oghon. Ali targoni calaſsan. A le veſte inbotide ꝓ combater baluti Ale ſue daghe calix baladao Ali ſui tertiadi Campilan. A la Lancia bancan. El talle tuan. Ali figui ſaghin Ale zuche baghin Ale corde dele ſue violle gotzap AL fiume tau. AL riſaio ꝓ peſcare pucat laia AL batello ſampan. A le canne grande cauaghan. Ale picole bonbon. Ale ſue barche grande balanghai Ale ſue barque picolle boloto Ali granci Cuban AL peſce Jcam yſſida A vno peſcie tuto depinto panap ſapã A vno alt^o roſſo timuan. A vno certo alt^o pilax A vno alt^o emaluan. Tuto e vno Siama siama A vno ſchiauo bonſuL A la forca bolle ALa naue benaoa A vno re o cap^o gñale raia. Words of those heathen people For Man lac for Woman paranpaon for Young woman beni beni for Married woman babay for Hair boho for Face guay for Eyelids pilac for Eyebrows chilei for Eye matta for Nose ilon for Jaws apin for Lips olol for Mouth baba for Teeth nipin for Gums leghex for Tongue dilla for Ears delengan for Throat liogh for Neck tangip for Chin queilan for Beard bonghot for Shoulders bagha for Spine licud for Breast dughan³⁶⁷ for Body tiam Armpit ilot for Arm botchen for Elbow sico for Pulse molanghai for Hand camat for the Palm of the hand palan for Finger dudlo for Fingernail coco for Navel pusut for Penis utin for Testicles boto for Vagina³⁶⁸ billat for to have Communication with women jiam for Buttocks samput for Thigh paha for Knee tuhud for Shin bassag bassag³⁶⁹ for Calf of the leg bitis for Ankle bolbol for Heel tiochid for Sole of the foot lapa lapa for Gold balaoan for Silver pilla for Brass concach for Iron butan for Sugarcane tube for Spoon gandan for Rice bughax baras for Honey deghex for Wax talho for Salt acin for Wine tuba nio nipa for to Drink minuncubil for to Eat macan for Hog babui for Goat candin for Chicken monoch for Millet humas for Sorgo batat for Panicum dana³⁷⁰ for Pepper manissa for Cloves chianche for Cinnamon mana for Ginger luia for Garlic laxuna for Oranges acsua for Egg silog for Cocoanut lubi for Vinegar zlucha for Water tubin for Fire clayo for Smoke assu for to Blow tigban for Balances tinban for Weight tahil³⁷¹ for Pearl mutiara for Mother of pearl tipay for Pipe [a musical instrument] sub in for Disease of St. Job alupalan³⁷² Bring me palatin comorica for certain Rice cakes tinapai³⁷³ Good main No tidale for Knife capol, sundan for Scissors catle To shave chunthinch for a well adorned Man pixao for Linen balandan for the cloth with which they cover themselves abaca for hawk’sbell coloncolon³⁷⁴ for Pater nosters of all classes tacle for Comb cutlei, missamis for to Comb monssughud for Shirt sabun for Sewing-needle daghu for to Sew mamis for Porcelain mobuluc for Dog aian, ydo for Cat epos for their Scarfs gapas for Glass Beads balus Come here marica for House ilaga, balai for Timber tatamue for the Mats on which they sleep tagichan for Palm-mats bani for their Leaf cushions uliman for Wooden platters dulan for their God abba for Sun adlo for Moon songhot for Star bolan, bunthun for Dawn mene for Morning uema for Cup tagha Large bassal for Bow bossugh for Arrow oghon for Shields calassan for Quilted garments used for fighting baluti for their daggers calix, baladao for their Cutlasses campilan for Spear bancan for Like tuan for Figs [i.e., bananas] saghin for Gourds baghin for the Cords of their violins gotzap for River tau for Fishing-net pucat, laia for small Boat sampan for large Canes cauaghan for the small ones bonbon for their large Boats balanghai for their small Boats boloto³⁷⁵ for Crabs cuban for Fish icam, yssida for a Fish that is all colored panapsapan for another red [Fish] timuan for a certain other [kind of Fish] pilax for another [kind of Fish] emaluan All the same siama siama for a Slave bonsul for Gallows bolle for Ship benaoa for a King or Captain-general raia

Numero: Vno Vzza duy dua tre tolo. Quat^o vpat Cinque lima Sey onom Sette pitto octo gualu Noue Ciam. Diece polo. Numbers One uzza two dua three tolo four upat five lima six onom seven pitto eight gualu nine ciam ten polo³⁷⁶

Longi dizodoto legue de queſta yſola zzubu aL capo de q^eLa alt^a q̃ ſe chiama bohol bruzaſſemo in mezo de queſto arcipelago la naue conceptiõe per eſſere reſtati tropo pochi et forniſſemo le altre due de le coſe ſue megliore pi gliaſſemo poy la via deL garbin et mezo di coſtando la Jzola q̃ ſi diſe panilongon nela q^alle ſonno homini negⁱ Como in etiopia poy ariuaſẽo a vna yſola grande Lo re delaq^alle ꝓ fare pace cõ noy Se cauo ſangue de La mano ſiniſtra ſanguinandoſe lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la linga in ſegnio de magior amitiſia coſi faceſſemo ancho nui Jo ſolo anday cõ Lo rey in tera ꝓ vedere Queſta yſola ſubito q̃ Jntraſſemo in vno fiume molti peſcatori preſentarono peſce al re poy lo re ſe cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le ſue ꝟgonie cõ alguni ſui principali et cantando Co minciorono a vogare paſſando ꝓ molti habitationi q̃ erano ſoura Lo fiume ariuaſſemo a due hore de nocte in caſa ſua daL principio de qʒſto fiume doue eſtauamo le naui fino a caſa del re erão due legue entrãdo nela caſa ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna et de foglie de palma Queſte torcie erano de anime Como li dete de soura fin q̃ ſe aparechio la cene lo re con dui principali et due ſue femine belle beue rono vno grã vazo de vino pienno de palma ſenza mangiare niente Jo eſcuſandomi hauere cennato non volce berre ſinon vna volta beuendo faceuazão tute le cerimonie Como eL re de mazaua venne poy La Cena de rizo et peſcie molto ſalato poſto in ſcutelle de porcelana mangiauão lo rizo ꝓ panne Cocono Lo rizo in queſto modo prima meteno dent^o in pigniate de terra como le nr̃e vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata poy li meteno lacque et iL rizo coprẽdola la laſciano bugliere fin q̃ venne lo rizo duro como panne poi Lo cauano fuora in pezi in tucte queſte parte cocono Lo rizo in queſta ſorte Cenato q̃ haueſſemo Lo re fece portare vna ſtora de canne con vnalt^a de palma et vna cucino de foglie acio yo dormiſſe ſoura queſte iL re con le due femine ando a dormire in vno luoco ſeparato dormi cõ vno ſuo principali Venuto il giorno mentre ſe aparechio Lo diſnare anday ꝓ queſta izolla vidi in queſte loro caſe aſſay maſſaritie de oro et poca victuuaria poy diſnaſſemo rizo et peſcie finito Lo diſnare dice aL [re] con ſegni vederia La reyna me reſpoſe era contento andaſſemo de Compania in çima duno alto monte doue era la caſa de la reyna Quando entray in caſa Le fece la reuerentia et ley coſſi verſo de me ſedeti apreſſo a ella Laq^alle faceua vna ſtora de palma ꝓ dormire ꝓ La caſa ſua eraño atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatro borquie de metalo vna magiore de Lalt^a et due piu picole ꝓ ſenare gli eranno molti ſchiaui et ſchiaue q̃ La ſeruiuão Queſte caſe ſonno facte como le alt^e Ja dete pigliata liſentia tornaſemo in caza deL re ſubito fece darne vna Colatiõe de canne dolce La magior abundantia q̃ ſia in queſta yſola e de oro mi moſtrorono certj valoni facendomi ſegnio que in q^elli era tanto horo como li ſui capilly ma non anno fero ꝓ cauarlo ne ancque voleno q^ela fatiga Queſta parte de La yſola e vna medeſma terra con butuan et calaghan et paſſa ſopra bohol et confina cõ mazaua per che tornaremo vna alt^a fiata in queſta izolla non dico alt^o paſſato mezo di volſe tornare ale naui eL re volſe venire et li altⁱ principali et cuſſi veneſſemo neL mediſimo balanghai retornando ꝓ lo fiume viti aman drita ſop^a vno monticello tre huominj apicati a vno arbure q̃ haueua tagliati li ramy Domanday al re qⁱ eran q^elli riſpoſi q̃ erano maLfactorj et robatorj Queſti populi vano nudi Como li altⁱ de ſup^a Lo re ſe chiama raia Calanao eL porto he buono et quiui ſe troua rizo gengero porci capre galine et alt^e coſe ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento ſexantaſete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et ſe chiama chipit due Jornate de q^l aL maiſtrale ſe troua vna Jſola grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno ſey hoꝟo octo Junci deli populi lechij In the midst of that archipelago,³⁷⁷ at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship “Conceptione,” for too few men of us were left [to work it].³⁷⁸ We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and the laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,³⁷⁹ where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king’s house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king’s house, was two leguas. When we entered the house, we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,³⁸⁰ which were of the anime, of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt³⁸¹ fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.³⁸² When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.³⁸³ When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses³⁸⁴ but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen’s house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jars and four metal gongs—one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller—for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king’s house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,³⁸⁵ making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not dare to go to the trouble [to get it].³⁸⁶ That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.³⁸⁷ As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked as do the others above mentioned. The king’s name is Raia Calanao.³⁸⁸ The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees³⁸⁹ from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu, and is called Chipit.³⁹⁰ Two days’ journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,³⁹¹ where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.³⁹²

Partendone de q^l ala meza partita de ponente et garbin deſſemo in vna yſola non molto grande et caſi deſhabitata La gente de queſta ſonno mori et eranno banditi duna yſola deta burne vano nudi Como li altⁱ anno za robotane con li carcaſſeti alato pienni de freze con erba venenata anno pugnialli con li maniſi ornati de oro et de pietre precioſe lancie rodelle et corazine de corno de bufalo ne chiamauão corpi ſancti Jn queſta yſola ſe trouaua pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandiſſimj ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in ſette gradi et mezo et longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et chiamaſſe caghaian. Leaving there and laying our course west southwest, we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.³⁹³ They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas³⁹⁴ from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.³⁹⁵

Da queſta yſola circa de vinti cinque legue fra ponente et maiſtralle tro uaſſemo vna Jzola grande doue ſi troua rizo gengero porci capre galīe fighi Longui mezo brazo et groſſi como lo bracio ſonno boni et alguni altⁱ Longui vno palmo et altⁱ mancho molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne dolci radice como rapi aL mãgiare et rizo cotto ſoto lo fuocho in canne o in legnio queſto dura piu que q^ello coto in pigniatte Queſta tera poteuão chiamare la terra de ꝓmissione perche Jnanzi la trouaſſemo patiuamo grã Fame aſsay volte ſteſſemo in force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra ꝓ non morire de fame. Lo re fece pace cõ noi tagliandoſſe vno pocho cõ vno nr̃o cortello in mezo deL pecto et ſanguinando ſe tocho la lingua et La fronte in ſegnio de piu vera pace coſi fece mo ancho nuy Queſta yſola ſta de Latitudine aL polo articho in noue gradi et vno terſo et cento et ſeptanta vno et vno terſo de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitiõe pulaoan. About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arm [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.³⁹⁶ The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third³⁹⁷ degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.³⁹⁸

Queſti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li altⁱ Quaſi tucti Lauaranno li ſui campi hanno zarabotanne cõ freze de legnio groſſe piu duno palmo arponate et algune con ſpine de peſce con erba venenata at alt^e cõ ponte de cana arponate et venenate anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in cambio de le penne neL fine dele ſue zarabotãe liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno tracte le freze combateno cõ queſto precianno aneli cadennete de latone ſonaglie cor teli et piu aL filo de ramo ꝓ ligare li ſui ami da peſcare anno gally grandi molto domeſtici nõ li mangião ꝓ vna certa ſua venneratiõe alguna volta li fanno combatere luno cõ lalt^o et ogni vno meta ꝓ Lo ſuo vno tanto et poy de cului q̃ he ſuo eL vincitore he ſuo eL premio et anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et meglior̃ de q^ello de palma. Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all³⁹⁹ of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.⁴⁰⁰ At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear head;⁴⁰¹ and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.⁴⁰²

Longi de queſta yſola dieze legue aL garbin deſsemo in vna Jzola et coſteandola ne pareua alquanto aſcendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eL corpo ſancto ꝓ vno tempo oſcuriſſimo daL principio de queſta yſola fina aL porto li ſonno cinquanta legue Lo Jorno ſequente a noue de Juglio Lo re de queſta yſola ne mando vno prao molto bello cõ la proua et la popa lauorate doro era ſup^a la proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne de pauonne in cima alguni ſonauão con cinphonie et tamburi veniuão cõ queſto prao due al ma die li prao ſonno Como fuſte et le almadie ſonno le ſue barche da peſcare octo homini vecqⁱ deli principali entrarono nele naui et ſederonno neLa popa ſop^a vno tapeto ne apreſentarono vno vazo de legnio de pinto pieno de betre et areca che e q^eL fructo que maſticano ſempre con fiori de gelſomini et de naranci coperto de vno panno de ſeta Jallo due gabie pienne de galine vno paro de capre tre vazi pieni de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti faſci de canne dolci et coſſi de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone pigliaronno liſentia eL vino de rizo he chiaro como lacqua ma tanto grande q̃ molti deli noſtⁱ ſembriacarõ et lo chiamano arach. Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holy body [i.e., St. Elmo’s fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty leguas⁴⁰³ from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Two almadies⁴⁰⁴ came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while the almadies are their small fishing boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), and jessamine⁴⁰⁵ and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is called arach [i.e., arrack].

Deli aſey giorni lore mando vnalt^a volta tre prao con molta pompa ſonãdo cinphonie tamburi et borchie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero reuerentia cõ certe sue berete de tella q̃ li copreno ſolamente la cima deL capo li ſalutaſſemo cõle bonbarde ſenza pietre poy ne detero vno pñte de diuerſe viuande ſolamente de rizo algune in foglie facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj de zucharo et alguni altⁱ facti amodo de torte con oui et melle ne diſſero como lo ſue re era contento pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et contrataſſemo aL nr̃o piacer̃ vdendo queſto montaſſemo ſette de nuy altⁱ ſop^a lo prao et portaſſemo vno pñte al re elq^alle era vna veſta de veluto ꝟde a la turcheſca vna cathedra de veluto morello cinque bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro dorato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [roſso: crossed out in original MS.] giallo vno paro de ſcarpe argentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL gouuernator̃ tre bracia de panno roſſo vno bonnet et vno bichier dorato aL re darme q̃ era vennuto nelli prao gli deſemo vna veſta de panno roſſo et ꝟde aLa turcheſca vno bonnet et vno quinterno de carta a li altⁱ ſete principali a qⁱ tella a qⁱ bonnetj et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et ſubito ſe partiſſemo. Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves, while others were made in the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven⁴⁰⁶ of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,⁴⁰⁷ a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red: crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land].

Quando Jongeſſemo aLa cita ſteſſemo forſi due hore neli prao fin q̃ venirono dui elephanti coperti de ſeta et dudizi homini cõ vno vazo ꝓ vno de porce lana coperto deſeta ꝓ coprire nr̃i preſenti poy montaſſemo ſop^a li elefanty et queſti dodice hominj ne andauão dinanzi cõ li preſenti neli vazi anda ſemo cuſſi fin a la caſa del gouuernatore oue ne fo data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormiſſemo ſoura mataraſi de bambazo la ſua fodra era de tafeta li linſoli de cambaia lo giorno ſeguente ſteſſemo in caſa fin amezo di poy andaſſemo aL palaçio del re ſoura elefanti cõ li pſ̃entj dinanci como lo giorno dananti da caſa deL gouuernator̃ fin in caſa deL re tute le ſtrate erano pienne de hominj con ſpade lancie et targonj ꝓ che cuſſi haueua voluto lo re. Jntraſſemo ſoura li elefanti ne la corte deL palatio andaſſemo ſu ꝓ vna ſcala acompagniatj daL gouuernator̃ et altⁱ principali et Jntraſſemo in vna ſala grande piena de molti baronj oue ſedeſſemo ſop^a vno tapeto cõ li pñti neli vazi apreſſo noi AL capo de Queſta ſala nehe vnalt^a piu alta ma alquanto piu picola tuta ornata de panni de ſeta oue ſe aprirono due feneſtre con due cortine de brocato daliq^alli veniua la luce nella ſala iui erano trecento homini in piedi cõ ſtocqⁱ nudi soura la coſſa ꝓ guardia deL re aL capo de Queſta era vna grande feneſt^a dalaq^alle ſe tiro vna cortina de brocato dent^o de queſta vedeſſemo el re ſedere ataula con vno ſuo figliolo picolino et maſticare betre dietro da lui erano ſinon donne Alhora ne diſſe vno principalle nuy nõ poteuão parlare al re et ſe voleuamo alguna coſa Lo diceſſemo alui ꝓ che la direbe avno piu principale et Quello avno fratello deL gouuernator̃ q̃ ſtaua nela ſala piu picola et poi lui la direbe cõ vna zarabotana ꝓ vna ſfiſura deL pariete a vno q̃ ſtaua dent^o cõlore et ne in ſegnio doueſſemo fare al re tre reuerentie cõ li many Jonte ſo p̃ lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno mo alt^o et poy le basaſſemo coſi fo facto Queſta e la ſua reuerentia reale li diceſſemo como eramo deL re deſpagnia et que lui voleua pace ſeco et nõ domandauão alt^o ſaluo potere mẽcadã tare ne fece dire el re poy cheL re deſpagia voleua eſere ſuo amicho lui era contentiſſimo de eſſer ſuo et diſſe pigliaſſemo hacqua et legnia et merchadantaſemo a nr̃o piacere poi li deſſemo li preſenti faceua dognj coſa cõ Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia aciaſcuno de nuy altⁱ fo dacto brocadelo et panny de oro et de ſeta ponendoneli ſop^a la ſpala Siniſtra ma poco laſciando negli ne deteno vna Colatiõe de garofoli et canella alora foreno tirate le cortine et ſerate le feneſtre li homini q̃ era neL palatio tuti haueuão panni de oro [de oro: doublet in original MS.] et de ſeta intorno loro ꝟgonie pugniali cõ Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre precioſe et molti aneli nele mani retornaſſemo Soura le elefanti ala caſa deL gouuernator̃ Sete homini portorono iL prezente del re ſempre dinanzi Quando foſsemo Jonti acaſa dereno a ogniuno Lo Suo et nel miſſero ſoura la ſpala Siniſtra aliq^alli ꝓ ſua fatica donaſſemo a ciaſcaduna vno paro de Cortelli venirono in caſa deL gouuernator̃ noue hominj cõ altⁱ tanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte de re in ogni piato erão x hoꝟo dudize ſcudelle de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi galine pauonj et altry animali et de peſce cenaſſemo in tera ſoura vna ſtora de palma de trenta o trenta dui ſorte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo peſce et alt^e coſe beue uão a ogni bocone pieno vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de q^eL vino lanbicato mangiaſſemo rizo et altre viuande de ſucaro cõ cuchiarj doro Como li nr̃j oue dormiſſemo le due nocte ſtauão due torcie de cera biancha ſempre acceze ſoura dui Candellieri de argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne dolio cõ catro pauerj ꝓ ogni vna et dui homini q̃ ſempre le ſpauilauão Veniſſemo ſoura li elefanti fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao q̃ ne conduſcero ale nauj Queſta cita etuta fondata in acqua ſalſa ſaluo la caſa del re et algune de certy principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focqⁱ le caſe ſonno tute de legno edificati ſoura pali groſſi alti da tera Quando lo mare creſcie vanno le donne ꝓ la tera con barque vendendo coſe neceſſarie aL ſuo viuere dinanzi la caſa deL re e vno muro de Cadreli groſſo con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel q^alle erano cinquanta ſey bombarde de metalo et ſey de fero in li dui giornj ſteſſemo iui ſcaricorono molte Queſto re e moro et ſe chiama raia Siripada era de Quaranta anny et graſſo ninguno Lo gouerna ſe non donne figliole deli principali non ſi parte may fora daL palatio ſe non Quando va ala caza ninguno li po par lare ſinon ꝓ zarabotane tene x ſcriuanj q̃ ſcriueno le coſe ſue in ſcorſe de arbore molto ſotille a Queſti chiamano Xiritoles. When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,⁴⁰⁸ whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to the king’s palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor’s to the king’s house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king’s orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,⁴⁰⁹ where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.⁴¹⁰ At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.⁴¹¹ No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance. We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.⁴¹² They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor’s house, seven men carrying the king’s presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor’s house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet food with gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city⁴¹³ is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families].⁴¹⁴ The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king’s house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters⁴¹⁵ of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,⁴¹⁶ who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark.

Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con altⁱ tanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe q^alque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibile nela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo cat^o amazando molte ꝓ ſonne tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de q^elli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon coſtui era cap^o gñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laq^alle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aq^ello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto cap^o et Lo Jonco ſenza noſt^o conſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo cap^o ne haueria dato tuto q^ello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto cap^o era molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro. in queſto porto glie vnalt^a cita de gentilli magiori de q^ella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſtⁱ q̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão cont^a li gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõe de queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare q^eL cap^o reteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpag^a ma Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue. On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli ⁴¹⁷ (which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible, abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,⁴¹⁸ which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack the heathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen’s name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.⁴¹⁹

LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolam^te duna parte quat^o ſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſt^e ne dauano ſey ſcutelle de porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali Queſti morj vano nudi como li altⁱ beueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno. Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.⁴²⁰ Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.⁴²¹ The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that money picis.⁴²² They gave us six porcelain dishes for one cathil⁴²³ (which is equivalent to two of our libras) of quicksilver; one hundred picis for one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils), of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of anime to calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo].⁴²⁴ Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,⁴²⁵ wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles⁴²⁶ more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quicksilver—the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health.

Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe lalt^o giorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute. The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen’s eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king’s presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them.