Volume 33 — PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO (continued 4)
James Alexander Robertson translation
Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denti cõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei. Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter’s law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;427 not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, but not to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.428 They are circumcised like the Jews.
Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa e menuta como li remole Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne. Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.429 If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call it capor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.430 That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.431
Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre alti fugirono de drieto da certe yſollete. Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,432 because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.433 Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we captured it.434 Three other praus escaped behind certain islets.
AL capo de burne fa queſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno porto ꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dento et ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qi in vna coſa qi in vnalta ma la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnalta loqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et lalta quaranta catro pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo Ancora qi ſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delalta anno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qi le coca fugino yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de alto ſenon de arie. At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eight degrees and seven minutes,435 is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,436 and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the other forty-four.437 We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.438 Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches439 them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.440 I believe those leaves live on nothing but air.
Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa et Lo ſacquegiaſſemo ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et alte coſe vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et alte coſe ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fa la yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandisso Quando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno alto mare reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle. Having left that island,441 that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we captured the junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Cagaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two island, Zolo and Taghima,442 which lie toward the west, and near which pearls are found.443 The two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,444 he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him.
Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan larbore de queſta Cannella he alto tre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella la chiamão caiu mana Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce. Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.445 The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island, we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people call it caiu mana. Caiu means wood, and mana, sweet, hence, “sweet wood.”446
Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti Quanto alguni alti vedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue era malucho ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit. Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco, we captured by force a bigniday,447 a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.448 All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao, and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.449 Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty450 leguas from Cavit.451
Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſti ſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et sta chiara ſoura lo trinqueto ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a sto nicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli alti Queſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit. Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452 Sarangani, and Candighar.453 One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.454 St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghani and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit.
Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho facendo nr̃o viagio fa mezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette Queſta yſola tenne quato re raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu ſonno gentili ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir. Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might show us where Malucho lay.455 Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.456 Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father’s shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raía Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457
Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau paſſate queſte due yſolle mercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quato yſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle: doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato. Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.458 The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.459 [Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.460 After passing those two islands, on Wednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with us told us that those four islands were Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.461 Among all those islands [among all those islands: doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.462
Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amaluco da luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuy eramo qelli Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſte ꝓ che daqi indietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue alti ſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti alti aqi bonneti et aqi cortelli deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer alto ſinon la ꝓpia vita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s. doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la cita et se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo: doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor. Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,463 we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined to consult the moon,464 whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.465 Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece of berania (the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups,466 and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives;467 and to each of nine others—all of them his chiefs—a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoever came to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head.468 When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,469 and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head, doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470
Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqi inanzi La ſua Jſola et vnalta chiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio: crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpaga lui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃ ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui de garoſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere. On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada471 the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons: crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,472 named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk473 which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king’s servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.474 He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner to furnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.
Açcio vr̃a JILma sa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre Tadore et qella doue eramo tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente La vltima e bachian et tienne re tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho. non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno franco ſeranno portugueſe capo gñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore poy facta fa loro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno franco ſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducento bahar de garofoli coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capo amalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capo gñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de franco ſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.475 At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno476 had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major, and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general’s pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.477 Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.478
Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li alte coſe de franco ſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno panno de oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun peto alfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de franco ſeranno vene de bandan ataranate iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno. On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with the boat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa,479 a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We480 sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.
Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ alte tante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco alto Como vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera. Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine Dinanzi a queſta yſola nehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et lalto cinque cento et vinticinque li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dento ne layſola in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi. Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king’s house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very large island, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.481 The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482 We bought many of them from those people.
Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quato qʒi et ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre de qelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqi bonny Ly volſe el re molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte. On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483 one bahar; for three of those gongs of theirs, two bahars;484 for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.485 Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.486
Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuão nele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore. On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen’s name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had in the ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,487 and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.
(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.) (Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 39.)