Volume 3 — CHAPTER IV. CALIFORNIAN LANGUAGES.
Reading edition
Multiplicity of Tongues—Yakon, Klamath, and Palaik Comparisons—Pitt River and Wintoon Vocabularies—Weeyot, Wishosk, Weitspek, and Ehnek Comparisons—Languages of Humboldt Bay—Potter Valley, Russian and Eel River Languages—Pomo Languages—Gallinomero Grammar—Trans-Pacific Comparisons—Chocuyem Lord's Prayer—Languages of the Sacramento, San Joaquin, Napa and Sonoma Valleys—The Olhone and other Languages of San Francisco Bay—Runsien and Eslene of Monterey—Santa Clara Lord's Prayer—Mutsun Grammar—Languages of the Missions Santa Cruz, San Antonio de Padua, Soledad, and San Miguel—Tatché Grammar—The Dialects of Santa Cruz and other Islands.
Notwithstanding the great diversity of tongues encountered in the regions of the north, the confusion increases ten-fold on entering California. Probably nowhere in America is there a greater multiformity of languages and dialects than here. Until quite recently, no attempt has been made to bring order out of this linguistic chaos, owing mainly to a lack of grammars and vocabularies. Within the last few years this want has, in a measure, been supplied, and I hope to be able to present some broader classifications than have hitherto been attempted. Through the researches of Mr Powers, who has kindly placed his materials at my disposal, and the valuable information communicated by Judge Roseborough, the dialects of northern California have been reduced to some sort of system, yet there remains the fact that, in central and southern California, hundreds of dialects have been permitted to die out, without leaving us so much as their name.[IV'-1]
In attempting the classification of Californian tongues, no little difficulty arises from the ambiguity of tribal names. So far as appearances go, some peoples have no distinctive name; others are known by the name of their chief alone, or their ranchería; the affiliation of chief, ranchería, and tribe being identical or distinct, as the case may be. Some writers have a common name for all tribes speaking the same, or dialects of the same, language; others name a people from each dialect. Last of all, there are nations and tribes that call themselves by one name, while their neighbors call them by another, so that the classifier, ethnologic or philologic, is apt to enumerate one people under two names, while omitting many.[IV'-2]
We have seen in the Columbian languages, as we approach the south, that they become softer and less guttural; this is yet more observable among Californians, whose speech, for the most part, is harmonious, pronounceable, and rich in vowels; and this feature becomes more and more marked as we proceed from northern to southern California. On this point, Mr Powers writes: "Not only are the California languages distinguished for that affluence of vowel sounds, which is more or less characteristic of all tongues spoken in warm climates; but most of them are also remarkable for their special striving after harmony. There are a few languages found in the northern mountains which are harsh and sesquipedalian, and some on the coast that are guttural beyond the compass of our American organs of speech; but with these few exceptions, the numerous languages of the state are beautiful above all their neighbors for their simplicity, the brevity of their words, their melody, and their harmonious sequences."[IV'-3]
RULES OF EUPHONY IN CALIFORNIA.
Throughout California, much attention is paid to the euphony of words; and if, in the inevitable manufacturing process, a syllable does not sound well, or does not exactly harmonize according to the native ear, it is ruthlessly sacrificed. In many languages these elisions are made in accordance with fixed rules, while others, again, obey no other mandate but harmony.
Concerning the languages of northern California, Judge Roseborough writes: "In an ethnological view, the language of these various tribes is a subject of great interest. They seem to be governed by the geographical nature of the country, which has had much influence in directing the migrations and settlement of the various tribes in this state, where they have been found by the whites; and there have been in remote times at least three currents, or lines of migration, namely—first, one along the coast southward, dispersing more or less towards the interior as the nature of the country and hostile tribes permitted. In so broken and rough a country the migrations must have been slow, and the eddies numerous, leaving many fragments of aboriginal tribes here and there with language and customs wholly dissimilar. Second, that along the Willamette Valley, over the passes of the Calapooya, across the open lands of the Umpqua, southward through Rogue River Valley into Shasta and Scott valleys. As an evidence of this trace I may mention that all the tribes on this line, from the Calapooya mountains southward to the head of Shasta and Scott valleys, speak the same language, and were confederate in their wars with the tribes on Pitt River, who seem to have arrested their progress southward. In this connection I may mention two facts worthy of remark, namely, first, in this cataclysm of tribes, there have been some singular displacements; for instance, the similarity of language and customs of the Cumbatwas and other cognate tribes on Pitt River denotes a common origin with a small tribe found on Smith River, on the north-west coast: and secondly, the traditions of the Shastas settled in Shasta and Scott valleys, the advance of this line of migrations, show that a former tribe had been found in possession of those valleys and mountains, and had been driven out. The remains of their ancient villages, and the arrangements still visible in their excavations confirm the fact, and also the further fact that the expelled tribes were the same, or cognate to those which the whites found in occupation of the Sacramento Valley. For instance, in all of these ancient villages, there was one house of very large dimensions, used for feasts, ceremonious dances, etc., just as we found on the settlement of California, in the valley of Sacramento. The existing tribes in those mountains have no such domicil and no public houses. They say, when asked, that the villages were built and inhabited by a tribe that lived there before they came, and that those ancient dwellers worshiped the great snowy Mount Shasta, and always built their villages in places from which they could behold that mountain. Thirdly, another wave of migration evidently came southward along the Des Chutes River, upon the great plateau of the lakes, which conclusion is borne out by a similarity of languages and customs, as well as by traditions."[IV'-4]
In support of this theory, Judge Roseborough states that the languages spoken on Smith River, and extending thence forty miles along the coast, are radically and wholly different from those of the neighboring tribes. The former are harsh, guttural, irregular, and apparently monosyllabic, while on the other hand, the neighboring tribes inhabiting the coast southward to Humboldt Bay, and along the Klamath as far up as the mouth of the Trinity, speak a language very regular in its structure; copious in its capacity for expressing ideas and shades of thought, and not unpleasing to the ear, being free from harsh and guttural sounds. Of all the languages spoken in this part, that which prevails along the Klamath River, as far up as Happy Camp, and along the Salmon to its sources, is by far the most regular and musical. In fact, for its regular and musical accents it occupies among the Indian tongues of the continent the same preëminence that the Spanish does among the Caucasian languages. For instance, their proper nouns for persons and places are very euphoneous, as, euphippa, escassasoo, names of persons, and tahasoofca, cheenich, panumna, chimicanee, tooyook, savorum, names of noted localities along the river.
As an example of the copiousness and richness of the coast languages above Humboldt Bay, Judge Roseborough cites the following, for one, two, three, four, they say, kor, nihhi, naxil, chohnah; so for to-morrow they say, kohchamol; for the day after to-morrow, nahamohl; three days hence, naxamohl; four days hence, chohnahamol. Nor do they stop here; mare, being five, and marunimícha, fifteen; the fifteenth day from the present is, marunimîcháhamohl.
Mr George Bancroft in his Indianology erroneously asserts that the sound of our letter r does not occur in any of the aboriginal languages of America. A similar assertion has been made with regard to Asiatic tongues, that there is not a people from the peninsula of Hindostan to Kamchatka who make use of this sound. Although this idea is now exploded, evidence goes to show the rarity of the use of the letter r in these regions; yet, Judge Roseborough assures me that in these northern Californian dialects the sound of this letter is not only frequent, but is uttered with its most rolling, whirring emphasis; that such words as arrarra, Indian; carrook, or cahroc, up; eurook, or euroc, down; seearrook, across and up; micarra, the name of a village; tahasoofcarrah, that is to say the village of upper Tahasoofca, are brought forth with an intensity that a Frenchman could not exceed.
On both sides of the Oregon and Californian boundary line is spoken the Klamath language; adjoining it on the north is the Yakon, and on the south the Shasta and the Palaik. A dialect of the Klamath is also spoken by the Modocs. Herewith I give a short comparative table, and although no relationship between them is claimed, yet many of the words which I have selected are not without a similarity.[IV'-5]
YAKON. KLAMATH. SHASTA. PALAIK.
Man kalt hisuatsos awatikoa yaliu
Woman tkhlaks snawats taritsi omtewitsen
Mouth qai sum au, or aof, ap
Leg sia tsoks halaway, or hatis, atetewa
Water kilo ampo atsa as
Blood pouts poits ime ahati
Earth onitstoh kaela tarak kela
Stone kelih kotai itsa olisti
Wood kukh anko awa hau
Beaver kaatsilawa pum tawai pum
Dog tskekh watsak hapso watsaqa
Bird kokoaia lalak tararakh lauitsa
Salmon tsutais tsialus kitari tsialas
Great haihaiat moönis kempe wawa
THE WINTOON, EUROC, AND CAHROC.
Along Pitt River and its tributaries are the Pitt River Indians and the Wintoons, of which languages short vocabularies are given.
PITT RIVER.
Man t'elyou Hair teee
Woman emmetowchan Eyes ossa
House teoomchee Nose yame
Tree (pine) oswoo Mouth yanena
Water oss Teeth etesä
Stone alliste Legs säyä
Sun tsool Fire mallis
Moon tchool Big walswa
Crow owwicha Little chowkootcha
Dog chahoom Dead deoome
Deer doshshe Mountain akoo
Bear loehta Fish oll[IV'-6]
WINTOON.
Yes ummina Warm pela
Woman darcus Eyes toomb
House boss Nose sono
I, or me net Mouth all
Water mem Teeth see
Rain luhay Talk teene
Sun sash To kill kloma
Moon chamitta Large bohama
Night kenavina, or peno To fight cluckapooda
Dog suco Dead menil
Deer nope North wy
Bear chilch, or weemer South nora[IV'-7]
On the lower Klamath, the Euroc language prevails. As compared with the dialects of southern California, it is guttural; there being apparently in some of its words, or rather grunts, a total absence of vowels—mrprh, nose; chlh, earth; ynx, child. Among other sounds peculiar to it, there is that of the ll, so frequent in the Welsh language. Mr Powers says that, "in conversation they terminate many words with an aspiration which is imperfectly indicated by the letter h, a sort of catching of the sound, immediately followed by the letting out of the residue of breath, with a quick little grunt. This makes their speech harsh and halting; the voice often comes to a dead stop in the middle of a sentence." He further adds that "the language seems to have had a monosyllabic origin, and, in fact, they pronounce many dissyllables as if they were two monosyllables."
Along the upper Klamath, the Cahroc language is spoken, which is entirely distinct from that of the Eurocs. It is sonorous, and its intonation has even been compared with that of the Spanish, being not at all guttural like the Euroc. The r, when it occurs in such words as chareya, and cahroc, is strangely rolled. The language is copious; the people speaking it having a name for everything, and on seeing any article new to them, if a proper designation is not immediately at hand, they forthwith proceed to manufacture one.
Another guttural language is the Pataway, spoken on Trinity River. Its pronunciation is like the Euroc, and it has the same curious, abrupt stopping of the voice at the end of syllables terminating with a vowel, as Mr Powers describes it. Related to it is the Veeard of lower Humboldt Bay. The numerals in the latter language are: koh-tseh, one; dee-teh, two; dee-keh, three; deeh-oh, four; weh-sah, five; chilókeh, six; awtloh, seven; owit, eight; serókeh, nine; lokél ten.[IV'-8]
The language known as the Weitspek, spoken at the junction of the Trinity and Klamath rivers, is probably the same which Mr Powers has named the Pataway. It is also said to have the frequently occurring rolling r. The f, as in the Oregon languages, is wanting. Dialects of the Weitspek are the Weeyot and Wishosk, on Eel and Mad rivers. This language is understood from the coast range down to the coast between Cape Mendocino and Mad River.[IV'-9] The Ehnek, or Pehtsik, language is spoken on Salmon River; thence in the region of the Klamath, are the Watsahewah, Howteteoh, and Nabiltse languages.[IV'-10]
COMPARISONS.
WEEYOT. WISHOSK. WEITSPEK. EHNEK.
Man ko éh ko-éh pagehk ah wunsh
Arrow sáhpe tsahpé nah qut kha-wish
Water merah tche mer ah ché pa ha iss shah
Earth let kuk let kuk chahk steep
Dog wyets wy'ts chishé chish ee
Fire mass mess mets ah
Sun taum tahm wá noush leh kosh rah
One koh tse kohtsa spinekoh issah
Two er ee ta ritta nun ehr ach bok
Three er ee ka rihk nak sa kui rahk
Four re aw wa ri yah toh hun ne peehs
Five wessa wéhsah mahr o tum ti rah o
The Chillulah, Wheelcutta, and Kailta were spoken on Redwood Creek, but before the extinction of these people, their languages were merged into that of the Hoopahs by whom they were subjugated. The language of the Chimalquays of New River has also been absorbed by the Hoopah. Of the Chimalquays Powers hyperbolically remarks "their language was like the mountain city of California, beautiful in its simplicity, but frail."[IV'-11]
THE POMO FAMILY AND ITS DIALECTS.
At Humboldt Bay a language called Patawat is mentioned, and in Round Valley the Yuka. The numerals in the latter tongue are—pongwe, one; opeh, two; malmeh, three; and omehet, four. In Potter Valley is the Tahtoo language which Mr Powers thinks may belong to the Pomo or the Yuka.[IV'-12] In the Eel River and Russian River valleys as far as the mouth of Russian River and in Potter Valley, the different tribes known by the names of Ukiahs or Yokias, Sanèls, Gallinomeros, Masallamagoons, Gualalas, and Matoles, speak various dialects of the Pomo language, which obtains in Potter Valley and the dialects of which become more and more estranged according to the distance from the aboriginal centre. The Pomo men are good linguists; they readily acquire all the different dialects of their language, which in places differ to such an extent, that unless they are previously learned they cannot be understood. Pomo women are not allowed to learn any dialect but their own.
The following comparative table of numerals will illustrate the relationship of these tribes, among which I include the Kulanapo spoken near Clear Lake, and of which Mr Gibbs has also noticed an affinity to the Russian River and Eel River languages; also, the language spoken by the natives of the Yonios Ranchería in Marin County.[IV'-13]
POMO. UKIAH. SANÉL. GALINOMERO. KULANAPO. YUNIO.
One cha taro tate cha k'hah lih kalli
Two co can co aco kots hotz
Three sibbo sibbo sibboo mesibbo homeka humka
Four tack duhan ducho meta dol caddol
Five shal native mato tooshuh leh ma lema
Six padeh tsadeh tsadeh lancha tsa di sav
Seven copah hoyneit cóëmar latco ku la hots kolaus
Eight cowal cogodol cogodol cométa ko ka dohl kadol
Nine shalshal némgoshum númoshum chaco hah da rol shum gin
Ten sala némpotec návacotec chasúto hah da rul tek hidelema
GALLINOMERO GRAMMAR.
On the Gallinomero dialect I make a few grammatical remarks. In conversation the Gallinomeros are rather slovenly and make use of frequent contractions and abbreviations like the English can't and shan't, which makes it difficult for a stranger to understand them. Another difficulty for the student is the convertibility of a number of letters, such as t into ch, sh into ch, i into ah, etc. Nouns have neither number, case, nor gender; the first being only occasionally indicated by a separate word—cha ataboónya, one man; aco ataboónja, two men. The genitive is formed by placing the words in juxtaposition—atópte meätega, the chief's brother; the governed word being always prepositive. None of the remaining cases are distinguished; for example—chadúna bidácha, I see the river; bidácha hoalye, I go to the river, or, into the river; bidácha huodúna, I come out of the river; didácha toholeéna, I go away from the river; the accusative may be recognized as being placed immediately after the verb, but there are many exceptions to this rule. Sometimes the accusative is also marked by the ending ga or gen—chechoanoótugen, I strike the boy; but this is seldom used. Verbs are always regular. There are present, imperfect, and future tenses, and three forms of the imperative, all distinctly marked by tense endings.
Present Indicative. Imperfect. First Future.
Do, tseena tseeteéna tseecúwa
Go, hoalye hoaleteéna hoalecúwa
Break, matsána matsanteéna matsancúwa
Kill, matemána matemanteéna matemancúwa
See, chadúna chaduteéna chaducúwa
Fight, mehailme mehailmooteéna mehailmoocúwa
In some instances these endings are changed for the sake of euphony, certain letters being elided. The endings may really be called auxiliary verbs, attached to the principal verb. Thus the imperfect reads, literally, 'would be I go do,' the ending teena, being nothing but the word tseena, with the s omitted. In like manner the future is formed, as in tudáwa, to want, which is changed into cúwa.
There is nothing to denote number in the verb, as can be seen in the
CONJUGATION OF THE VERB TO BE.
I am, ahwa We are, áyawa
Thou art, ámawa You are, ámawa
He is, hámowa They are, hámowa
Of the imperative, the following may serve as an example: hoáleluh, let me go; hoalin, go thou; hoálegun, let him go. The verb chadúna, to see, may signify either I see, or seeing, or to see, or it may be construed as a substantive—sight; or as an adjective in agglutination, as chadunatoboónya, a watchful man. Chanhódin is an auxiliary verb and is always prepositive. The pronouns are, ah, ahto, or ahmet, I; ama, thou; and wemo, waymo, hamo, or ámata, he. The first person of the pronoun is always omitted, except with the verb to be, and the second and third persons frequently. Pronominal adjectives are quite irregular, as owkey, from ah; maykey, from ama; wébakey, from wemo; and they are also used irregularly with nouns. Thus in medde, father; ahmen, or owkáhmen, or áhmedde, being equivalent to I father, my father. Here, also, euphony steps in and makes words sometimes wholly unrecognizable, as ahtótána, equivalent to méhand, and still more different, as mamówky, this is for me. Your father is máykemay; his father, wébamen. Thus it will be seen that medde is changed, or abbreviated, into men, and may. Sometimes the personal pronoun is agglutinated to the verb, and sometimes it is not;—chechoánomdo (chechoána meto), I strike you; meto tudáwa, I love you. As in many other Pacific States languages, we have here a reverential syllable, which in this language is always prefixed, whereas in others, for instance the Aztec, it is an affix. Speaking of persons related, or of things belonging, to the chief, the reverential me or jin, is always prefixed;—owkeybaì, my wife; maykeybaì, your wife; atópte meëtchen, the chief's wife; shinna, head; metoshin, your head; webashin, his head; atópte jinshinna, the chief's head. All adjectives are really substantives, and are used for both purposes. Thus, ootu, boy, also signifies little, or young. Adjectives are generally placed after nouns—majey codey, good day; but there are also many exceptions to this rule. Comparatives are expressed by the particle pala, more;—paleyabáta waymo ahmet, he is greater than I, pala becoming paléya, in composition. This is only used by the more intelligent class. A Gallinomero of the lower order would say, bata waymo ahmet, great he I. The principal characteristics of the language are euphony and brevity, to which all things else are subservient, but nevertheless, as I have shown already, agglutination is carried to the farthest extent.[IV'-14]
TRANS-PACIFIC COMPARISONS.
As will be seen by the following comparative table, the Pomo language, or rather one of its dialects, the Kulanapo, shows some affinity to the Malay family of languages. Of one hundred and seventy words which I have compared, I find fifteen per cent. showing Malay similarities, and more could perhaps have been found if the several vocabularies had been made upon some one system. As it is, I have been obliged to use a Malay, a Tonga, and other Polynesian vocabularies, taken by different persons, at different times. Without attempting to establish any relationship between the Polynesians and Californians, I present these similarities merely as a fact; these analogies I find existing nowhere else in California, and between them and no other Trans-Pacific peoples.[IV'-15]
KULANAPO. MALAY. DIALECT OF THE MALAY.
Woman dah do Kayan
Mother nihk indi, ini Sakarran
Husband dah'k laki, lake Malay
Wife bai le bini Malay
Head kai yah kapala Malay
Hair moo sooh fooloo Tonga
Neck mi yah gia Tonga
Foot kah mah kaki Malay
House kah (calli, Aztec) falle Tonga
Sun lah láa Tonga
Fire poh (Copeh) apoé Millanow
Water k'hah vy, cawna Tonga
Mountain dah no darud Suntah
Black keela keelick kele Polynesian
Bed keh dah reh duk dadara Malay
Green doh tor ota Polynesian
Dead mu dal mati Malay
I hah au Polynesian
One k'hah lih tasi Polynesian
One tchah (Yukai) satu Malay
Four dol tau Polynesian
Five leh ma lima Malay
Eat ku hu kai Polynesian
Drink mih mea inoo Tonga
To see el lih (Chocuyem) ilaw Tonga
To go le loom aloo Tonga
Bow pah chee pana Malay
Tongue lehn teep (Chocuyem) lida Malay
Leg co yok (Chocuyem) ku jak Suntah
The similarities existing between the Japanese and Chinese, and the Californian languages, appearing from a careful comparison of the same one hundred and seventy words, are insufficient to establish any relationship; the few resemblances may be regarded as purely accidental. Of these words I insert the following, which are all between which I have been able to discover any likeness:
Husband Japanese muko Costaños makho
Teeth Chinese chi Copeh see ih
Knife Japanese deba Costaños tepah
Fire Chinese ho Choweshak ho
Water Japanese sui Costaños see ee
Dog Japanese chin Weitepek and Ehnek chishe
Deer Japanese sh'ka Copeh siáh
The Choweshak and Batemdakaiee are mentioned as being spoken at the head of Eel River, and the Chocuyem in Marin County, near the Mission of San Rafael. On Russian River, there yet remain to be mentioned the Olamentke, and the Chwachamaju. All these may be properly classed as dialects nearly related to the Pomo family, and some of them may even be the same dialects under different names.[IV'-16]
Of the Chocuyem I give the following Lord's Prayer:
Api maco su lilecoe, ma nénas mi aués omai mácono mi taucuchs oyópa mi tauco chaquenit opú neyatto chaquenit opu liletto. Tu maco muye genum ji naya macono sucuji sulia mácono masócte, chague mat opu ma suli mayaco. Macoi yangia ume omutto, ulémi mácono omu incapo. Nette esa Jesus.[IV'-17]
In Round Valley, northern California, there is the before-mentioned Yuka language, which is connected with the Wapo, or Ashochemie, spoken near Calistoga, and in the mountains leading thence to the Geysers.[IV'-18]
On Yuba and Feather rivers are the Meidoos and Neeshenams of whose language Powers says that "the Meidoo shades away so gradually into the Neeshenam that it is extremely difficult to draw a line anywhere. But it must be drawn somewhere, because a vocabulary taken down on Feather River will lose three fourths of its words before it reaches the Cosumnes. Even a vocabulary taken on Bear River will lose half or more of its words in going to the Cosumnes, which denotes, as is the fact, that the Neeshenam language varies greatly within itself. Indeed, it is probably less homogeneous and more thronged with dialects than any other tongue in California. Let an Indian go even from Georgetown to American Flat, or from Bear River to Auburn, and, with the exception of the numerals he will not at first understand above one word in four, or five, or six. But, with this small stock in common, and the same laws of grammar to guide them, they pick up each others dialects with amazing rapidity. It is these wide variations which have caused some pioneers to believe that there is one tongue spoken on the plains around Sacramento, and another in the mountains; whereas they are as nearly identical as the mountain dialects are. So long as the numerals remain the same, I count it one language; and so long as this is the case, the Indians generally learn each others dialects; but when the numerals change utterly, they often find it easier to speak the English together than to acquire another tongue. As to the southern boundary of the Neeshenam there is no doubt, for at the Cosumnes the language changes abruptly and totally."
LANGUAGES OF THE SACRAMENTO VALLEY.
Along the banks of the Sacramento, two distinct linguistic systems are said to prevail. But to what extent all the languages mentioned in that vicinity are related, or can be classified, it is difficult to say; for not only is there great confusion in names, but what is more essential, vocabularies of most of them are wanting. On the eastern bank of the Sacramento and extending along Feather River, the Cosumnes, and other tributaries of the Sacramento, the following languages are mentioned: Ochecamne, Serouskumne, Chupumne, Omochumne, Siecumne, Walagumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Turealumne, Saywamine, Newichumne, Matchemne, Sagayayumne, Muthelemne, Sopotatumne, and Talatiu. In all these dialects the word for water is kik, but in the dialects spoken on the west bank it is mómi. On the western bank are mentioned the dialects of the Pujuni, Puzlumne, Secumne, Tsamak, Yasumne, Nemshaw, Kisky, Yalesumne, Huk, and others.[IV'-19] Undoubtedly all these Sacramento Valley dialects are more or less related, but of them we have no positive knowledge except that the Secumne and Tsamak are closely related, while the Puzlumne and Talatiu also show many words in common, but cannot be said to affiliate.[IV'-20] In the mountains south of the Yuba, and also on some parts of the Sacramento the Cushna language obtains. On the latter river Wilkes mentions the Kinkla, of which he says that in comparison with the language of the northern nations it may be called soft, "as much so as that of the Polynesians." Repetitions of syllables appear to be frequent as wai-wai, and hau-hau-hau.[IV'-21] In Napa Valley six dialects were spoken, the Myacoma, Calayomane, Caymus, Napa, Uluka, and Suscol.[IV'-22] In Solano County the Guiluco language was spoken, of which the following Lord's Prayer may serve as a specimen:
Allá igamé mutryocusé mi zahuá om mi yahuatail cha usqui etra shou mur tzecali ziam pac onjinta mul zhaiíge nasoyate chelegua mul znatzoitze tzecali zicmatan zchiitiilaa chalehua mesqui pihuatzite yteima omahuá. Emqui Jesus.[IV'-23]
Near the straits of Karquines, and also in the San Joaquin and Tulare valleys, the Tulare tongue prevailed. In this language, if we may believe M. Duflot de Mofras, the letters b, d, f, g, and r do not exist, the r being changed into l, as maria, malia. Many guttural sounds like kh, tsh, lm, tp, tsp, th, etc., are found, yet softer than the gutturals of the north. Notwithstanding the above statement M. de Mofras gives as a specimen of the Tulare language the following Lord's Prayer, in which the r frequently occurs:
Appa macquen erinigmo tasunimac emracat, jinnin eccey macquen iunisínmac macquen quitti éné soteyma erinigmo: sumimac macquen hamjamú jinnan guara ayei: sunun macquen quit ti enesunumac ayacma: aquectsem unisimtac nininti equetmini: juriná macquen equetmini em men.
SPECIMENS OF SOUTHERN LANGUAGES.
Of the languages spoken at the mission of Santa Inez the following Lord's Prayer is given by M. de Mofras; and this is very likely in the true Tulare language in place of the one above.
Dios caquicoco upalequen alapa, quiaenicho opte: paquininigug quique eccuet upalacs huatahuc itimisshup caneche alapa. Ulamuhu ilahulalisahue. Picsiyug equepe ginsucutaniyug uquiyagmagin, canechequique quisagin sucutanagun utiyagmayiyug peux hoyug quie utic lex ulechop santequiyug ilautechop. Amen Jesus.[IV'-24]
The Tulare language is probably the same which was known under the name of Kahweyah in central California and may have some connection with the Cahuillo in the southern part of the state.[IV'-25]
Languages in the interior, of which but little more than the name and the region where they were spoken is known, are, on the Tuolumne River the Hawhaw and another which has no particular name; on the Merced River the Coconoon with a dialect extending to King River and to Tulare Lake.[IV'-26] Mr Powers makes of the tribes inhabiting Kern and Tulare valleys the Yocut nation, yocut signifying an aggregation of people, while myee, or nono, means man. "It is a singular fact," observes this writer, "that in several of the northern languages kiya denotes dog, while in the Yocut, kiya is coyote."
From Mr Powers I have also the following vocabularies, which have never before been published.
CAHROC. MEIDOO. PALEGAWONÀP.
Man awans midoo anghanil
Woman asicitáwa catee coyeem
Sun coosooda pocum tahl
Earth soosaney caweh serwahl
Dog cheshee seyu poongool
Water ahs momeh pahl
Stone ass ohm tuhnt
Fire alih sum quoat
Head huchwa onum koönte
Mouth apman cumbo tawkunte
Hand teeik ma mah
Big nuckishnuck haylin
Little neenums wedaka
To eat ohámt pin
To give tanneëh meëy
To work ickeeàht tawale
MEEWOC. YOCUT. NEESHENAM.
Man Meewa nono neeshenam or maidee
Woman Osuh mokella cülleh
Sun Watoo ope ophy
Earth Toleh hoocheh cow
Dog Chookoo chehca sooh
Water Kikuh ilic moh
Stone Sawa sileh oam
Fire Wookeh osit sah
Head Hanna oochuh tsoll
Mouth Awoh samah sim
Hand Tissuh poonose mah
Big Oyaneh koteh nem
Little Toonchickche colich hunum
To eat Sowuh hateh pap
To give wahneh meh
To work tawhaleh towhàn
Information regarding the languages spoken where the city of San Francisco now stands, and throughout the adjacent country, is meagre, and of a very indefinite character. On the shores of San Francisco Bay, there are the languages spoken by the Matalans, Salses, and Quirotes, which are dialects of one mother language.[IV'-27] This language has by some been called the Olhone, and although other dialects are mentioned as belonging to it, it is generally stated that but one general language was spoken by all of them.[IV'-28] Southward, near Monterey, there are more positive data. Here we find as the principal languages, the two spoken by the Runsiens and Eslenes; besides which, the Ismuracan and Aspianaque are mentioned.[IV'-29]
DIALECTS OF THE RUNSIEN AND ESLENE.
But although they are called distinct languages, Taylor affirms that the Eslenes, Sakhones, Chalones, Katlendarukas, Poytoquis, Mutsunes, Thamiens, and many others, spoke different dialects of the Runsien language, and that over a stretch of country one hundred and seventy miles in length, the natives were all able to converse with greater or less facility with each other, and that although "their dialects were infinitesimal and puzzling, their vocal communications were intelligible enough when brought together at the different missions." La Pérouse's Achastliens and Ecclemachs are probably nothing more than other names for some of the above-mentioned dialects.[IV'-30]
Not only do all these before-mentioned languages show a relationship one with another, but there are faint resemblances detected between them and the Olhone language of San Francisco Bay. Furthermore, between the latter and the language spoken at La Soledad Mission, as well as that of the Olamentkes of Russian River, which I have already classed with the Pomo family, there are faint traces of relationship.[IV'-31]
MUTSUN. LA SOLEDAD. RUNSIEN. ACHASTLIEN.
One hemethscha himítsa enjalá moukala
Two usthrgin utshe ultis outis
Three capjan hapkha kappei capes
Four uthrit utjit ultizim outiti
Five parnes paruash hali izú is
Father appá nikápa appan
Mother anan nikána aán
Daughter ca niká kaana
Nose us us
Ears ocho otsho
Mouth jai hai
A further confirmation of this relationship is found in the statement of the first missionary Fathers, who traveled overland from Monterey to San Francisco, and who, although at that time totally unacquainted with these languages, recognized resemblances in certain words.[IV'-32] The dialect spoken at the Mission of Santa Clara has been preserved to us only in the shape of the Lord's Prayer which follows:
Appa macréne mé saura saraahtiga elecpuhmen imragat, sacan macréne mensaraah assueiy nouman ourun macari pireca numa ban saraathtiga poluma macréne souhaii naltis anat macréne neéna, ia annanit macréne nieena, ia annanit macréne macrec équetr maccari noumabaú mare annan, nou maroté, jassemper macréne in eckoué tamouniri innam tattahné icatrarca oniet macréne equets naccaritkoun oun och á Jésus.[IV'-33]
MUTSUN GRAMMAR.
Of the Mutsun dialect I give the following grammatical notes. Words of this language do not contain the letters b, d, k, f, v, x, and the rolling r.
DECLENSION OF THE WORD APPA, FATHER.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
Nom. appa appagma
Gen. appa appagma
Dat. appahuas appagmahuas
Acc. appase apagamase
Voc. appa appagma
Abl. appatsu, or appatca, or appame appagmatsu, or appamatca, or appagmane
CONJUGATION OF THE VERB ARÁ, TO GIVE.
PRESENT INDICATIVE.
I give, can ará We give, macse ará
Thou givest, men ará You give, macam ará
He gives, nunissia ará They give, nupcan ará
PAST.
I gave (a very short time ago), can itzs arán
I gave (a long while ago), can cus arás
I gave (very long ago), can hocs ará
I gave (from time immemorial), can munna arás
I gave (without mentioning time), can arán
I gave (who knows when), can arás
I gave (sometime ago), can araicun
I gave (already), can aragte
FUTURE.
I shall give (soon), can et (or iete) ará
I shall give (after many days), can iti ará
I shall give (after many years), can múnna ará
I shall have given (perhaps), can piñ arán
IMPERATIVE.
Give me, arat, or aratit
Give thyself, araia
Give him, arai, or arati
Give them, arais
SUBJUNCTIVE.
That I give, cat ará
If I gave, imatcum can ará, or cochop tucne can ará
The language abounds in adverbs, of which I give the following.
This day neppe tengis To-morrow aruta
Now naha Since yete
Immediately iñaha Always imi
Never ecue et Before aru
Never more ecue imi Much tolon
Good miste, utin Very much tompe
Bad equitseste Little cutis
Gently chequen Very little cuti
Certainly amane Yes gehe
No ecue Truly asaha, eres
To-day naha Look giré
Adjectives are declined the same as substantives when they are declined alone; but they differ in their declension from substantives when they are declined in connection with them, because then they do not change their terminations, but remain the same in all the cases. The rules of syntax are intricate and very difficult.
Father Comelias speaks of a language at the Mission of Santa Cruz, with numerous dialects, in fact so many, that the language changed nearly every two leagues, and being at times so divergent, that it was with difficulty neighboring people could understand one another.[IV'-34] In the vicinity of the Mission San Antonio de Padua, there is a language which has been variously named, Tatché, Telamé, and Sextapay. It appears to be a distinct language, and Taylor affirms that the people speaking it could not understand those of La Soledad Mission, thirty miles north.[IV'-35] In this language the letters b, d, r, do not appear; na expresses the article the, and also this. There are many different ways of expressing the plural of nouns. Some add the syllable il, el, l, or li, others insert ti, or t, while others again add leg, aten, ten, or teno, as may be seen in the following examples.[IV'-36]
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
Counsellor tayito tayilito
Flame meachealíya meachealiliya
Work tácâto taqueleato
My enemy zitchofn zitchofneal
Brother citol citolanél
Grass ca*tz ca*tzaonél
Man tama tamaten
Mouse eazzqui*lmog eazzqui*lmoco*ten
Oven aloconíya alocotiníya
Prison quealuezúgne quealuezúgtine
Fat cu*pinit cupinitleg
Woman lixii litzzin
Bone ejacô ejaclíto
TATCHE GRAMMAR.
Cases do not appear to exist, the relations of the nouns being expressed by particles. Adjectives do not vary to show gender or degree. Personal pronouns are usually copulative and included in the verb, whether subjective or objective. Of the use of the possessive pronoun the following examples will give the clearest idea: Brother, citolo; my brother, cítol; thy brother, eatsmitol; brothers, citolanélo; my brothers, citolanél; thy brothers, eatsmitolanel; mother, epjo; thy mother, petsmipeg; house, chviconou; my house, chvíconov; thy house, zimchvicono; blood, akata; my blood, ekata; thy blood, cimekata; father, ecco; my father, tili; thy father, cimic; our father, tatilli; work, tácâto; my work, tácât; thy work, cimtácât; our work, zatúcât; your work, zugtácât; mine, zeé; thine, eatsmeamée; this, na; that, pea.
Verbs have also a plural form. Ca*lom, to teach; ca*ólilom, to teach much, or, to teach many.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
To desire quiaolep quiaolilep
To drink cácheme cáchetem
To run quenole quenoltec
To say maláco maloltaco
To walk qui*tipav qui*lipav
VERB AND PRONOUN.
I teach, 'ecao*lom Give me, meayaoc
He teaches me, quepaoalác Give us, maítiltac
Speak thou to me, pssiaoc He gives us, peayaoc
Speak you to me, pssitác He gives us, paitiltac
To give, peyaco, peaíco
I love thee, 'epeapaomaqueca
Thou lovest thyself, mimo eatameapaomapque*co
The following are prepositions: by, zo; in neapea; to zui, zuiyo, zo; from, zeapea; on, zui; within, zineapav. A few examples of adverbs are—here, zopav; there, neapé; to-day, taha; to-morrow, tixjáy; yesterday, notcieyo.
LORD'S PRAYER.
Za tili, (Our father,) mo (thou) quixco (art) neapea (in) limaatnil. (heaven.) An zucueteyem (Hallowed) na (the) etsmatz: (thy name:) antsiejtsitia (come) na (the) ejtmilina. (thy kingdom.) An citaha (Be done) natsmalog (thy will) zui (on) lac* (earth) quicha (as) neapae (in) lima. (heaven.) Maitiltac (Give us) taha (to-day) zizalamaget (our food) zizucanatel ziczia. (our daily.) Za manimtiltac (Forgive us) na (the) zanayl, (Debts,) quicha (as) na (the) kac (we) apaninitílico (forgive them) na (the) zananaol. Zi (our debt.) quetza ( ) commanatatelnec (Let not) za (us) alimeta (fall) zo (into) na (the) ziuxnia.(temptation.) Za no (Us) quissili (from) jom zig (evil) zumtaylitee. (defend.) Amen.[IV'-37]( )
SAN MIGUEL AND SANTA CRUZ VOCABULARY.
Another distinct language is found at and near the Mission of San Miguel, but of it nothing but a short vocabulary taken by Mr Hale is known. The language spoken at San Gabriel and at San Fernando Rey, called Kizh, and the Netela used at San Juan Capistrano, I shall not describe here, but include them with the Shoshone family, to which they are related. The Chemehuevi and Cahuillo I also place among the Shoshone dialects, while the Diegeño and Comeya will be included in the Yuma family. It therefore only remains for me to speak of the languages of the islands near the coast of California. Of these, the principal, or mother language, was spoken on the island of Santa Cruz. The different tribes inhabiting the various islands all spoke dialects of one language, which was somewhat guttural. I insert a short vocabulary of the Santa Cruz Island language with that of the Mission of San Miguel.
SAN MIGUEL. SANTA CRUZ ISLAND.
Man loaí, or loguai alamuün
Woman tlené hemutch
Father tata ceske
Mother apai osloe
Head tobuko pispulaoah
Hair teasakho toffooll
Ears tentkhito pasthoo
Eyes trugento tisplesoose
Mouth treliko pasaotch
One tohi ismala
Two kogsu ischum
Three tlobahi maseghe
Four kesa scumoo
Five oldrato sietisma
Six paiate sietischum
Seven tepa sietmasshugh
Eight sratel malawah
Nine teditrup spah
Ten trupa kascum[IV'-38]