BOOK THE SECOND.

Ch. I.—Of the Wars between the Duke of Burgundy and the Liegeois; and of the taking, plundering, and razing the town of Dinant.—1466.

Soon after the pacification of the troubles of France, the Duke of Burgundy began a war against the Liegeois, which lasted for several years; and whenever the King of France had a mind to interrupt him, he attempted some new action against the Bretons, and, in the meantime, supported the Liegeois underhand; upon which the Duke of Burgundy turned against him to succour his allies, or else they came to some treaty or truce among themselves. In the year 1466⁠[167], Dinant was taken by the Duke of Burgundy, which is a town situated in the territory of Liege, very strong for its size, and very rich by reason of the works which they make in copper, commonly called Dinanderie—namely, pots, skillets, and frying-pans, and such like ware. The Duke of Burgundy (who died in June, 1467⁠[168]) had so great an animosity to them, that he was carried in his old age to that siege in a litter. The reasons of his displeasure were, the great cruelty which they had exercised upon his subjects in the county of Namur, and especially at a little town called Bouvines, about a quarter of a league from Dinant, there being only the River Maes between them. Not long before that, the inhabitants of Dinant had besieged the town of Bouvines, on the other side of the river, for the space of eight months, committing numerous acts of hostilities, and bombarding it continually with two brass cannon and other great pieces of artillery, battering the houses about their ears, and forcing the inhabitants to shelter themselves in their cellars, where they continued during the whole siege. It is impossible to imagine the deadly hatred that these two towns had conceived one against the other⁠[169]: yet their children married frequently together, there being no other towns of any consideration in that neighbourhood.

The year before the destruction of Dinant (which was the summer in which the Count of Charolois arrived before Paris, and joined with the French lords who were in confederacy with him) the town made an agreement and peace with the count, by which they were obliged to pay to him a certain sum of money, and had separated from the city of Liege and managed their affairs apart. When people (whose interest binds them together in an alliance) divide and forsake one another, it is a certain sign of destruction, not only for towns and little states, but for princes and great potentates: but because I suppose everybody may have read or observed examples enough of this nature, I forbear to say any more than this, that King Louis our master understood breaking and dividing of leagues better than any prince that I ever knew, for he spared neither money nor pains, and that as well with the servants as the masters. But to return; by degrees the Dinanters began to repent heartily of the above-mentioned treaty, and caused four of their chief citizens, who had been instrumental in concluding the peace, to be most barbarously executed, and began the war afresh in the county of Namur. For these reasons, and upon the earnest solicitation of the inhabitants of Bouvines, this siege was undertaken by Duke Philip; but the command of the army was given to his son, to whom the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, repaired, but, coming in a private capacity, and acting without any authority from the king, he could not bring any of the standing forces of the kingdom to the assistance of the Duke of Burgundy, but was forced to content himself with what forces he could assemble on the frontiers of Picardy.

The Dinanters made a bold sally one day; but it proved much to their disadvantage, for they were beaten so cruelly, that eight days after (their friends having no time to consider of their relief) the town was taken by storm and set on fire, and the prisoners (about 800) drowned before Bouvines at the earnest request of the men of Bouvines. Whether God permitted it as a judgment upon them for their malice, I cannot determine, but certainly it was a dreadful revenge.

The next day after the taking of the town, the Liegeois (contrary to their agreement⁠[170]) arrived in great numbers to have relieved it; for by that treaty they also had obliged themselves not to meddle with the affairs of the Dinanters, as the Dinanters had separated from them.

Duke Philip, on account of his great age, returned home⁠[171]; but his son with the whole army advanced against the Liegeois, whom we met with sooner than we expected, for, by accident and the fault of our guides, our vanguard lost their way, and our main body (in which most of the chief commanders were) encountered the enemy. It was already late when we met, and yet we prepared to engage them, when immediately certain deputies arrived from them, with a message to the Count of Charolois, beseeching him, that in honour to the blessed Virgin Mary (whose eve that was⁠[172]), he would commiserate their condition; and who also made the best excuse they could for breaking the treaty that was lately concluded between them. However, the Liegeois did not seem so submissive as the deputies represented them to be, but set a good face on the matter, and made a show as if they intended to venture a battle. However, after the deputies had gone, and returned three or four times, the peace made the year before was confirmed⁠[173], and a certain sum of money was to be paid⁠[174]; and that the peace might be better observed than it had been before, they promised to deliver 300 hostages⁠[175], who were to be named, and set down in a roll by the Bishop of Liege⁠[176] and some of his officers who were then in the army, and to be sent to the Count of Charolois by eight o’clock the next morning. During the whole night the Burgundian army was in great dread, for they were neither regularly encamped, nor enclosed within their waggons, but scattered up and down in separate bodies, and in a place very advantageous for the enemy, who were all foot, and much better acquainted with the country than we. Some of them had a desire to have attacked us, and if they had, in my opinion we must have been defeated; but those who transacted the peace, opposed and hindered that enterprise.

As soon as it was break of day, our army drew together in one body immediately; our battalions appeared drawn up in very good order, and our number was great, consisting of 3000 men-at-arms, good and bad, and 12,000 or 14,000 archers: besides a good body of foot out of the neighbouring country. We marched directly towards them, to receive our hostages, or fight them if they failed. We found them separated, and marching off in small bodies, and in disorder, as people wholly ignorant of order and martial conduct. It was by this time almost twelve o’clock, and no hostages delivered; the Count of Charolois asked advice of the Marshal of Burgundy, whether he should fall upon them or not; the marshal replied, Yes, he might do it without any danger, and they could not complain, for they themselves were in the fault. Then he asked the Lord of Contay (who has been often named), and he was entirely of the same opinion, affirming we should never have such an opportunity, showing us how they were divided and in disorder, and pressed hard for attacking them. The next he asked was the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, who was absolutely against it, alleging that it would be inconsistent both with his honour and engagement to fall upon them, and that it was impossible for so many people to come to a final resolution and be agreed so soon, especially in a business of such a nature as choosing of hostages; and he advised the Count of Charolois rather to send to them, and see what they intended. The argument between these three great officers before the Count of Charolois took up a considerable time, and he was much divided how to determine the matter. On the one hand, he saw his great and inveterate enemies defeated, and in his power, and that without any dangerous resistance; on the other, he found his honour was at stake, and it would interfere with his promise. At last he concluded to send a trumpet towards them, who met them bringing the hostages, upon which all were hush, and every man returned to his post. But the soldiers were highly displeased with the constable’s advice; for they saw good plunder before their eyes. An embassy was sent immediately to Liege to ratify and confirm the treaty of peace; but the people (being inconstant) said that the count was afraid to engage them, fired their guns upon him, and committed many insolences. The count after this returned into Flanders; and, his father dying that summer, he celebrated his obsequies with great pomp and solemnity at Bruges; and notified⁠[177] his death to the king.

Ch. II.—How the Liegeois broke the Peace with the Duke of Burgundy, before called Count of Charolois, upon which he engages and defeats them in a set Battle.—1467.

During these wars, and ever since, secret and fresh intrigues were carried on by the princes. The king was so exceedingly exasperated against the Dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy that it was wonderful; they could not correspond, or hear from one another without great difficulty; sometimes their couriers were stopped, and, in time of war, they were forced to send their letters by sea, or, at least, the Duke of Bretagne was obliged to send his messengers into England, who, going by land to Dover, embarked there for Calais; for, when they went the direct way by land, they were often in very great danger.

During all these years of dissension, and in others which succeeded for, at least, twenty years or more (some in wars, and others in truces and circumventions, every one of the princes comprehending his allies in his truces,) it pleased God to favour the realm of France so far, that the wars and divisions in England were not ended, though they had begun fifteen years before, and had been continued with many memorable and bloody battles, in which several brave men had been slain. In those wars both sides were accounted traitors, by reason that there were two families which pretended to the crown; one was the house of Lancaster, the other the house of York: and it is not to be doubted but that if England had been in the same condition it was in formerly, the kingdom of France would have been in great danger. The King of France’s aim, in the meantime, was chiefly to carry his design against the province of Bretagne, and he looked upon it as a more feasible attempt, and likelier to give him less resistance than the house of Burgundy. Besides, the Bretons were the people who protected and entertained all his malcontents; as his brother, and others, whose interest and intelligence were great in his kingdom; for this cause he endeavoured very earnestly with Charles, Duke of Burgundy, by several advantageous offers and proposals, to prevail with him to desert them, promising that upon those terms he also would abandon the Liegeois, and give no further protection to his malcontents. The Duke of Burgundy would by no means consent to it, but again made preparations for war against the Liegeois, who had broken the peace, and possessed themselves of a town called Huy⁠[178], driven out his garrison, and afterwards plundered it, notwithstanding the hostages which they had given the year before were to be put to death, and a great sum of money to be paid besides, in case the treaty was violated on their part. He assembled his army about Louvain⁠[179], which is a town in Brabant and on the marches of Liege. The Constable of France (who was now wholly devoted to the French interest, and had his residence in that kingdom) came to the duke with Cardinal Balue⁠[180] and others, to let him know that the Liegeois being in an alliance with the King of France, and comprehended in his truce, he should be obliged to relieve them in case the Duke of Burgundy thought fit to invade them. However, they offered that in case the duke would consent that their master might make war upon the Bretons, he would connive at his designs against the Liegeois. Their audience was short and in public, and they continued there but one day. The duke, to justify his proceedings against the Liegeois, replied, “That they had invaded him; that it was they themselves, and not he, who had broken the truce, and, therefore, he was resolved to be revenged of his enemies, without being obliged to abandon his confederates after a base and dishonourable manner.” The next day, as the duke took horse, he gave them their despatch, and told them aloud, “That he desired the king not to attempt anything against the Bretons.” The constable pressed him very hard, and told him, “Sir, you do not choose, but take all; you will make war at your pleasure upon our allies, and oblige us to sit still, and not meddle with yours: it is not to be expected, and the king will never suffer it.” The duke took his leave of them, and replied, “The Liegeois are now in arms, and within three days I believe we shall have a battle; if I lose it, I do not doubt but you will do as you think fit; but if I conquer, you will leave the Bretons in peace.” And, having said so, he mounted on horseback, and the ambassadors prepared to be gone. The duke marched in his arms from Louvain to besiege St. Tron⁠[181], with a very great army, for all the forces which could be got together in Burgundy had joined him; and, to speak truth, his army was far more numerous than any I had ever yet seen in my life.

Before his departure from Louvain, it was debated in council what was to be done with the hostages, and whether or no they should be put to death. Some were of opinion that they should all of them die, and particularly the Lord of Contay was of that judgment; and, indeed, I never heard him speak so ill and so unmercifully as at that time; for which reason it is necessary that princes should have several privy councillors; since the wisest men are sometimes, nay, too often, partial and prejudiced, either out of love, hatred, contradiction, or indisposition of their bodies, for the counsel that is given after dinner is not always the best. But some may object, that persons guilty of any of those faults are not fit to be admitted into council at all. To which I answer, That we are all of us but men, and he who would find out such as should never fail to speak wisely, nor show more passion at one time than another, must seek them in heaven, for upon earth we cannot find them: but, in recompense for this, sometimes he who has never been used to do so before, will speak wisely in council, which makes amends for the others.

But to return to the debate: two or three, in deference to the authority and judgment of the Lord of Contay, were also of his opinion; for in such councils there are many present, who (not well understanding the affair that is in debate) give their sentiments as they hear others before them, being extremely desirous to please and ingratiate themselves with some person or other of great power and authority. After him, the question was put to the Lord of Humbercourt⁠[182], who was born near Amiens, and was one of the wisest and gravest gentlemen I ever was acquainted with. His opinion was, by all means, to keep God on their side, and to let the world see that he was neither cruel nor revengeful; he thought it the most prudent way to release the 300 hostages, because they delivered themselves up with a good intention, and in confidence that the peace would have been inviolably kept. However, he judged it proper, that at their dismission they should be put in mind of the duke’s mercy towards them, and exhorted to employ their utmost endeavour to persuade the people to consent to an honourable peace; and that if they should not be able to prevail, that, at least, in acknowledgment of the duke’s generosity, they should engage never to bear arms against him, nor against their bishop, who was then with him. This opinion was followed, and when the hostages were dismissed, they consented to what had been proposed to them; and they were told, that if they engaged (any of them) actually in the war, and were taken prisoners, they must expect to suffer death; and so they departed.

It will not be altogether impertinent to add, that after the Lord of Contay had given his judgment in so cruel a manner against the poor hostages (part of whom came in with the rest voluntarily), a gentleman who was then in the council, whispered me in the ear, and said, “Do you observe that man? Though he be old, he is in good health and well; yet I dare lay a wager he dies within the year, in punishment for the inhumanity of his advice.” And so it fell out, for he lived not long after; however, he did his master good service in one battle before his death, of which I shall speak hereafter.

But to return to my history. You have heard how the Duke of Burgundy, upon his departure from Louvain, laid siege to St. Tron, and erected his batteries. In the town there was a garrison of 3000 Liegeois, commanded by a very good officer⁠[183], who was the same person that had managed the treaty of peace, when we met them, drawn up in order of battle, the year before. The third day after our investing the town, the Liegeois, to the number of about 30,000 or upwards⁠[184], one with another (but all foot except 500), and a large train of artillery, came to raise the siege, at about ten o’clock in the morning. Our first discovery of them was in a strong village called Brustan, about half a league from our camp, encompassed partly with a great morass; and in their army was Francis Rayer⁠[185], Bailiff of Lyons, and ambassador from the king to the Liegeois at that time. The alarm was brought immediately to our army; yet, I must needs say, our discipline was not exact, for we had no scouts abroad to bring us any intelligence of their approach, and the first news we had of them was from our foragers, who fled from them. I was never in any place with the Duke of Burgundy, where I observed him give good orders of himself, but only then. Immediately he drew all his battalions out into the field, except some few which were left to carry on the siege; and among the rest he left 500 English. Upon both sides of the village he placed 1200 men-at-arms, and posted himself with 800 more just before the town, but at a little farther distance. With the archers there were several persons of note and distinction on foot, besides a great many of the men-at-arms. The Lord of Ravestein commanded the duke’s van, consisting only of foot, part men-at-arms, and part archers, who marched up with some pieces of cannon to the very trenches, which were broad and deep, and full of water; yet, with our arrows and our artillery together, we forced their intrenchments, and turned their cannon upon them. However, when our arrows failed us, the Liegeois took heart again, and with their long pikes, which are advantageous weapons, charging briskly upon our archers and those who commanded them, they killed 400 or 500 of us immediately; so that all our troops on that side began to give ground, as if the battle had been lost. Upon this, the duke commanded the archers of his main battle to march under the command of Philip de Crevecœur, Lord of Cordes (a wise man), and several other good officers, who falling upon the Liegeois with a great shout, they were immediately discomfited.⁠[186] Neither the horse, which (as I said before) were drawn up on both sides of the village, nor the duke himself, where he was posted, could come at the Liegeois to attack them, by reason of the morass, only they were posted there to charge them in case our vanguard should have been repulsed, and the enemy thereby encouraged to march out into the plain. But the Liegeois, as soon as ever they were broken, fled along by the morass, and were not pursued by any but the foot; some horse the duke sent to follow the chase, but they were forced to go two leagues about to find a pass, and the night drawing on, several of the Liegeois made their escape, who otherwise would have been slain. Other troops he despatched towards the town, where he heard a great noise, and suspected a sally; and indeed he was in the right, for they made three vigorous sallies, but were always repulsed; and the English, whom the duke had posted in a certain place ready to charge them, behaved themselves very bravely. The Liegeois, who were broken, rallied a little about their waggons, and stood their ground for some time, but were at last entirely defeated. There were slain in this battle about 6000 men⁠[187], which, to people that are unwilling to lie, may seem very much; but in my time I have been in several actions, where for one man that was really slain, they have reported a hundred, thinking by such an account to please their masters; and they sometimes deceive them with their lies. Yet, if night had not come on, the Liegeois would certainly have lost near 15,000. The battle being over, as it was very late, the Duke of Burgundy, with his whole army, marched back to his camp, only a thousand or 1200 of his horse were sent two leagues about to a pass to pursue the enemy, there being no other way of coming at them, by reason of a little river which was between them and us. But the night hindered them from doing any great execution; yet some they killed, and others they took prisoners, though the greatest part of them escaped to the town. The Lord of Contay did great service that day in ordering the battle, but a few days after, he died in the town of Huy, and made a very good end. He was a person of great courage and wisdom, but he lived not many days after the cruel sentence which he had given against the hostages, as you heard before. As soon as the Duke of Burgundy had pulled off his armour, he called for his secretary, and wrote a letter to the constable, and the rest of the ambassadors who had left him at Louvain but four days before, to give them an account of the victory, and to desire that nothing might be attempted against the Bretons.

Two days after this defeat (though their loss was not very great) the pride and insolence of this silly people were strangely abated. However indeed, be it who it may, it is an act of imprudence and rashness for any to expose their fortunes to the hazard of a battle if they can possibly avoid it; for the loss of a small number of men oftentimes occasions an incredible change and alteration in the courage of the army that has been defeated, not only in possessing their minds with a dread of the enemy, but by infusing a disrespect and contempt of their commander and his privy councillors. It also makes them inclinable to mutiny and rebel, and emboldens them to demand with more confidence than they were wont, and to resent with more insolence when they are denied; and three crowns would not satisfy them so well as one would have done before. Wherefore that general who has lost one battle, if he be wise, ought to be cautious how he engages suddenly again with those men who have been lately beaten; but he should rather act defensively, or, at least, enter upon some trifling action, in which there is a probability of succeeding, in order to revive their courage by dispelling their fears. In all cases, the loss of a battle is always attended with ill consequences, especially to him that is beaten. However, those who are conquerors, and those whose infantry is better than their neighbours’ (as may be said of the English and Swiss), may fight as they please to put an end to the war. I name not those nations with any design to reflect upon the rest, but only because they have gained extraordinary victories, and are not to be kept long in the field without action, as the French and the Italians, who are either more grave and sober, or more easily commanded. On the other hand, that prince who is so fortunate as to gain the victory, acquires greater esteem and reputation in his army than he had before, and the obedience of his subjects increasing in proportion, they give him whatever he desires, and his soldiers become more daring and courageous. Sometimes also princes are so immoderately vain-glorious, and puffed up with their victories, that they turn afterwards to their prejudice, as I have seen; but moderation, and a just use of success, is a blessing which proceeds only from God.

The garrison of Saint Tron seeing that the army, which had been sent to their relief, was routed, and finding themselves hemmed in on all sides, supposing the defeat much greater than it really was, surrendered the town⁠[188], went away without their arms, and left ten⁠[189] men (whomever the Duke of Burgundy should choose) to be disposed of at his pleasure; which ten were beheaded, and six of them were of the hostages who had been released not many days before, upon the conditions above mentioned. Having taken the town, he broke up his camp, and marched towards Tongres, which was apprehensive of a siege: but, being unable to defend itself, without putting the duke to the trouble of erecting batteries against it, it surrendered upon the same terms⁠[190], and left ten men likewise to his mercy, five of whom were hostages; but all ten were put to death, as the others had been at Saint Tron.

Ch. III.—How the Liegeois quarrelled among themselves about surrendering their Town, some agreeing, others refusing to do it; while, in the meantime, the Lord of Humbercourt found a way to enter and take possession of it for the Duke of Burgundy.—1467.

From Tongres the Duke of Burgundy marched directly against the city of Liege⁠[191], which, at that time, was in great confusion, and strangely divided. Some were for standing a siege, positively affirming that the garrison was strong enough to hold out; and of this opinion was a certain knight, called the Lord Rasse de Lintre.⁠[192] Others, on the contrary, who saw and considered the inevitable ruin and desolation of the whole country, if they persisted in that resolution, would needs have peace upon any terms; whereupon, as soon as the duke approached the city, some few overtures of peace were made by certain mean and inconsiderable persons, such as fishmongers. But it was promoted much more by some of the hostages, who acted not as those I mentioned before, but acknowledged the favour they had received, and brought along with them 300 of the chief citizens in their shirts, bare-foot, and bare-headed, who presented the duke with the keys of the city, and delivered themselves, without any capitulation⁠[193]; only they begged the town might be neither plundered nor burnt. At this time the Duke of Burgundy was attended by the Lord of Moüy⁠[194], and one Monsieur Jehan Prevost, one of the king’s secretaries, who were the king’s ambassadors to the duke, and came upon the same affair, and with the same request, as the constable had done not many days before. The same day that things were in this manner accommodated, supposing all things concluded, and that there was nothing remaining but to enter the city, the duke sent the Lord of Humbercourt before him, as a person who had great acquaintance and interest in that city, as having had a share in the administration of their affairs for several years together, whilst they continued in peace. But the citizens denied him entrance at first, and he was forced to take up his quarters in a little abbey not far from one of the gates, with about fifty men-at-arms (of which number I myself was one), and perhaps 200 soldiers in all. The Duke of Burgundy sent him word to continue in that post, if he thought himself secure: but if not, that he should retire to him, for the difficulty of the way would not permit him to send a reinforcement easily, because all that side of the country was full of rocks. The Lord of Humbercourt resolved not to abandon the abbey where he was posted, it being sufficiently strong, but he detained five or six of the citizens who came to present the duke with the keys, to assist him, as you shall hear. When the clock struck nine at night, we heard their bells ring, at which the people assembled in the town, and the Lord of Humbercourt was afraid it might be a signal to fall upon us; for he had certain intelligence that the Lord Rasse de Lintre and several others had openly declared against the peace; and his apprehension was just and true, for they met to that purpose, and were ready to attack us. The Lord of Humbercourt told those who were with him, “If we can but amuse the enemy till midnight, we are safe enough; for they will be weary, and impatient to sleep, and then those who are our adversaries will leave the town, since they have miscarried in their design.” In order to effect that, he despatched two of the citizens, whom (as I said) he had detained, with certain articles very friendly and amicable, that he had caused to be drawn up for no other purpose, but only to give them an occasion of assembling the people, and to gain time; for they always had a custom, and they retain it to this very day, upon any news of importance, to flock together to the bishop’s palace upon the sounding of a bell that is within it.

When these two citizens came to the gate (which was not above two bow-shots from our post), they found the people in great bodies, and in arms: some were for assaulting them, but others prevented it. Whereupon they called out aloud to the mayor of the city, and told him they had brought certain fair and honourable proposals in writing from the Lord of Humbercourt, the Duke of Burgundy’s lieutenant in those parts, and that it would be well to repair to the palace and peruse them. The people did so accordingly; and immediately we heard the palace-bell ring again, by which we understood what they were about. Our two citizens returned not; but about an hour after we heard a greater noise at the gate than before, more of the people running down thither, crying out, and railing at us over the walls with most villanous invectives. By this manner of proceeding the Lord of Humbercourt knew the danger was worse than ever, and therefore he despatched the other four citizens who were with him, with a letter to them in writing, importing, that he being appointed governor of that city by the Duke of Burgundy, had treated them civilly, and would never consent to their destruction; for it was not long since he had been made free of one of their companies (which was the locksmiths’), and had worn their livery, for which reason they might repose the more confidence in what he said. In short, he told them, that if they would enjoy the benefit of peace, and preserve their country from ruin, they must admit the duke into the town according to their promise, and submit to such terms as were contained in a certain schedule, which he also sent them. When he had thoroughly instructed his four citizens, they passed on directly to the gate as the others had done, and found it wide open: some of the people threatened them, and gave them very ill language; others were willing to hear what they had to say, and returned to the palace; and the bell ringing again immediately, we were extremely pleased, and the noise at the gate began to decrease. In short, they were then a long time in the palace, and their conference lasted till two in the morning, and it was agreed that their promise should be kept, and that in the morning one of the gates should be delivered up to the Lord of Humbercourt; upon which resolution the Lord Rasse de Lintre and his party abandoned the town.

I should not have dwelt so long upon so inconsiderable a matter, had it not been to show that sometimes by such artifices and expedients as these (which proceed from great judgment and penetration in state affairs) great dangers and inconveniences are prevented. The next morning by break of day, several of the hostages came to wait on the Lord of Humbercourt, and entreated him to go along with them to the palace, where all the people were assembled, and swear to the two articles against firing and plundering the city (of which the people could not be otherwise secure), telling him that after that they would give him possession of one of the gates. He sent an account of all that had happened to the Duke of Burgundy, went himself into the city, and having taken the oath, he returned to the gate, caused those who were there upon the guard to come down, and having put in a dozen of his own men-at-arms and some archers in their place, he set up the Duke of Burgundy’s standard upon the gate. From thence he went to another gate (which was walled up), and put it into the hands of the Bastard of Burgundy, whose quarters were close by. The third he delivered to the Marshal of Burgundy, and the fourth to some gentlemen volunteers that accompanied him. Thus were the four gates of the city possessed by the Duke of Burgundy’s forces, and his banners erected upon them.

To give you a better insight into these affairs, it is necessary to acquaint you, that at that time Liege was (excepting only five or six) one of the strongest and most populous cities in those parts; besides which, great numbers of people being retired thither out of the adjacent country, the loss they had sustained in the late battle was not at all to be perceived; and they were in no want or necessity of anything; it was also in the depth of winter, and prodigious rains had fallen, which had strangely increased the natural softness and miriness of the country. On our side, we were in great want both of provisions and money, and our army was ready to break up; for which reason the Duke of Burgundy had no inclination to have besieged the town; and even if he had been willing to have undertaken the siege, he was not in a capacity of doing it; so that if they had delayed the time but two days longer, he must have marched away as he came, without attempting anything. All these things being considered, it must be owned that the Lord of Humbercourt gained great honour and reputation by the nice management of this important affair, which proceeded wholly from the grace of God towards him; for in human probability such wonderful success was not to be expected, nor could he ever have presumed to have wished for such a surprising turn of affairs as happened; and all the honours that were conferred on him, and the unparalleled success he met with in this expedition, the generality of the world looked upon as a just reward for his tenderness and compassion towards the poor hostages, whom we have mentioned before; and this I write the more willingly, because princes and others do many times complain and repine at such mercy and indulgence as they have granted to other people, esteeming themselves unfortunate, and imputing all their following disasters to that tenderness of soul, and resolving for the future never to be guilty of any such acts of piety or generosity, which are two virtues that ought to be inseparable from their offices.

In my judgment this is a wrong way of arguing, and proceeds from a base and degenerate mind wherever it is found; for a prince or any man else, who has never been deceived, is no better than a beast, nor can he know any just difference between good and evil. Besides, men are not all of the same mould, and for the wickedness and ingratitude of one or two, we ought not to forbear doing good to many, when time and opportunity present themselves; however, at the same time, I would have all mankind so wise as to distinguish between persons, for all people are not equally meritorious; and indeed it is surprising to me how a wise man can be ungrateful to any one that has done anything extraordinary to serve him; yet in this princes too often err, for he that advances a fool never advantages himself long; and I think one of the greatest indications of wisdom that a prince can show, is to converse with and have about him virtuous and wise men, for he will always be esteemed of the same humour and inclination as they are with whom he most intimately converses. So that, to conclude this chapter, methinks the ingratitude of one person ought not to deter us from doing good to the rest; for perhaps the meanest of those whom you have once obliged, may some time or another render you such service, and return you such thanks, as may recompense the ingratitude and unthankfulness of the rest; as may be observed in these hostages, of whom the greatest number were base and ungrateful; for of the whole number there were not above five or six who were honest and grateful, and yet those five or six managed the business so dexterously, that all was concluded to the Duke of Burgundy’s satisfaction.

Ch. IV.—Of the Duke of Burgundy’s triumphal Entry into the City of Liege; and the Submission of the Gantois, who not long before had treated him disrespectfully.—1467.

The next day after the delivering up of the gates to the Lord of Humbercourt, the Duke of Burgundy made his triumphal entry into Liege⁠[195], the citizens having broken down the wall for twenty fathoms together, and filled up the ditch in front of the great breach. The duke himself made his entry on horseback, in the midst of his own guards and chief officers of the army, dressed in splendid and sumptuous habits, and riding in great pomp and solemnity to the great church, where he alighted; with him there also entered on foot about 2000 men-at-arms in complete armour, and 10,000 archers; the rest of his forces remained in the camp without the town. To be short, he staid there some few days⁠[196], during which time he caused five or six of those who had been his hostages to be put to death, and among the rest, the messenger of the town, for whom he had a more than ordinary hatred. He prescribed new laws⁠[197] and customs; and exacted great sums from them, which he pretended were due to him upon the breach of the peace and agreement with him some years before. He carried away with him all their arms and artillery, and caused all the walls and fortifications belonging to the town to be demolished.

When he had seen all these orders performed, he returned into his own country, where he was received with great honour and obedience, and particularly by the citizens of Ghent, who before his expedition against the Liegeois were in a kind of rebellion against him, with some other towns; but now they entertained him as a conqueror, the chief citizens marching on foot as far as Brussels to meet him, and carrying all the town banners along with them⁠[198]; which they did upon the account, that immediately upon the death of his father he chose to make his entry into Ghent⁠[199] before any town besides, out of an opinion that he was better beloved there than in any other town in his whole dominions, and that according to their example all the rest would behave themselves towards him; and in that point he was right. The next day after his entry, the citizens put themselves in arms, and drew up in the market-place, whither they brought the image of one of their saints called Saint Lievin; and knocking the image against a little house, called La Maison de la Cueillette (where they collected certain gabels upon corn, raised for the payment of certain debts which the city had contracted when they paid the sum of money which was required by Duke Philip of Burgundy upon the peace of Gavre, after two years’ war with him), they pretended the saint had a mind to pass through that house erect, and without any distortion; upon which in a moment it was pulled down. The duke having notice of this tumult, repaired immediately to the market-place, and got up into a house to speak to them the better. Several persons of quality, that were then attending on him in arms, offered to go along with him, but he ordered them to stay before the Town-Hall, and wait till he returned; however, the mob forced them by degrees into the market-place. The duke being got thither, commanded the image to be taken away, and carried back again into the church: some in obedience endeavoured to take it up, but others threw it down again where it was.

The next insolence was, to demand justice against certain persons in the city, who had embezzled part of the public stock; to which the duke answered, that he would take care and see them satisfied as to that particular: but finding they would not disperse, he returned to his palace, and they continued in the market-place for eight days together.⁠[200] The next morning they brought him certain articles, by which they demanded restitution of whatever Duke Philip had taken from them by the peace of Gavre; and among the rest this was one, that every company might have its banner according to former custom, which guilds are in all seventy-two. To avoid the danger he was in, he granted their demands⁠[201], gave them whatever privileges they asked, and the word was no sooner spoken but the banners were set up and displayed in the market-place, having been made ready for that purpose; from whence one may probably conjecture they would have done the same thing if the duke had denied their requests.⁠[202] His opinion was right, that, if he made his first entry into Ghent, all the rest of the towns would follow its example, for several of them mutinied as it had done, killed their officers, and committed many other excesses. If he had believed his father’s character of that people (which was, “That the inhabitants of Ghent loved the son of their prince very well, but for their prince himself they never had any kindness”), he would not have been so much mistaken; for, to speak impartially, next to the city of Liege, Ghent is the most fickle and inconstant town in the whole world. But among so many ill qualities, they have one good, and that is, that they never offer violence to the person of their prince; and, indeed, the chief citizens and better sort of the town are generally honest men, and much dissatisfied with the folly and inconstancy of the common people.

The duke was forced to wink at these insolences, lest he should have been engaged in a war with his own subjects and the Liegeois at the same time; but he resolved, if he succeeded in the enterprise he had undertaken, to call them afterwards to a severe account⁠[203]; and so it happened, for (as is said before) they brought all their banners on foot as far as Brussels to meet him, and all their privileges and charters which they had forced him to sign at his departure from Ghent; when, in a grand assembly⁠[204] at the great hall at Brussels, and in the presence of several ambassadors, they presented him with the said banners and privileges, to dispose of as he pleased, he commanded his heralds to strip the banners from the staves to which they were fastened, and to send them to Boulogne (a town about ten leagues from Calais) upon the sea, where the rest were then kept, which his father Duke Philip had taken from them in his wars, in which he had vanquished and subdued them. The duke’s chancellor⁠[205] also took their charter and all their privileges, and cancelled one of them, relating to the magistracy of their city, before their faces: for in all the other towns of Flanders the duke renews the magistrates every year, and receives their accounts; but at Ghent, by virtue of this privilege, he could elect but four, though the whole number was six and twenty, the remaining two and twenty being left to the nomination of the city. When these magistrates are well affected to the Earl of Flanders, that year they are at peace, and they grant him whatever he desires; but when, on the contrary, they are disaffected, seditions arise, and all goes to wreck. Besides this, they were fined, and paid 30,000 florins to the duke, and 6000 to his courtiers, and some of their townsmen were banished, and then all the rest of their privileges were restored. The rest of the towns, following their example, ransomed their crimes, and made their peace with money⁠[206]; for they had attempted nothing against his person. By all which it evidently appears what advantages follow the conqueror, and what losses the conquered; for which reason we ought to be very cautious of coming to a battle before there be a necessity for it, and if any such necessity happens, all things are to be seriously weighed and considered before we engage; and commonly those who are wary, and go to it with fear, are most circumspect, and by consequence more frequently successful than those who are arrogant and presumptuous. But when God interposes, man’s wisdom signifies nothing.

The Liegeois, of whom we were speaking, were excommunicated five years together⁠[207] for some difference between them and their bishop; but they despised his excommunication, and continued in their folly and obstinacy, without any other reason besides their excessive riches and pride. And to this purpose King Louis had a saying, and in my judgment a wise one, “That when pride rode before, shame and destruction would follow;” but he had not the least tincture of that sin in him.

Ch. V.—How the King of France made War in Bretagne upon the Duke of Burgundy’s Allies, upon Intelligence of what had happened to the Liegeois; and the Interview and Conference of these two Princes at Peronne.—1468.

These commotions being over, the Duke of Burgundy retired to Ghent, where he was honourably and magnificently received. He entered the city in arms, and the citizens made a postern into the fields, that he might bring in or keep out what company he pleased. Several ambassadors were sent to him from the king, and others went from him to the king; the Duke of Burgundy also sent several embassies to the Duke of Bretagne, and in this manner all that winter was spent. The king was very solicitous and pressing with the Duke of Burgundy to abandon the Duke of Bretagne’s interest, and made him several advantageous proposals to that purpose; but the duke would not consent, which was much to his majesty’s dissatisfaction, especially when he considered what had happened to the Liegeois, his allies. As soon as summer was come, the king could refrain no longer, but himself or his forces entered Bretagne, and made themselves masters of two small castles, one of them called Chantocé, and the other Ancenis. The Duke of Burgundy had notice immediately of the taking of these places; and at the earnest solicitation and importunity of the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne, he raised an army with all expedition, and wrote to the king, entreating him to desist from that enterprise, for they were his allies, and comprehended in his truce⁠[208]; but not being pleased with the king’s answer, the duke took the field, and rendezvoused near Peronne with a considerable force. The king himself was at Compiègne, but his army was in Bretagne. The duke staid at Peronne but three or four days, during which time the Cardinal Balue, who made but a short stay, arrived as ambassador from the king. He made some overtures to the duke, and told him, that the Bretons could make their peace without his interposition; but the king’s design was to separate them and break the confederacy. The cardinal was received very honourably, and despatched with this answer, That the duke had not taken the field to invade his majesty, nor to make war upon him, but only to relieve his allies; and so they parted with fair words on both sides.

No sooner was the cardinal departed, but a herald arrived from the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne with letters, importing that they had made their peace with the king⁠[209], and renounced all their alliances, and particularly his; and that, in satisfaction of all his demands, the Duke of Normandy was to receive a pension of 60,000 livres per annum, for which he was to relinquish the interest which had been lately conferred upon him in Normandy. The Lord Charles of France was not at all pleased with his terms; but he was forced to dissemble his resentment. The Duke of Burgundy was extremely surprised at the news; for he had raised this army on purpose to relieve them; the herald also was in no little danger; for as he had passed through the king’s quarters, the duke had a suspicion the king had forged the letters; but it was not long before they were confirmed from several places. The king thought he had now done his business, and that it would be no hard matter to persuade the duke to abandon them. Several messengers passed privately between them; and at length the king paid the Duke of Burgundy six score thousand crowns of gold in consideration of the expense which he had been at in raising his army; half of which sum was paid down before he broke up from his camp. The duke sent to the king one John Bosuse⁠[210], a gentleman of his bed-chamber (a person with whom he was more than ordinarily intimate); which the king taking very kindly, he took the confidence to propose an interview, hoping he might gain him entirely over to his party, considering how badly the two above-mentioned dukes had served him, and what a sum of money he had paid him himself; of which he gave him some hint and intimation by the said Bosuse, with whom he despatched the Cardinal Balue a second time, and the Lord Tanneguy du Chastel, Governor of Roussillon, who represented to the duke the great desire his majesty had to give him a meeting. They found the duke at Peronne: but he had no fancy to the interview; for the Liegeois seemed inclinable to rebel again at the instigation of two ambassadors whom the king had sent to them for that purpose before the truce, which was made for certain days between the king, the Duke of Burgundy, and their allies.⁠[211] The cardinal and his friends replied, that the Liegeois durst not attempt any such thing, since the duke had not only dismantled their fortifications the year before, but also demolished their walls; and if they had any such design in view, the news of this accommodation would be sufficient to prevent it. In this manner it was concluded, that the king should repair to Peronne (which was the place he had recommended); and the duke having written to him with his own hand⁠[212], and delivered a passport (for his better security) to the ambassadors, they took their leave, and departed towards the king, who was at that time at Noyon. But to make all sure at Liege, the duke sent the bishop thither, upon whose score those tumults had happened, and with him the Lord of Humbercourt, his lieutenant⁠[213] in that country, with a considerable body of forces.

You have heard how it was agreed the king should come to Peronne. Thither he came⁠[214], without any guard, more than the passport and parole of the Duke of Burgundy; only he desired that the duke’s archers, under the command of the Lord des Cordes (who was then in the duke’s service), might meet and conduct him; and so it was done, very few of his own train coming along with him. However, his majesty was attended by several persons of great quality and distinction, and among the rest by the Duke of Bourbon, the Cardinal his brother, and the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, who had no hand in this interview, but was highly displeased at it; for he was now grown haughty, and disdained to pay that respect to the duke which he had formerly done; for which cause there was no love between them. Besides these, there came the Cardinal Balue, the Governor of Roussillon, and several others. When the king came near, the duke went out (very well attended) to meet him, conducted him into the town, and lodged him at the receiver’s, who had a fine house not far from the castle; for the lodgings in the castle were but small, and no way convenient.

War between two great princes is easily begun, but very hard to be composed, by reason of the accidents and consequences which often follow; for many secret practices are used, and orders given out on both sides to make the greatest efforts possible against the enemy, which cannot be easily countermanded; as evidently appears by these two princes, whose interview was so suddenly determined, that neither having time to notify it to their ministers in remote parts, they went on performing the commands which their respective masters had given them before. The Duke of Burgundy had sent for his army out of Burgundy, in which at that time there was abundance of the nobility; and among the rest the Count of Bresse⁠[215], the Bishop of Geneva⁠[216], and the Count of Romont⁠[217], all three brothers of the house of Savoy (for between the Savoyards and Burgundians there was always a firm amity), and some Germans, who were borderers upon both their territories. And you must know that the king had formerly imprisoned the Count of Bresse, upon the account of two gentlemen whom he had put to death in Savoy, so that there was no right understanding between him and the king.

In this army there were likewise one Monsieur du Lau (who had been a favourite of the king’s, but upon some disgust had been kept afterwards a prisoner by him a long time, till at length he made his escape, and fled into Burgundy), the Lord d’Urfé⁠[218], since master of the horse to the King of France, and the Lord Poncet de Rivière; all which company arrived before Peronne as the king came into the town. Bresse and the three last entered the town with St. Andrew’s cross upon their clothes (supposing they should have been in time enough to have paid their respects to the Duke of Burgundy, and to have attended him when he went out to receive the king), but they came a little too late: however, they went directly to the duke’s chamber to pay their duty, and in the name of the rest, the Count of Bresse humbly besought his highness that himself and his three companions might have his protection (notwithstanding the king was in the town), according to the promise he was pleased to make them in Burgundy; and at the same time assured him they were at his service, when and against whomsoever he might command them. The duke returned them thanks, and promised them protection. The rest of this army, under the command of the Marshal of Burgundy, encamped by the duke’s orders in the fields. The marshal had no more affection for the king than the above-mentioned gentlemen had; for the king had given him the government of Espinal in Lorraine, and taken it from him afterwards to give it to John, Duke of Calabria (who has often been mentioned before). The king had notice presently of all these persons being in the town, and of the habits in which they arrived, which put him into a great consternation; so that he sent to the Duke of Burgundy to desire he might be lodged in the castle, for he knew those gentlemen were his mortal enemies; the duke was extremely glad to hear it, appointed him his own lodgings, and sent to him to bid him fear nothing.

Ch. VI.—A Digression concerning the Advantage which the Knowledge of Letters, and more especially of History, is to Princes and great Lords.

It is the highest act of imprudence for any prince to put himself into the power of another, especially if they be at war; and it is no less advantageous to them to be well acquainted in their youth with the passages and surprising accidents of former times; for history shows them at large the success of such assemblies, the frauds, artifices, and perjuries wherewith they have inveigled, imprisoned, and killed such as, relying upon the honour of their enemies, have put themselves into their hands. I do not say that everybody has met with such treacherous dealings, but one example⁠[219] is sufficient to make many people more wise; and teach them to be careful of themselves. It appears to me upon the experience of eighteen years’ business (in which I have not only been conversant with great princes, but privy to all the greatest affairs which have been transacted in France, or the neighbouring states), that one of the greatest means to make a man wise is to have studied the histories of ancient times, and to have learned to frame and proportion our councils and undertakings according to the model and example of our ancestors: for our life is but of short duration, and not sufficient to give us experience of so many things; besides our age is impaired, and the life of man is not so long, nor his body so strong and robust as formerly; and as our bodies are degenerated and grown weaker, so is our faith and fidelity one towards another, especially among princes, who are altogether wedded to their own humours, without regard to any reason that can be offered; and (which is still worse) they are commonly surrounded by persons whose only aim is to please their masters, and applaud whatever they do or say, whether it be good or bad; and if any wise man interposes, and endeavours to set things in a better light, the whole court is presently in an uproar.

Again, I cannot forbear blaming and discommending illiterate princes, who generally are led by the nose by certain lawyers and priests, whom they keep commonly about them, and indeed not without reason (for as they are very serviceable to a prince, and an ornament to his court, when they are persons of honour and probity, so they are as dangerous if they prove otherwise), who have always some law or precedent in their mouths, which they wrest and pervert as they please: but a wise prince, and one that has read history, will never be deluded; nor will any courtier be so audacious as to tell a lie in his presence. Believe me, God never designed the office of a king to be executed by beasts, or such as glory and pride themselves in giving such answers as these, “I am no scholar, I refer business wholly to my council, and commit all things to their management,” and then devote themselves entirely to their pleasures, without further reason or expostulation. Had they been better educated in their youth, they would have been wiser, and have earnestly desired that their person and their virtues might have been valued and esteemed by all good men. I do not say all princes employ such ill-conditioned people, but most of those whom I had ever the honour to converse with, had always abundance of them. I have known indeed, upon an exigence of affairs, some wise princes that understood how to cull and select their ministers, and employ them frankly and without complaint; but of this sort I knew none comparable to the king my master, than whom no prince better understood the merit of brave and learned persons, nor more readily advanced such to the highest posts of honour and advantage. He was not unlearned himself; he delighted much in asking questions; and would know a little of everything: his judgment and natural parts were excellent, which is better and more preferable than all that we can learn in this world; for all the books that ever were written, are only so many helps and assistances to our memory by the recapitulation of passages of old. For this reason a man has a greater insight into affairs by reading one single book in three months’ time, than can be observed or understood by the age or experience of twenty men living successively one after another. So that, to finish this digression, I am of opinion that God cannot send a greater curse or affliction upon any nation than an unlearned and inconsiderate prince; for from hence all other misfortunes and miseries arise, and in the first place wars and division, by his committing to other persons his own peculiar authority (of which he ought to be more tender than of anything besides); and from this division famine and mortality arise, and all the dreadful consequences attending upon war; by which one may perceive how much all good subjects have reason to lament when they see the education of their young princes so miserably neglected, and left wholly in the power and management of persons of no qualifications nor desert.

Ch. VII.—The Occasion of the King’s being seized and secured in the Castle of Peronne by the Duke of Burgundy.—1468.

I have already given an account of the arrival of this Burgundian army at Peronne, almost at the same instant with the king; for being in Champagne long before this interview was determined, the Duke of Burgundy had no time to countermand the orders he had given them, and their coming was a great check and impediment, by reason of certain jealousies and suspicions which were entertained on both sides. However, these two princes deputed some of their ministers of state to meet and negotiate their affairs in the most amicable way that could be thought on. But whilst the treaty was in a fair way of accommodation, and three or four days had been already spent in bringing it to a conclusion, news arrived of a strange turn of affairs at Liege, of which I shall give the following relation.

The king at his coming to Peronne had quite forgot his sending of two ambassadors to Liege to stir them up to a rebellion against the duke, and they had managed the affair with such diligence, that they had got together such a considerable number, that the Liegeois went privately to Tongres (where the Bishop of Liege and the Lord of Humbercourt were quartered with more than 2000 men) with a design to surprise them. The bishop, the Lord of Humbercourt, and some of the bishop’s servants, were taken, but the rest fled and left whatever they had behind them, as despairing to defend themselves. After which action the Liegeois marched back again to Liege, which is not far from Tongres; and the Lord of Humbercourt made an agreement for his ransom with one Monsieur William de Ville⁠[220], called by the French Le Sauvage, a knight, who, suspecting the Liegeois would kill him in their fury, suffered the Lord of Humbercourt to escape, but was slain himself not long after. The people were exceedingly overjoyed at the taking of their bishop. There were also taken with him that day several canons of the church, whom the people equally hated, and killed five or six of them for their first repast; among the rest there was one Monsieur Robert⁠[221], an intimate friend of the bishop’s, and a person I have often seen attending him armed at all points, for in Germany this is the custom of the prelates. They slew this Robert in the bishop’s presence, cut him into small pieces, and in sport threw them at one another’s heads. Before they had marched seven or eight leagues, which was their full journey, they killed about sixteen canons and other persons, the majority of whom were the bishop’s servants; but they released some of the Burgundians, for they had been privately informed, that some overtures of peace had already been made, and they were forced to pretend that what they had done was only against their bishop, whom they brought prisoner along with them into their city. Those who fled (as I said before) gave the alarm to the whole country, and it was not long before the duke had the news of it. Some said all of them were put to the sword; others affirmed the contrary (for in things of that nature, one messenger seldom comes alone); but there were some who had seen the habits of the canons who were slain, and supposing the bishop and the Lord of Humbercourt had been of the number, they positively averred that all that had not escaped were killed, and that they had seen the king’s ambassadors among the Liegeois, and they mentioned their very names. All this being related to the duke, he gave credit to it immediately; and falling into a violent passion against the king, he charged him with a design of deluding him by his coming thither; ordered the gates both of the town and castle to be suddenly shut up, and gave out, by way of pretence, that it was done for the discovery of a certain casket which was lost, and in which there were money and jewels to a very considerable value. When the king saw himself shut up in the castle, and guards posted at the gates, and especially when he found himself lodged near a certain tower⁠[222] in which a Count of Vermandois⁠[223] had caused his predecessor, one of the Kings of France, to be put to death, he was in great apprehension. I was at that time waiting upon the Duke of Burgundy in the quality of chamberlain, and (when I pleased) I lay in his chamber, as was the custom of that family. When he saw the gates were shut, he ordered the room to be cleared, and told us who remained, that the king was come thither to circumvent him; that he himself had never approved of the interview, but had complied purely to gratify the king; then he gave us a relation of the passages at Liege, how the king had behaved himself by his ambassadors, and that all his forces were killed. He was much incensed, and threatened his majesty exceedingly; and I am of opinion, that if he had then had such persons about him as would have fomented his passion, and encouraged him to any violence upon the king’s person, he would certainly have done it, or at least committed him to the tower. None were present at the speaking of these words but myself and two grooms of his chamber, one of whom was called Charles de Visen⁠[224], born at Dijon, a man of honour, and highly esteemed by his master. We did not exasperate, but soothed his temper as much as possibly we could. Some time after he used the same expressions to other people; and the news being carried about the town, it came at last to the king’s ear, who was in great consternation; and indeed so was everybody else, foreseeing a great deal of mischief, and reflecting on the variety of things which were to be managed for the reconciling of a difference between two such puissant princes, and the errors of which both of them were guilty, in not giving timely notice to their ministers employed in their remote affairs, which must of necessity produce some extraordinary and surprising result.

Ch. VIII.—A Digression, demonstrating that when two great Princes meet in order to adjust their Differences, such Interviews are generally more prejudicial than profitable.

It is the highest act of imprudence for two great princes, provided there is any equality in their power, to admit of an interview, unless it be in their youth, when their minds are wholly engaged and taken up with entertainments of mirth and pleasure; but when they are come to years of emulation, though their persons should be in no danger (which is almost impossible), yet their heart-burnings and animosities will certainly augment. It were better, therefore, that they accommodated their differences by the mediation of wise and faithful ministers, as I have sufficiently instanced already in these my Memoirs; however, I will give some examples of the like nature, which I have seen and known myself in my own time.

Not many years after the coronation of our king, and just before the confederacy called the Public Good, there was an interview between the Kings of France and Castile⁠[225], princes of the nearest alliance in Christendom, for the kings are akin, their kingdoms almost contiguous, and their subjects bound by oaths and execrations to preserve it inviolable. To this interview Henry, King of Castile, came to Fontarabia, very splendidly attended, and the King of France came to St. Jean de Luz (about four leagues’ distance), and each of them was upon the very borders of his kingdom. I was not present myself, but I had my relation from the king, and from Monsieur du Lau, and it was confirmed to me afterwards by several persons in Castile, who were then present with their king, and particularly by the Grand Master of St. James⁠[226], and the Archbishop of Toledo⁠[227], the two greatest persons in that kingdom at that time. There were present also the Count of Lodesma⁠[228] (that king’s favourite) in great splendour, with his guards, consisting of 300 horse, all Moors of Granada, or Negroes. It is true, indeed, that King Henry was a person of no great sense, for he had either given away all his patrimony, or suffered it to be taken or embezzled by anybody that had a mind to it. Our king was also well attended, according to his custom, and his guards made a glorious appearance. The Queen of Arragon⁠[229] was present at that treaty, upon occasion of a difference between her and the King of Castile about Estella, and some other places in Navarre, of which difference the King of France was made umpire.⁠[230]

To continue our proposition, that interviews of great princes are not necessary, you must know, these two kings had never had any quarrels, neither was there the least difference between them; they saw one another not above once or twice, upon the bank of a river⁠[231] (which parts the two kingdoms), near a little castle called Heurtebise, where the King of Castile passed over to the other side; but they staid no longer together than the Grand Master of St. James and the Archbishop of Toledo thought good; which being observed by the King of France, he desired their acquaintance, and they went to wait on him at St. Jean de Luz. His majesty received them very honourably, and a mighty friendship and intelligence was settled between them and the King of France, who immediately began to dislike the King of Castile, and had but little value and esteem for him. The greatest part of their attendants were quartered at Bayonne, between whom several quarrels immediately arose (notwithstanding the alliance); their languages also being different. The Count of Lodesma passed the river in a boat, whose sail was of cloth of gold; he was himself in a pair of buskins set thick with precious stones, in which he went to wait upon the king; though he was not really a count, yet he was very rich, and I saw him afterwards made Duke of Albourg, and invested with great possessions in Castile. Several jests and scoffs happened between these two nations, notwithstanding their alliance. The King of Castile’s person was homely, and his dress did not please the French, who laughed at and derided both. Our king wore a short coat, as ill made as was possibly; sometimes he wore very coarse cloth, and particularly then; his hat was old and differing from everybody’s else, with an image of lead upon it. The Castilians laughed as heartily at his dress, supposing it his stinginess. In short, the convention broke up, and they parted, but with such scorn and contempt on both sides, that the two kings never loved one another heartily afterwards; and such quarrels and animosities arose in the court of Castile among the courtiers, as continued to the king’s death, and a long time after. I saw the king afterwards forsaken by all his servants, and the poorest and most pitiable prince in the world. The Queen of Arragon was also much dissatisfied with the sentence which the King of France had given in favour of the King of Castile, and both she and the King of Arragon⁠[232] hated him for it ever after. It is true they made use of him against the town of Barcelona afterwards in their extremity; but that friendship lasted not long, for a war broke out between our king and the King of Arragon, which lasted sixteen years and remains yet undetermined⁠[233]: but to give other examples.

Since that time Charles, Duke of Burgundy, with great labour and solicitation, obtained an interview with the Emperor Frederick⁠[234] (who is still living), and spent vast sums of money to show his grandeur and magnificence: the place of meeting was at Treves⁠[235], where several things were discoursed of, and among the rest a marriage between their children, which was afterwards accomplished.⁠[236] After they had been several days together, on a sudden the emperor departed without so much as taking his leave, which the Duke of Burgundy looked upon as so great an affront, and it was so generally resented, that there was never afterwards any true love between either themselves or their subjects: the Duke’s pompous and lofty manner of speaking (which they imputed to his pride) offended the Germans; and the Emperor’s meanness, both in his train and dress, appeared as contemptible to the Burgundians; and so far was this accident extended, that from it alone the wars of Nuz⁠[237] had their origin.

I was also present at an interview⁠[238], at the town of St. Paul in Artois, between the Duke of Burgundy and Edward IV., King of England, whose sister he had married; and, besides, they were brethren of the same order.⁠[239] They were but two days together, and yet in that small time there was great difference between the king’s servants, and both parties recommending their quarrel to the duke, and he deciding it for one of them, their hatred increased. However, he assisted the king in the recovery of his kingdom with men, money, and ships, for he had been driven out by the Earl of Warwick. Yet, notwithstanding that good office, they never loved nor spoke well of one another after this interview.

I was present likewise when the Count Palatine of the Rhine made a visit⁠[240] to the Duke of Burgundy at Brussels, where he staid several days. He was honourably received, nobly entertained, and lodged in an apartment richly furnished. The duke’s servants upbraided the Germans for their nastiness and incivility, in laying their dirty clothes and their boots upon those rich beds, and accused them of want of neatness and consideration, and they never liked them afterwards so well as they had done before. The Germans, being as much dissatisfied on the other side, reproached them for their pomp and extravagance; so that, in effect, they never loved nor did any good office for one another afterwards.

I saw also the meeting between the Duke of Burgundy, and Sigismund, Duke of Austria⁠[241], when the latter sold to the Duke of Burgundy the county of Ferrette (which lies not far from the county of Burgundy) for 100,000 florins of gold, as he was unable himself to defend it against the Swiss. These princes also were not well pleased with one another. Afterwards Sigismund made peace with the Swiss, possessed himself again of the county, but never returned his money, from whence great mischiefs resulted to the Duke of Burgundy. At the same time also the Earl of Warwick⁠[242] came to visit the Duke of Burgundy, and ever afterwards a mortal hatred continued between them.

I was also at the interview⁠[243] at Picquigny (not far from Amiens) between our king and Edward IV., King of England, and shall give a larger account of it in another place; but must observe by-the-bye that scarce anything was performed that was promised there, but all their whole business was hypocrisy and dissimulation. It is true, they had no wars, because the sea divided them; but there never was any real friendship or good correspondence between them afterwards. To conclude, if great princes have a desire to continue friends, in my judgment they ought never to meet; and my reasons are these: courtiers cannot forbear reflecting upon past actions, and one or other will be sure to take exception⁠[244]; neither is it possible to hinder the train and equipage of the one from being finer and more magnificent than the other, which produces mockery, and nothing touches any person more sensibly than to be laughed at. The princes being of different nations, their language and habits are commonly different, and that which pleases one will not please the other; besides, among the princes themselves it often happens, that the presence of the one is more obliging and acceptable, which gains him honour and reputation, and everybody extols him, which cannot be done without reflecting on the other. For some few days after they are parted, all their fine stories and observations are whispered and told privately up and down, but afterwards having told them often, they become less cautious, and by degrees their tales grow to be table-talk, and are at length carried to both parties; for few things (especially of that nature) can be concealed in this world. And these are part of the reasons which I have known and observed touching this matter.

Ch. IX.—How the King renounced his League with the Liegeois, to be released out of the Castle of Peronne.—1468.

Having thus fairly represented my judgment of such interviews, I shall now return from my long digression, to speak of the king, who thought himself (as I said before) a prisoner in the Castle of Peronne, as he had good reason to do; for all the gates were shut and guarded by such as were deputed to that office, and continued so for two or three days; during which time the Duke of Burgundy saw not the king, neither would he suffer but very few of his majesty’s servants to be admitted into the castle, and those only by the wicket; yet none of them were forbidden; but of the duke’s none were permitted to speak with the king, or come into his chamber, at least such as had any authority with their master. The first day there was great murmuring and consternation all over the town. The second, the duke’s passion began to cool a little, and a council was called, which sate the greater part of that day and night too. The king made private applications to all such as he thought qualified to relieve him, making them large promises, and ordering 15,000 crowns to be distributed among them; but the agent who was employed in this affair acquitted himself very ill, and kept a good part of the money for his own use, as the king was informed afterwards. The king was very fearful of those who had been formerly in his service, who, as I said before, were in the Burgundian army, and had openly declared themselves for his brother, the Duke of Normandy. The Duke of Burgundy’s council were strangely divided in their opinions; the greatest part advised that the passport which the duke had given to the king should be kept, provided his majesty consented to sign the peace as it was drawn up in writing. Some would have him prisoner as he was, without farther ceremony. Others were for sending with all speed to the Duke of Normandy, and forcing the king to make such a peace as should be for the advantage of all the princes of France. Those who proposed this advised that the king should be restrained, and a strong guard set upon him, because a great prince is never, without great caution, to be set at liberty after so notorious an affront. This opinion was so near prevailing, that I saw a person booted and ready to depart, having already several packets directed to the Duke of Normandy in Bretagne, and he waited only for the duke’s letters; and yet this advice was not followed. At last the king caused overtures to be made, and offered the Duke of Bourbon, the Cardinal his brother, the Constable of France, and several others, as hostages, upon condition, that after the peace was concluded, he might return to Compiègne, and that then he would either cause the Liegeois to make sufficient reparation for the injury they had done, or declare war against them. Those whom the king had proposed for his hostages proffered themselves very earnestly, at least in public; I know not whether they said as much in private; I expect they did not: and, if I may speak my thoughts, I believe that the king would have left them there, and that he would never have returned.

The third night after this had happened, the Duke of Burgundy did not pull off his clothes, but only threw himself twice or thrice upon the bed, and then got up again and walked about, as his custom was when anything vexed him. I lay that night in his chamber, and walked several turns with him. The next morning he was in a greater passion than ever, threatening exceedingly, and ready to put some great thing in execution; but, at last, he recollected himself, and it came to this result: that if the king would swear to the peace, and accompany him to Liege, and assist him to revenge the injuries which they had done him and the Bishop of Liege, his kinsman, he would be contented. Having resolved on this, he went immediately to the king’s chamber, to acquaint him with his resolutions himself. The king had some friend⁠[245] or other who had given him notice of it before, and assured him that his person would be in no manner of danger, provided he would consent to those points; but that if he refused, he would run himself into so great danger, that nothing in the world could be greater.

When the duke came into his presence, his voice trembled, by the violence of his passion, so inclinable was he to be angry again.⁠[246] However, he made a low reverence with his body, but his gesture and words were sharp, demanding of the king if he would sign the peace⁠[247] as it was agreed and written, and swear to it when he had done. The king replied he would; and, indeed, there was nothing added to what had been granted in the treaty at Paris⁠[248], which was to the advantage of the Dukes of Burgundy or Normandy, but very much to his own; for it was agreed that the Lord Charles of France should renounce the duchy of Normandy, and have Champagne and Brie, and some other places adjacent, as an equivalent.⁠[249] Then the duke asked him if he would go along with him to Liege, to revenge the treachery they had practised by his instigation, and by means of that interview. Then he put him in mind of the nearness of blood between the king and the Bishop of Liege, who was of the house of Bourbon. The king answered, that when the peace was sworn, which he desired exceedingly, he would go with him to Liege, and carry with him as many or as few forces as he pleased. The duke was extremely pleased at his answer, and the articles being immediately produced and read, and the true cross which St. Charlemagne was wont to use, called the Cross of Victory, taken out of the king’s casket, the peace was sworn, to the great joy and satisfaction of all people; and all the bells in the town were rung. The Duke of Burgundy immediately despatched a courier with the news of this conclusion of peace into Bretagne, and with it he sent a duplicate of the articles, that they might see he had not deserted them, nor disengaged himself from their alliance; and, indeed, Duke Charles, the king’s brother, had a good bargain, in respect of what he had made for himself in the late treaty in Bretagne, by which there was nothing left him but a bare pension, as you have heard before. Afterwards the king did me the honour to tell me, that I had done him some service in that pacification.

A Treaty of Peace between Louis XI., on the one part, and Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, on the other. Concluded at Peronne, October 14. 1468.

The Duke of Burgundy having complained of infractions made on the treaty of Conflans between us and him, and also on the treaty of peace made at Arras between our late lord and father and the late Philip, Duke of Burgundy, insomuch, that we were ready to have recourse to arms on both sides, and that the subjects of neither party durst converse with those of the other; to prevent, therefore, an open rupture, we thought fit to send our ambassadors first to them in Vermandois; and afterwards the treaty being transferred to Peronne, here, to prevent all the mischiefs and inconveniences that might ensue, we do, in the most solemn manner, make, conclude, and promise a firm, solemn peace, friendship, and amity, and we will always observe the treaty of Arras, with the contents thereof, as also the said treaty, and all that is contained therein in reference to our cousin and brother the Duke of Burgundy, and all the donations and transfers we have then and since made to him. And we also promise and swear to observe all the provisions and answers made to his grievances, complaints, and requests hereafter specified. And notwithstanding this present treaty of peace, and the things contained in those of Arras and Conflans, we do freely consent that our said brother and cousin shall observe all the alliances, and also the treaty of truce and intercourse of trade with Edward our enemy and the kingdom of England; but yet so as that our said brother shall give no assistance to the English in invading our kingdom and dominions. And by this peace we do declare that no satisfaction shall be demanded and insisted for any damages, hostilities, &c., on either side; but that whatever places, lordships, heritages and possessions, have been seized and occupied, shall be fully restored, and the owners may re-enter without any form or process of law. More particularly, we do, at the request of our said brother and cousin, consent that the places, castles, towns, and territories taken by us in the counties of Beaugé, the country of Bresse, and other lands and signiories appertaining to him and his subjects, shall be surrendered to him; and his subjects that are captive shall be freely set at liberty; and the said Duke of Savoy, our dear sister the Duchess of Savoy, the Bishop of Geneva, the said Philip of Savoy, the Lord of Romont, and other allies of the Duke of Burgundy, their subjects and adherents, shall be comprehended in this treaty, if they are minded, within a year’s notification; and if they are not, the present treaty shall be valid; and, with those of Arras and Conflans, so far as this last concerns us and our said brother of Burgundy, shall neither be directly nor indirectly contravened by us, but we shall put our said brother into the peaceable possession and enjoyment of the things declared and contained in the said treaty, and execute, on our part, instruments of the gifts and transfers specified therein, according to the form and tenor of these presents. And we do consent and agree to acquit the subjects and vassals of their homage and services to us, by reason of the duchy, counties, countries, lands, and signiories which the said duke, his heirs, &c., held or shall hereafter hold of us, by reason of our crown and kingdom; and we shall not only faithfully and religiously observe and maintain the peace, and fulfil it in every particular, but we do consent that the princes of our blood shall promise and swear to preserve it, and that each and every of them shall assist our said brother against us, if we infringe the same, &c.

Here follow the grievances, remonstrances, and requests of the Duke of Burgundy, with the concessions and answers of the king to them.

1. As to the fiefs and homages of the county of Ponthieu, and others on both sides of the Somme, and of the three provostships of Vimeux, Beauvoisis, and Toullois, transferred to the king; these fiefs and homages have been made to appear to belong to the duke for several reasons; and, therefore it is desired the king would leave him in the peaceable enjoyment of the said rights, and that he may have power to force those to it who are refractory.

“It is answered on the king’s part, that he declares the said fiefs and homages to appertain to the duke, in the same manner as the other things contained in the said transfer; and that the vassals, who have not yet taken the oath of allegiance and done homage, shall do it in the usual manner, pursuant to the nature of the fief, still reserving the king’s rights, who shall grant his letters patent to discharge the vassals of their oaths and homages, upon the account of the said lands; and all his officers shall be commanded to do nothing that may hinder the same.”

2. As to the taxes and aids of the said provostships, wherein some of the king’s officers have caused some interruptions; and that withal William Lamoureux has been made assessor-general of these provostships by the king, and thereby disappointed the assessor of Amiens, contrary to the form of these transfers; it is remonstrated to the king, that he would be pleased to remove those lets and hindrances occasioned by the lances, gens d’armes, and free-archers in the same provostships, and that the said assessor be restored to his office.

“The duke shall enjoy the said provostships and all the profits of them, and also the royal rights, in the same manner and form as he ought to enjoy the royal provostships upon the said river on the side of Amiens. Those taxes also for lances, free-archers, and other soldiers, shall cease, and none demanded on the king’s part; and the assessor-general of Amiens shall be nominated by the duke, and approved of by the king; and hereafter the king shall grant his letters patent in due form, that the said aids be given without delay or difficulty.”

3. As to the business of the granary of Grand-Villiers depending on the said transfers, it is remonstrated, that all violences, impediments, and troubles, done and given in respect to them, by the king’s officers, as well upon the solicitation of the people of Beauvais or otherwise, may be removed and cease for the future.

“Agreed to on the king’s part.”

4. As to the lands and signiories of Mortagne, transferred to the duke, his ambassadors remonstrate against the troubles and vexations given the duke’s officers by the Bailiff of Tournay, of the Tournesis, and others, and desire they may be commanded to deport themselves peaceably, according to the treaty of Arras, and the king’s letters patent granted in that behalf.

“The duke shall enjoy those lands, and nominate his officers, who shall be approved of by the king; and the Bailiff of Tournay, &c., shall behave himself according to the treaty of Arras, and the letters patent.”

5. The king and the Duke of Burgundy being at Villiers-le-Bel, it was desired that the salt of Salins should be vended in Mâconnois, to which the king consented, upon condition the damage did not exceed 4000 francs: it was remonstrated upon this, that in pursuance of the said gift, and with regard to ancient usage, the salt of Salins had been always vended in Mâconnois, and that there the gabel of salt ought to belong to the duke by the treaty of Arras, &c.; therefore, it was desired that the king would allow of the vending of the said salt in Mâconnois, and to prevent that of the salt of Pequeis, for which toll shall be received at Pont St. Esprit, or elsewhere, to the king’s use; and that reparation might be made to the duke for the damage he had sustained since the treaty of Arras, in the not receiving the said toll, amounting to above 100,000 francs.

“The king allows the duke salt granaries in the county of Mâcon and the country of Mâconnois, and in the places and royal towns included therein, for him, his heirs, &c.”

6. As for the foreign imposition which ought to be raised on the frontiers of the king, and by the treaty of Arras should appertain to the duke in his own territories: first, the duke is disturbed in receiving the said duty; secondly, they would have him levy it in unusual places, and the merchants are obliged to give securities in an unusual form, and even the king’s officers, which is very strange, take upon them to receive the said impositions from the goods and merchandises which are carried into the country of Burgundy, Bar-sur-Seine, Auxerrois, Artois, and those territories transferred to the duke, as if they were the territories of the empire; or where the tolls were not levied, especially in Auxerrois, upon goods belonging to those of the said county, and brought thither from the neighbouring countries; wherefore the said innovation is desired to be laid aside, and that the duke may enjoy his right pursuant to the said treaty, and that merchants be not obliged to give security any otherwise than according to ancient usage.