BOOK THE FIFTH.

Ch. I.—How the Duke of Burgundy, making War upon the Swiss, was defeated by them at the Foot of the Mountains, near Granson.—1476.

After the Duke of Burgundy had conquered all Lorraine, and received of the king St. Quentin, Ham, and Bohain, with all the constable’s goods which could be found, he agreed to meet the king at Auxerre. The king and he were to have an interview upon a river, with a bridge built over it after the same manner as that at Picquigny for King Louis and the King of England; and several messengers passed and repassed continually about this affair. And the Duke of Burgundy resolved to put the greatest part of his army, that had been much fatigued and harassed in the siege of Nuz and their expedition into Lorraine, into quarters of refreshment, and to canton the rest in such towns as belonged to the Count of Romont and others near to Berne and Friburg; upon which towns he had resolved to make war for their insolent behaviour during the siege of Nuz, for their having assisted the enemy in taking from him the county of Ferrette, and for their usurpation of some part of the Count of Romont’s territories. The king was extremely desirous of this interview, and earnestly entreated the duke to let his army lie still in their quarters of refreshment, and not to attempt anything against the poor Swiss. Upon the approach of this army, the Swiss sent ambassadors to the duke, and offered to restore whatever they had taken from the Count of Romont. On the other hand, the Count of Romont pressed him to come in person to his assistance; and, contrary to sober counsel and what all declared would be the best, considering the season and the shattered state of his army, the duke resolved to march against them himself; it being agreed between the king and him, under both their hands, that as to the affair of Lorraine, there should be no dispute between them.

With this shattered and fatigued army the duke marched out of Lorraine into Burgundy, where the ambassadors of the old German leagues, called Swiss, came to him, and offered, besides the restitution before mentioned, to abandon all alliances that were contrary to his interest (and particularly that with the King of France), to enter into alliance with him, and (for a small sum of money) to serve him against the king with 6000 men, whenever he should require their assistance. But the duke would hearken to no overtures, for his ruin was decreed. The new allies (as they term them in those parts), namely, Basle, Strasburg, and other imperial towns situated near the head of the Rhine, had heretofore joined with Sigismund, Duke of Austria, at the time when he was at war with the Swiss; but now a confederacy was made between them and the Swiss for ten years, at the solicitation and expense of the King of France, at the time that the county of Ferrette was taken from the Duke of Burgundy, and his Governor Pierre d’Archambault (who was the cause of all his misfortunes afterwards) put to death at Basle. A prince ought narrowly to observe and watch the conduct of those persons he appoints as governors over his new conquests; for, instead of easing his subjects, administering justice, and treating them with more gentleness than before, this Archambault proceeded quite otherwise and oppressed them with all manner of violence and extortion, and was the occasion of great mischief both to himself, his prince, and abundance of brave men besides. This alliance (which, as I said before, was to be ascribed wholly to the king’s management) proved afterwards very advantageous to his majesty’s interest, and more so than most people were able to foresee, for I esteem it as one of the wisest and most important actions of his reign, and the most prejudicial to his enemies; for if the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs were once in a low condition, there would be none left to cope with the king, or oppose him in any of his designs—I mean of his subjects, and in his own kingdom, for all the rest sailed under his wind. For this reason, it was of great importance to combine Duke Sigismund and these new confederates in an alliance with the Swiss, between whom there had been great enmity for a long time; but it put his majesty to the expense of several embassies and a vast sum of money.

All hopes of an accommodation being entirely vanished, the Swiss ambassadors returned to acquaint their masters with the Duke of Burgundy’s absolute refusal of their propositions, and to make preparations for their defence. The duke marched with his army into the Pays de Vaud (in Savoy), which the Swiss had taken from the Count of Romont, and he took three or four towns belonging to Monsieur de Chasteau-Guyon, which the Swiss had seized upon but defended very ill. From thence he advanced to besiege a place called Granson⁠[503] (which also belonged to Monsieur de Chasteau-Guyon), into which they had thrown 700 or 800 of their best troops; and because it was near them, they had resolved to defend it to the last extremity. The duke’s army was mightily increased, for he daily received considerable reinforcements out of Lombardy and Savoy; and he entertained strangers rather than his own subjects, of whom he might have formed a sufficient army that would have been more faithful and valiant: but the death of the constable had filled him with strange jealousies of them, and various other imaginations. He had a fine train of artillery, and he lived in great pomp and magnificence in the camp, to show his grandeur and riches to the Italian and German ambassadors who were sent to him; and he had all his valuable jewels, plate, and rich furniture with him: besides, he had great designs upon the duchy of Milan, where he expected to find a considerable party. It was not many days after the duke’s investing Granson, before the garrison being terrified with his continual battering it with cannon, surrendered at discretion, and were all put to the sword.⁠[504] The Swiss were assembled, but they were not very numerous⁠[505], as several of them have told me (for that country produced not so many soldiers as was imagined, and still fewer than at present, because of late many of them have left their husbandry, and followed the wars), and of their confederate troops there were not many, because they were obliged to hasten at short notice to the relief of their friends in Granson; and when their army was ready to march, they received advice that the garrison had all been put to the sword.

The Duke of Burgundy, contrary to the opinion of his officers, resolved to advance and meet the enemy at the foot of the mountains, to his great disadvantage; for he was already posted in a place much more proper for an engagement, being fortified on one side with his artillery, and on the other by a lake, so that in all appearance there was no fear of his being injured by the enemy. He had detached a hundred of his archers to secure a certain pass at the entrance of the mountains⁠[506], and was advancing forward himself, when the Swiss attacked him, while the greatest part of his army was still in the plain. The foremost troops designed to fall back; but the infantry that were behind, supposing they were running away, retreated towards their camp, and some of them behaved themselves handsomely enough; but, in the end, when they arrived in their camp, they wanted courage to make a stand and defend themselves, and they all fled, and the Swiss possessed themselves of their camp, in which were all their artillery, a vast number of tents and pavilions, besides a great deal of valuable plunder, for they saved nothing but their lives.⁠[507] The duke lost all his finest rings, but of men, not above seven men-at-arms; the rest fled, and the duke with them. It may more properly be said of him, “That he lost his honour and his wealth in one day,” than it was of King John of France, who, after a brave defence, was taken prisoner at the battle of Poictiers.

This was the first misfortune that ever happened to the Duke of Burgundy in his whole life: for by the rest of his enterprises he always acquired either honour or advantage. But what a mighty loss did he sustain that day by his perverseness and scorn of good advice! How greatly did his family suffer! in what a miserable condition it is at present! and how like to continue so! How many great princes and states became his enemies, and openly declared against him, who but the day before the battle were his friends, or at least pretended to be so! And what was the cause of this war? A miserable cart-load of sheep-skins that the Count of Romont had taken from a Swiss, in his passage through his estates. If God Almighty had not forsaken the Duke of Burgundy, it is scarce conceivable he would have exposed himself to such great dangers upon so small and trivial an occasion; especially considering the offers the Swiss had made him, and that his conquest of such enemies would yield him neither profit nor honour; for at that time the Swiss were not in such esteem as now, and no people in the world could be poorer. A gentleman, who had been one of their first ambassadors to the Duke of Burgundy, told me, that one of his chief arguments to dissuade the duke from invading them was, that there was nothing for him to gain from them; for their country was barren and poor, and he believed that, if all his countrymen were taken prisoners, all the money they could raise for their ransom would not buy spurs and bridles for his army.

But to return to the battle; the king had many spies and scouts abroad about the country (most of them despatched by my orders), and it was not long before he received an account of this defeat, at which he was extremely pleased, and if he was grieved at anything, it was because so few of the enemy had been slain. The king, for his better intelligence, and to countermine the duke’s designs, had removed to Lyons; and being a prince of great wisdom and penetration, he was afraid lest the duke should, by force of arms, annex Switzerland to his own dominions. The house of Savoy was at the Duke of Burgundy’s absolute disposal. The Duke of Milan was his ally.⁠[508] King René of Sicily intended to deliver Provence into his hands; so that if his affairs had been crowned with success, he would have been lord of all the countries from the western to the eastern sea, and the people of France could not have stirred out of the kingdom by land without the duke’s permission, if he had possessed Savoy, Provence, and Lorraine. To every one of these princes the king now sent ambassadors. The Duchess of Savoy was his sister⁠[509], but in the duke’s interest; the King of Sicily was his uncle⁠[510], yet he was exceedingly cautious of receiving his ambassadors, and when he did, he referred all to the Duke of Burgundy. The king also sent to the German confederates, but with some difficulty; for the roads being blocked up, he was forced to employ mendicants, pilgrims, and such kind of people. The confederate towns replied somewhat haughtily, “Tell your king (said they), if he does not declare for us, we will patch up a peace with the duke, and declare against him!” and the king was afraid they would have done so.⁠[511] However, as yet he had no inclination to declare war against the duke, and was very fearful he might hear of his secret negotiations with these countries.

Ch. II.—How, after the Defeat near Granson, the Duke of Milan, René, King of Sicily, the Duchess of Savoy, and others, abandoned their Alliance with the Duke of Burgundy.—1476.

But let us now take a view of the sudden alteration of affairs after this battle, how negotiations were set on foot, and with what prudence and judgment our king managed his affairs; for it may serve as a fair example to such young princes who foolishly undertake enterprises, without any foresight, without any experience, or without consulting such persons as are capable of advising them. The first step the Duke of Burgundy made, was to despatch the Lord of Contay to the king, with many submissive and friendly expressions, contrary both to his temper and custom. See what a change one hour had made in him! He entreated the king not to break the truce, excused himself for not having met his majesty at Auxerre according to the agreement between them, and assured the king that in a little time he would attend him there, or at any other place that his majesty might be pleased to name. The king received his envoy very kindly, and promised to comply with his demands; for he thought it not convenient to do otherwise at that juncture of time; as his majesty was aware of the loyalty and affection of the duke’s subjects towards their prince, and that by their assistance he would quickly be recruited⁠[512]; and therefore he had a mind to see the end of the war, without giving any occasion to either party of making a peace. But how kindly soever the Lord of Contay was entertained by the king, the people treated him with nothing but libels and lampoons; and ballads were publicly sung in the streets, to extol the courage of the conquerors and to jeer at the conquered.

As soon as Galeas, who was Duke of Milan at that time, had received an account of this defeat, he was extremely pleased, notwithstanding his alliance with the duke; which alliance indeed was only the effect of fear, upon account of the great favour and interest which the Duke of Burgundy had in Italy. The Duke of Milan immediately sent a citizen of Milan to the king (a person of no promising aspect), who by the mediation of others, was directed to me, and brought me letters from his master. I informed the king of his arrival, and his majesty commanded me to receive his instructions; for he was not yet reconciled to the Duke of Milan, who had forsaken his alliance, and made a new one with the Duke of Burgundy, though he and the king had married two sisters.⁠[513] The design of his embassy was, to signify to the king that his master the Duke of Milan was informed that the king and the Duke of Burgundy had agreed upon an interview, in order to a final peace and alliance between them, which would be much to the prejudice of the duke his master; and he urged several arguments (but of no great force) against it: but at last, in the conclusion of his speech, he told the king that, if he would promise to make no such truce or treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Milan would pay him immediately 100,000 ducats. After the king had heard the substance of his embassy, he ordered him to be brought into his presence, and (there being nobody there but myself) his majesty spoke thus to him in short: “Here is Monsieur d’Argenton, who has told me so and so; pray tell your master I will have none of his money, and that my yearly revenue is thrice as much as his. As for war or peace, I will act as I please. However, if he repents having left me to enter into a league with the Duke of Burgundy, I am content our old alliance shall be renewed and confirmed.” The ambassador returned the king most humble thanks; and concluded by his answer that he was no covetous prince; and entreated his majesty that he would cause the said alliance to be published in the same form as before, for he was sufficiently empowered to promise that his master would do the same. The king consented, and after dinner it was proclaimed⁠[514], and an ambassador was immediately despatched from the king to Milan, where it was proclaimed with great pomp and solemnity. This was one of the Duke of Burgundy’s first strokes of misfortune: and this was the first great man that abandoned his interest, who but three weeks before had sent a magnificent and solemn embassy to him to desire his alliance.

René, King of Sicily, had a design to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir, and to put Provence into his hand; and accordingly the Lord of Chasteau-Guyon⁠[515] (who is now in Piedmont), and several other of the Duke of Burgundy’s officers, were sent with 20,000 crowns to raise soldiers to take possession of Provence. But upon the news of this defeat, they had much ado to escape themselves, and the Count of Bresse seized upon their money. The Duchess of Savoy had received information of it also, and sent immediately to the King of Sicily to extenuate the loss, and strengthen him in his alliance. But the messengers, who were natives of Provence, were apprehended, and by that means the treaty between the King of Sicily and the Duke of Burgundy was discovered. The king our master immediately sent a good body of troops towards Provence, and despatched ambassadors to the King of Sicily, to invite him to come to him, and to assure him he should be heartily welcome; or otherwise his majesty would be obliged to provide for his own safety by force of arms. The King of Sicily was persuaded to visit the king at Lyons, and was received with great honour and civility. I happened to be present at his arrival, and after their first compliments of salutation, John Cossé⁠[516], Seneschal of Provence (a person of honour, and of a noble family in the kingdom of Naples), addressed himself to the king in the following manner: “Be not surprised, sire, if the king, my master and your uncle, has offered to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir; for it was the advice of his council (and particularly mine), upon this ground, that notwithstanding you were his nephew and sister’s son, yet you had injuriously taken from him the castles of Bar and Angers, and used him unhandsomely in all his other affairs. We therefore promoted this treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, that your majesty being informed of it, might thereby be the better inclined to do us justice, and be put in mind that my master is your uncle. But we never intended to bring that treaty to a conclusion.”

The king took his speech very wisely and well; and he knew it was true, for Monsieur Cossé was the person that managed the whole affair. In a few days after, all their differences were adjusted; the King of Sicily and all his retinue were largely presented with money⁠[517]; and the king entertained him among the ladies, and treated him in every respect as he loved to be treated; so that a perfect reconciliation took place between them, and no mention was made of the Duke of Burgundy, for not only King René but all his allies had abandoned him; and this was another misfortune occasioned by his defeat. The Duchess of Savoy⁠[518], who for a long time had been suspected to be her brother’s enemy, sent a private messenger (called the Lord of Montaigny), who addressed himself to me, to endeavour her reconciliation, and to represent the reasons which had induced her to abandon the interest of the king her brother, and to state her doubts of the king. However, to speak impartially, she was a lady of great wisdom, and my master’s true sister. She was unwilling to proceed to an open rupture with the Duke of Burgundy, but seemed desirous to temporise and to renew her friendship with the king. And she continued to send him news of the duke’s adventures, that the king might treat her more favourably; and he ordered me to despatch her envoy with all expedition, to give her good encouragement, and to invite her into France. Thus another of the Duke of Burgundy’s confederates fell off from him, and endeavoured to abandon his alliance. In Germany they began universally to declare against the duke; and several towns of the empire, as Nuremberg, Frankfort, and others, joined in a confederacy with the new and old allies of Switzerland against him; and it seemed that whatever mischief could be done to him, was quite pardonable.

The poor Swiss were mightily enriched by the plunder of his camp.⁠[519] At first they did not understand the value of the treasure they were masters of, especially the common soldiers. One of the richest and most magnificent tents in the world was cut into pieces. There were some of them that sold quantities of dishes and plates of silver for about two sous of our money, supposing they had been pewter. His great diamond (perhaps the largest and finest jewel in Christendom), with a large pearl fixed to it, was taken up by a Swiss, put up again into the case, thrown under a wagon, taken up again by the same soldier, and after all offered to a priest for a florin, who bought it, and sent it to the magistrates of that country, who returned him three francs as a sufficient reward.⁠[520] They took also three very rich jewels, called the Three Brothers, another large ruby called La Hatte, and another called the Ball of Flanders, which were the fairest and richest in the world; besides a prodigious quantity of other goods, which has since taught them what fine things may be purchased for money; for their victories, the esteem the king had of their service afterwards, and the presents he made them, have enriched them prodigiously.

The king made every one of their ambassadors that was sent in the first embassy to his majesty very considerable presents in plate or money, by which means he pacified them for not openly declaring and entering into an alliance with them; and they returned with their purses well filled, and their persons clothed in silk, besides a promise of a pension of 40,000 florins of the Rhine (which he paid afterwards, but he saw the event of a second battle first), 20,000 to the towns, and 20,000 to the governors of them.⁠[521] Nor should I tell an untruth in saying, that from the battle of Granson to the death of our master, their towns and magistrates received of his majesty above a million of Rhine florins; and by the towns I mean only four, Berne, Lucerne, Friburg, Zurich, and their cantons, or mountains. Schwytz also is another of their cantons, though but a small village; yet I have seen an ambassador of that village, who, though he was in a mean dress, yet gave his opinion with the others. The other cantons are Glaris and Underwald.

Ch. III.—How the Duke of Burgundy was again defeated by the Swiss, near the Town of Morat.—1476.

But to return to the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs. He assembled forces on all sides, and, in three weeks’ time, he had as many as he had had in the late battle. His quarters were at Losanne, in Savoy⁠[522], where you, my Lord of Vienne, attended him with your counsels in an illness, which melancholy and vexation for the dishonour he had sustained, had occasioned; and truly I am of opinion, that from the very day of his defeat, his understanding was never so good as it had been before. The account I give you of the great army he had assembled again, I received from the Prince of Tarento⁠[523], who in my presence made the same relation to the king. This prince had come to the duke’s court about a year before, with a very splendid equipage, in the hope of marrying his daughter, the heiress of Flanders. And, indeed, he appeared to be a king’s son by the gracefulness of his person, and the splendour of his appearance and retinue; for his father, the King of Naples⁠[524], had spared no cost to set him off. The Duke of Burgundy did but dissemble with him; for, at the same time, he was in treaty with the Duchess of Savoy for her son, besides others elsewhere. The Prince of Tarento (called Don Frederic of Arragon) and his council, growing weary of his delays, sent a herald, who was a clever person, to our king, to desire his majesty to grant the prince a passport to return safely through his dominions into his own country, for his father had sent for him. The king granted it very willingly, because he believed it would redound to the Duke of Burgundy’s dishonour, and would lessen his interest abroad. However, before the return of the messenger, the German confederates had taken the field, and lay encamped not far from the Duke of Burgundy.

The prince took his leave of the duke the night before the battle⁠[525], in obedience to his father’s command; for in the first engagement he had given signal proofs of his valour. There are some (my Lord of Vienne) who affirm, that he left the army by your advice; and I heard him say, upon his arrival at court, to the Duke of Astoly⁠[526], called the Count Julio, and to several others, that your lordship transmitted an account into Italy of all that happened both in the first and second battles, several days before they were fought.⁠[527]

At the prince’s departure, the confederates (as I said before) were encamped near the Duke of Burgundy, with a design to give him battle, and raise the siege of Morat, a small town near Berne, belonging to the Count of Romont. The confederates (as I was informed by those who were present in that action) might be about 30,000 foot, all choice troops and well armed: that is to say, 11,000 picked men, 10,000 halberdiers, and 10,000 musketeers, besides a body of 4000 horse. The confederate forces were not all arrived; so that only those mentioned above were in the engagement, and they were more than was necessary. The Duke of Lorraine arrived at their camp also with a small reinforcement, which was of great advantage to him afterwards, for the Duke of Burgundy was in possession of his whole dukedom. Nor was it to his prejudice that our court began to grow weary of him, though I believe he was never conscious of it himself. But when a great person has lost all, those that support and maintain him soon grow weary of him. The king gave him a small sum of money, and sent a strong party of troops with him through the duchy of Lorraine, to conduct him safely into Germany, and then to return. The Duke of Lorraine had not only lost that country, but also the country of Vaudemont, and most part of Barrois (the rest being secured by the king, so that all was gone); and, which was worse, all his subjects, and even his domestics, had sworn allegiance to the Duke of Burgundy, and that voluntarily, without any compulsion; so that his condition seemed past recovery. However, in such cases God always remains judge and arbitrator, and decides such affairs according to His own pleasure.

When the Duke of Lorraine had passed through his own dominions, after several days’ march, he arrived at the camp of the confederates not many hours before the engagement. Though he brought but few men, yet his arrival was much to his honour and advantage, for otherwise he would have had a poor reception. Just as he arrived, both armies were advancing to engage; for the allies had lain three days or more strongly encamped at a small distance from the Duke of Burgundy, whose army, after some small resistance, was entirely defeated and put to flight.⁠[528] Nor did he escape so well as in the first engagement: for the Swiss not having then a body of horse, he lost not above seven men-at-arms; but at this battle of Morat they had 4000 good horse, who pursued the Burgundians a great way, and cut off a considerable number of them. Besides, their whole body of infantry was engaged with the duke’s foot, who were very numerous; for, besides his own subjects, and a considerable body of English, who were in his pay, he had great reinforcements out of Piedmont and Milan, as I said before. And when the Prince of Tarento was with the king, he told me he had never seen a finer army in his life; for, as they marched over a bridge, he caused them to be numbered, and they amounted to 23,000 men in pay, besides those that belonged to the train of artillery, and followed the camp. To me this seems a very great number, yet there are some who make it much greater, and upon very slight grounds will multiply armies prodigiously.

The Lord of Contay arrived at our court not long after the battle, and owned in my presence, that the Duke of Burgundy lost in that battle 8000 of his standing forces, besides those that followed the camp; and, by the best information I could get, I presume that the number of the slain in all, might amount to near 18,000 men; which is not at all improbable, if we consider the great bodies of horse that the princes of Germany had there, and the vast number of those that were slain in the duke’s camp before Morat. The duke fled himself as far as Burgundy, in great disconsolateness, and not without reason; he stopped at a place called La Rivière⁠[529], where he rallied what forces he could. The Germans pursued only that night, and then gave over the chase, without following him any farther.

Ch. IV.—How, after the Battle of Morat, the Duke of Burgundy seized upon the Duchess of Savoy, and how she was delivered by our King, and sent back into her own Country.—1476.

This defeat drove the Duke of Burgundy almost to despair; for by what he had observed since his first loss at Granson, he perceived all his friends and allies were resolved to abandon him; and his defeat at Granson happened not above three weeks previously.⁠[530] In this apprehension, by the advice of some people, he caused the Duchess of Savoy and one of her sons, who is now Duke of Savoy⁠[531], to be brought into Burgundy by force. Her eldest son at that time was saved by some of the servants belonging to the family; for those who committed this act of violence did it in fear, and were obliged to use more haste than was convenient. That which moved the duke to this exploit, was a suspicion lest she should retire to the king her brother, though, as he pretended, all this misfortune was caused him by his great affection to the house of Savoy. The duke ordered her to be conducted to the Castle of Rouvre⁠[532], near Dijon, and placed some small guard about her, but whoever had a mind had liberty to visit her. Among the rest, the Lord of Chasteau-Guyon and the Marquis of Rotelin came to wait on her highness, between whom and two of her daughters the duke had treated of marriage, though at that time neither of them had been concluded, but both have been since. Her eldest son Philibert, at that time Duke of Savoy, was conveyed to Chambery by those who contrived his escape⁠[533], at which place he found the Bishop of Geneva, who was a son of the house of Savoy, but a very headstrong man, and governed wholly by a Commander de Ranvers.⁠[534] With this bishop and his governor, the Commander de Ranvers, the king managed affairs so artfully, that the Duke of Savoy and a younger brother of his⁠[535], called the Prothonotary, with the Castles of Chambery and Montmeillan⁠[536], were delivered into his majesty’s hands; and he already had another castle in his possession, in which were all the jewels belonging to the duchess.

As soon as the duchess found, upon her arrival at Rouvre, that she was attended by her whole train of maids of honour and a host of other servants, as I said before; and observed the Duke of Burgundy wholly intent upon raising men, and that her guards did not retain that dread and awe of their master which they formerly had, she resolved to send to her brother the king, to propose a peace and beg his assistance; yet she would have been unwilling to have put herself into his power, had she been in any other place but where she was, for there had been a great long-standing quarrel between them. The duchess sent a gentleman of Piedmont, named Riverol⁠[537], who was steward of her house, and had instructions to apply to me. As soon as I had received his message, and communicated it to the king, his majesty ordered him to be introduced into his presence; and after he had given him audience, he told him that he would not abandon his sister in this extremity, notwithstanding the differences that had been between them; and if she would trust to him, he would send the Governor of Champagne, who was then Charles d’Amboise, Lord of Chaumont, to fetch her.

Monsieur Riverol took his leave of the king, and posted with all speed to his mistress with the news. The duchess was overjoyed to hear it, yet she immediately sent another agent to the king, to desire his majesty would give his word that she should have liberty to return into Savoy whenever she pleased, and that he would restore to her not only the duke her son and his young brother, but the castles and places which he had seized upon, and would defend and maintain her authority in Savoy; and then she would renounce all other alliances, and keep herself entirely in his interest. The king promised to grant all she desired, and immediately despatched an express to the Lord of Chaumont to go and deliver her; which was well attempted, and as well performed; for the Lord of Chaumont, with a strong detachment⁠[538], went to Rouvre, without the least disorder or damage to the country through which he marched, and brought away the Duchess of Savoy and her whole train to the next garrison belonging to the king. When the king despatched this last message to the Duchess of Savoy, his majesty had left Lyons, where he had sojourned full six months, on purpose to defeat and countermine the designs of the Duke of Burgundy, without violating the truce; and if we seriously consider the posture of the duke’s affairs, we shall see that the king was a greater enemy to him in not opposing him openly, but creating him new enemies underhand, than if he had declared open war against him; for upon such a declaration, the duke would have abandoned his rash enterprises and designs, and that would not have occurred which happened to him afterwards.

The king having left Lyons, continued his journey directly to Rouanne, from whence he came down the River Loire to Tours. Upon his arrival there, his majesty received the news of his sister’s deliverance, at which he was extremely pleased, and sent an express immediately to direct her to come to him, and ordered a sum of money to be remitted to defray the expense of her journey. When the king was informed of her approach, he sent several persons of quality to meet her, and went himself as far as the gate of Plessis-du-Parc, where he received her with abundance of tenderness and civility, and saluted her thus, “My Lady of Burgundy, you are heartily welcome.” She knew well by his countenance that he was in a merry humour, and replied very prudently, “that she was no Burgundian, but a true French woman, and ready to obey him in whatever he might command.” The king conducted her to her apartment, and entertained her with great splendour; but the truth is he was very desirous to be rid of her, and she being a cunning woman, and understanding his temper perfectly well, was even more desirous to be gone than he was to have her go. The management of this whole affair was committed to me, and the king ordered me to supply her with money during her stay at court, to provide for her return, to furnish her wardrobe with silks, and to draw up the form of their alliance for the time to come. The king used his utmost endeavours to break off the matches that I mentioned before, but she excused herself, and pretended that the affections of her daughters were so far engaged, that it would be impossible to break them off; and when the king found that, he pressed it no farther.

After the duchess had been at Plessis about seven or eight days, the king and her highness entered into a mutual oath of amity for the future, and instruments to that purpose were interchangeably delivered⁠[539]: after which she took her leave, and the king ordered her to be conducted safely into her own country; and her children, castles, jewels, and whatever belonged to her besides, were punctually restored to her. Both were extremely pleased to be rid of one another upon such handsome terms; and ever after they continued very good friends, as a brother and sister ought to do.

Ch. V.—How the Duke of Burgundy lived in a solitary manner for some weeks at La Rivière, and how the Duke of Lorraine retook Nancy in the meantime.—1476.

But to continue the chief subject of these Memoirs, we are obliged to return to the Duke of Burgundy, who, after his defeat at Morat (in the year 1476), had fled to a town called La Rivière, at the entrance into Burgundy, where he lay six weeks, under pretence of raising men to recruit his army; but he proceeded very slowly in that affair, and instead of being active and vigorous, he lived like a hermit, and all his actions seemed rather the effect of sullenness and obstinacy than anything else, as will appear by what follows.

His concern and grief for his first defeat at Granson was so great, and made such a deep impression on his spirits, that it threw him into a violent and dangerous fit of sickness; for whereas before, his choler and natural heat were so great that he drank no wine, but only in a morning took a little tisane, and ate conserve of roses, to refresh himself; this sudden melancholy had so altered his constitution, that he now drank the strongest wine that could be got, without any water at all; and to reduce the rush of blood to his heart, his physicians were obliged to apply cupping-glasses with burning tow to his side. But this (my Lord of Vienne) you know better than I, for your lordship attended on him during the whole course of his illness, and it was by your persuasion that the duke was prevailed upon to cut his beard, which was of a prodigious length. In my opinion his understanding was never so perfect, nor his senses so sedate and complete, after this fit of sickness, as before. So violent are the passions of men unacquainted with adversity, who never seek the true remedy for their misfortunes, especially princes, who are naturally haughty: for in such cases our best method is to have recourse to God, to reflect on the many vile transgressions by which we have offended His Divine goodness, to humble ourselves before Him, and to make an acknowledgment of our faults: for He determines all things as it seems best to His heavenly wisdom, and who dare question the justness of His dispensations, or impute any error to Him? It is also well to unbosom ourselves freely to some intimate friends, not to keep our sorrows concealed, but to expatiate on every circumstance of them, without being ashamed or reserved; for this mitigates the rigour of our misfortunes, revives the heart, and restores their usual vigour and activity to our dejected spirits. There is another remedy also, and that is labour and exercise (for as we are but men, these sorrows cannot be dissipated without great pains and application, both in public and private), which is a much better course than that which the duke took in hiding himself, and retiring from all manner of company; for by that means he grew so terrible to his own servants, that none of them durst venture to come near him to give him either counsel or comfort, but suffered him to go on in that melancholy state of life, fearing lest their advising him to the contrary, might have turned to their destruction.

During these six weeks (or thereabouts) that he lay at La Rivière with very few troops (nor was it to be wondered at, after the loss of two such great battles as you have heard before), many declared themselves openly against him, his friends were grown cold, his subjects were defeated and rebellious, and began (as is usual) to murmur and contemn their master on account of his misfortunes. He lost several little towns in Lorraine, as Vaudemont, Espinal, and others. All the neighbouring states began to make preparations to invade him; and the vilest and most insignificant of them were now the most forward in doing him mischief. The Duke of Lorraine (upon this report) assembled a small body of forces, and besieged Nancy⁠[540]; the small towns about it were most of them in his possession already; but the Duke of Burgundy was master of Pont-à-Mousson, about four leagues off. Amongst those that were besieged in Nancy, there was a gentleman of the house of Croy, called the Lord of Bievres⁠[541], a good officer, and a person of honour, whose forces were made up out of several countries. There was also an Englishman called Colpin, a brave soldier (though of no great birth), who with other officers belonging to the garrison of Guynes, had entered the service of the Duke of Burgundy. This Colpin had the command of about 300 English in the town, and though they were not pressed either by approaches or batteries⁠[542], they began to be uneasy at the duke’s slowness in marching to their relief⁠[543]: and indeed he was highly to blame; for the quarters where he lay were at so great a distance from Lorraine, that he could do them no service, and certainly it would have been better for him to have defended what was left, than to have meditated revenge on the Swiss for what he had lost. But his perverseness in following no counsel but his own, turned greatly to his disadvantage; for notwithstanding that he was daily pressed to relieve that place, yet he continued (without any necessity) at La Rivière full six weeks; whereas if he had done otherwise, he might easily have raised the siege of Nancy, for the Duke of Lorraine’s forces were not numerous⁠[544], and so long as the country of Lorraine was in his possession, he had free communication between his other territories (through Luxembourg and Lorraine) into Burgundy; so that if his intellects had been as right and his judgment as sound as they were formerly, he would certainly have marched with greater expedition to their relief.

Whilst the garrison of Nancy lay in continual expectation of being relieved, it happened that the above-mentioned Colpin, who commanded the English troops in the town, was killed by a cannon ball; his death was a vast prejudice to the Duke of Burgundy’s concerns, for a prince very often is preserved from great inconveniences by the management of one single person, provided he has wisdom and valour, although his extraction be mean; and in this particular I knew no man more careful than our master, for certainly never prince was more fearful of losing his men than his majesty. Upon the death of Colpin, the English under his command began to murmur and despair of relief. They were not aware of the Duke of Lorraine’s weakness, and that the Duke of Burgundy had many ways of reinforcing his army; and besides, the English, not having been abroad for a long time, had but little experience in foreign wars, and were wholly ignorant in regard to a siege. In short, they mutinied for a composition, and plainly told the governor, Monsieur de Bievres, that if he would not consent to a capitulation, they would make one without him. Though Bievres was a good knight, yet he wanted courage and resolution. He remonstrated, entreated, and begged of them to have a little patience; whereas, in my opinion, if he had hectored, and carried matters with an air of greater authority and resolution, he had succeeded better; but God had ordered it otherwise: for had they held out but three days longer, the Duke of Burgundy would have certainly raised the siege. But, in short, the governor complied with the English, and the town was surrendered⁠[545] to the Duke of Lorraine, upon condition of saving their goods and sparing their persons.

The next day, or at furthest two days after the surrender, the Duke of Burgundy appeared with a very good army, considering his condition, for several of his own subjects had marched up through the province of Luxembourg to join him. The Duke of Lorraine and he faced one another⁠[546], but no action of importance happened between them, the Duke of Lorraine being too weak to attempt anything. The Duke of Burgundy, in his old obstinate way, was resolved to besiege Nancy again⁠[547], though it had been much wiser in him not to have undertaken it at that time; but when God is pleased to change the fortune of princes, he puts these obstinate inclinations into them. Had the Duke of Burgundy been persuaded to have garrisoned the little places about the town, as he was advised, he would quickly have reduced it to great straits, and would have forced it to surrender in a short time, for it was but ill provided with provisions, and the multitude in the town would have presently distressed it; while he would have had time to recruit his army, and put them into quarters of refreshment; but he took quite another course.

Ch. VI.—Of the Count of Campobasso’s great Treachery, and how he prevented the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a Gentleman who would have revealed it to him before his Execution, and how the Duke also rejected the Information that was sent him by the King.—1476.

Whilst the Duke of Burgundy was pushing on the siege of Nancy (so unfortunately for himself, his subjects, and many others who were not at all concerned in his quarrel), many of his own party began to enter into a conspiracy against him, and new enemies, as you have heard, surrounded and invaded him on all sides. Among the rest there was the Count Nicolo Campobasso, of the kingdom of Naples, who had been banished from thence for espousing the interest of the house of Anjou⁠[548], and whom, after the death of Nicholas, Duke of Calabria, the Duke of Burgundy had entertained in his service, with several other of the Duke of Calabria’s servants. This count was very poor, both in money and lands; at his first coming to him, the Duke of Burgundy gave him 40,000 ducats in ready money, to raise a troop in Italy, which was to consist of 400 lances, and to be commanded and paid by himself. From that very moment, as I said before, he began to form designs against the life of his master, and continued to carry on his secret practices to the time of which I am now speaking; for, finding his master’s power declining, he began to practise underhand with the Duke of Lorraine, and such of the king’s officers and servants in Champagne as were not far from the Duke of Burgundy’s army. His first proposal to the Duke of Lorraine was, to delay the siege of Nancy, by not taking care to provide a sufficient quantity of provisions and ammunition, so that the army would be unable to carry it on for want of necessaries; and, indeed, it was no hard matter for him to do this, for he was entrusted with this charge, and had the greatest influence with the duke his master. With our officers he dealt more freely, and promised to take or kill the Duke of Burgundy, provided he were continued in the command of his 400 lances upon the same footing as before, and had 20,000 crowns and a good county in France besides.

Whilst he was driving his bargains after this manner, several of the Duke of Lorraine’s officers attempted to throw themselves into the town; some of them got in, but others were taken, and among the rest one Cifron⁠[549], a gentleman of Provence, who had managed the whole affair between Campobasso and the Duke of Lorraine. The Duke of Burgundy immediately commanded this Cifron to be hanged, affirming that when a prince had once invested a town, and erected batteries to play upon it, if any endeavoured to reinforce and strengthen the garrison, they were condemned to death by the laws of war. However, this was not practised in our wars, which, in other respects, are much more cruel than those of Italy or Spain, where that custom prevails. But, right or wrong, this gentleman was to die by the Duke of Burgundy’s express order. The gentleman, finding that his death was inevitable, sent to acquaint the duke that, if he pleased but to admit him to his presence, he would make a discovery of something that nearly concerned his person. Some gentlemen who heard his proposal, brought the news of it to the duke at a time when the Count of Campobasso was with him, either by accident, or else on purpose, having intelligence that Cifron was taken, and fearing he would discover all he knew; for he knew the whole intrigue from one end to the other, and that was the secret he would have discovered to the duke.

The duke answered those that brought him this message, that it was only an artifice to gain time, and that if he had anything to discover, he might tell it to them. The Count of Campobasso highly applauded this answer, there being only himself, who was the chief commander in the army, and a secretary that was writing, then present. The prisoner sent word, again, that he could discover it to nobody but the duke himself; upon which the duke ordered him to be carried to execution immediately, and his orders were obeyed. As he was going to the place of execution, Cifron entreated several to intercede with the duke to save his life, and he would discover a secret that was of greater importance to him than the best province in his dominions. Several of his acquaintance had compassion on him, and went to desire the duke that, for their sake, he would vouchsafe to admit him into his presence; but this treacherous count stood at the door of the wooden house in which the duke lodged, refused them entrance, and told them, “The duke commands that he be immediately executed,”⁠[550] and sent messengers on purpose to hasten the provost; so that finally poor Cifron was hanged, to the unspeakable prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy, for whom it had been, much better to have treated this unfortunate gentleman with more humanity, and heard what he had to say; for then, perhaps, he might have been alive to this day, and his house in a more flourishing condition, considering what occurrences have happened since in this kingdom.

But we have reason to believe that God had otherwise ordained it, as a punishment for his late disloyalty to the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France, of which you have heard elsewhere in these Memoirs; how he seized upon his person, contrary to his solemn promise and engagement, delivered him to the king to be put to death, and sent all his letters and contracts to serve as an evidence against him at his trial. And though the duke had just reason to bear a mortal hatred against the constable, and to pursue him even to death, yet he should have done it without breaking his faith; nor can all the reasons that could be alleged in this case extenuate the crime, or cover the dishonour that will always be a stain and blot on the duke’s character; for notwithstanding the safe-conduct and protection that he granted the constable, he yet seized upon him afterwards, and sold him for covetousness, not only to obtain the town of St. Quentin and other fortresses, inheritances and moveables belonging to the constable, but also in the hope of taking Nancy the first time he besieged it; for after many excuses and dissimulations he delivered up the constable, for fear that the king’s army in Champagne might interrupt his enterprise; his majesty having threatened to do so by his ambassadors, unless he should perform his articles, by which the first that took the constable was obliged to deliver him up within eight days, or to see him executed himself. But the duke had deferred his surrender for several days longer than was agreed upon between them; and the fear of being called to account for this, and of being interrupted in the siege of Nancy, prevailed with him to deliver up the constable, as you have heard.

And it is worthy of our observation, that as, in his first siege of Nancy, he was guilty of that dishonourable action towards the constable; and in his second, he ordered Cifron to be hanged (for he would not hear him, like a person whose understanding was infatuated, and his ears stopped to his own ruin)—so, in the same place he was deceived and betrayed himself by the very person in whom he reposed most confidence (and not altogether unjustly, if we reflect upon what has been said before), both in regard to the constable and Nancy. But the determination of such events depends only upon God; and I have given my opinion only to illustrate my proposition, that a good prince ought never to consent to such a base and ignominious action, whatsoever plausible reasons may be urged in vindication of it; for it often happens that those who give their advice in such an affair do it either out of flattery, or fear of contradicting their prince, though, when the thing is done, they are heartily sorry for it, knowing how liable they are to be punished in this world and the next; however, such counsellors as these are better far off, than near any prince.

Thus you have seen how God, the sole Governor of human affairs, raised up the Count of Campobasso to be the instrument of His vengeance in the case of the constable, in the same place, and after the same manner, but with more circumstances of cruelty; for he betrayed the very person who had entertained him in his service when he was old, poor, and friendless, and had given him an annual sum of 10,000 ducats, with which to pay his soldiers, besides other posts of great advantage. And, when he first began his conspiracy he was on his journey into Italy with 40,000 ducats to raise his regiment; and yet, in that very journey, he made overtures in two several places, first, to a physician at Lyons, called Simon of Pavia, next, to another person in Savoy, as you have already heard; and at his return with his regiment, being quartered in certain small towns in the county of Marle in Lannois, he fell to his old practices, and offered to deliver up all the towns he held; or, if that were not sufficient, if the king would but face his master, and pretend to give him battle, when they were drawn up, and ready to engage, upon a signal to be agreed on between the king and him, he would come over to him and join his majesty’s army with the troops under his command; but the king was not pleased with this last overture by any means. He offered, likewise, the first time his master lay in the field, either to take him prisoner, or kill him, as he was reviewing his army; and indeed he might easily have done it; for the duke’s custom was, as soon as he was alighted from his horse, at the place where his army was to encamp, to pull off the rest of his armour, and with his cuirass only, to mount upon a little palfrey, and, attended only by eight or ten archers on foot, or two or three gentlemen of his bed-chamber, to ride about the army, and see that it was strongly enclosed; so that with a small party of ten horse, the count might have performed this execrable action without much difficulty. The king, observing the restless malice of this man against his master, and that he was conspiring against him even during the time of the truce between them, and being not well informed of the object of these overtures, resolved upon showing a singular piece of friendship and generosity to the Duke of Burgundy, and sent him in writing, by the Lord of Contay (whom I have so often mentioned in these Memoirs), the whole progress of the count’s conspiracy. I was present at the delivery of the letters, and I am sure the Lord of Contay acquitted himself faithfully to his master; but the duke would give no credit to his information, and said, that if there was any truth in it, the king would never have communicated it. This was long before the duke’s arrival before Nancy, and I verily believe he never took any notice of it to the count, for he continued his old practices afterwards.

Ch. VII.—How the Duke of Lorraine with a powerful Army of Germans took the field, and encamped at St. Nicholas, whilst the Duke of Burgundy lay before Nancy; and how the King of Portugal, who was in France at that time, paid a visit to the Duke in his Camp before that Town.—1477.

But now to proceed with our principal subject. You must know that the Duke of Burgundy besieged Nancy in the depth of winter, with a small army which was ill provided and ill paid. Several of his officers had entered into a conspiracy against him, and there was a general mutiny among the common soldiers, who censured and despised all his enterprises; which, as I have observed at large before, is the common fate in times of adversity; but nobody practised against his person and dominions except the Count of Campobasso, for his subjects were all loyal to him. The Duke of Burgundy being in this miserable condition, the Duke of Lorraine treated with the old and new allies⁠[551] (whom I have mentioned before) for a supply of troops to enable him to give the duke battle, and raise the siege of Nancy. They all readily consented, and every town furnished him with a body of troops, so that now his only want was money for their subsistence. The king by his ambassadors in Switzerland encouraged him extremely in this enterprise, and remitted him 400,000 francs to pay his Swiss: and the Lord of Craon, the king’s lieutenant in Champagne, was quartered in Barrois with a body of 700 or 800 lances and frank-archers, commanded by experienced officers. The Duke of Lorraine, by help of the king’s favour and money, assembled a good body of Swiss, both horse and foot; for, besides the troops that were in his own pay, they furnished him with some at their own expense. He had also many French volunteers, and the king’s army (as you have already heard) was quartered in Barrois, not with a design to commit any act of hostility, but only to wait the issue of a battle, which was every day expected; for the Duke of Lorraine had marched with his Germans to St. Nicholas⁠[552], not far from Nancy.

The King of Portugal⁠[553] had now been in France for nine months or thereabouts; for our king, being in an alliance with him against the King of Castile⁠[554], the King of Portugal flattered himself that he would assist him with a powerful army to make war upon his adversary on the side of Biscay or Navarre, for he had several towns in Castile, upon the frontiers of Portugal, and some upon our borders, as the Castle of Burgos, and others; so that I am of opinion, if our king had assisted him, as he was sometimes inclined to do, the King of Portugal might have succeeded in his designs; but, by degrees, the king’s mind changed, and the King of Portugal was amused with fair words, and fed with hopes, for a year or more.

In the meantime the King of Portugal’s affairs in Castile began to decline: for, when he came into France, almost all the nobility of Castile were in his interest; but his long stay in France tired their patience, and they began to grow weary, and made their peace with Ferdinand and Isabella, who now reign. The King of France indeed had promised to assist him, but he excused himself afterwards upon account of the war in Lorraine, pretending that if the Duke of Burgundy prevailed, he feared that he would afterwards invade his dominions. The King of Portugal, who was a very good and just prince, took a fancy to pay a visit to the Duke of Burgundy, who was his cousin-german⁠[555], and to try whether his good offices could effect a pacification between the king and the duke, supposing that when this obstacle was removed, the king would certainly assist him; for he was ashamed to return into Portugal or Castile without having been successful in his solicitations at our court, especially after coming thither in so imprudent a manner, and contrary to the opinion of the greatest part of his council.

With this design the King of Portugal began his journey towards the latter end of the winter, and being arrived at the Duke of Burgundy’s camp before Nancy⁠[556], he began to discourse with him about what the king had told him in relation to a peace: but he found it would be no easy matter to accommodate things between them, their demands ran so high; and therefore he stayed but two days, before he took his leave of his cousin, and returned to Paris. The Duke of Burgundy pressed him to stay, and command the body of troops that were to defend the pass at Pont-à-Mousson, near Nancy, for he had received intelligence that the German army was posted at St. Nicholas. The King of Portugal excused himself, by saying that he was neither armed nor provided for such an enterprise; and upon this he returned to Paris, where he had resided so long already. At last the King of Portugal grew suspicious of the King of France, and fancied his majesty had a design to seize on him, and deliver him up to his enemy the King of Castile. Upon the strength of this imagination he put himself into a disguise, and with two more in his company, resolved to go to Rome, and enter some religious house: but he was taken in that disguise by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf⁠[557]; at which our king was extremely concerned, and being ashamed of what had passed, ordered several ships to be equipped on the coast of Normandy, and gave the command of them to Master George le Grec⁠[558], with orders to conduct him safe into Portugal, which he performed accordingly.

The occasion of his war against the King of Castile was in favour of his sister’s daughter⁠[559], which sister was wife to Don Henry, late King of Castile⁠[560], and had a beautiful daughter still living (but unmarried), in Portugal: but Queen Isabella⁠[561], who was sister to the said King Henry, disputed the young lady’s right of succession to the crown of Castile, pretending she was illegitimate, and born in adultery. Many others were of the same opinion, objecting impotence in King Henry, and proving it by arguments, which for certain reasons I shall here omit. However this may be, and though the young lady was born in wedlock, and under the veil of marriage, yet the crown of Castile was enjoyed by Queen Isabella of Castile, and her husband the King of Arragon and Sicily, who now reigns. The King of Portugal was very ambitious of making a match between his niece and our King Charles VIII., who is now reigning; and indeed that was the great design of his journey into France, which turned so much to his disadvantage, for not long after his return into Portugal he died. Wherefore (as I have already observed in the beginning of these Memoirs), it highly concerns a prince to be very careful in the choice of persons qualified to be sent on embassies to foreign courts; for if those ambassadors that came to our king from the King of Portugal upon the above-mentioned proposal (at which I was present by deputation from our king), had been as wise as they ought, they would have informed themselves better of our affairs before they advised their master to undertake a journey which proved so disadvantageous and dishonourable to him.

Ch. VIII.—How the Duke of Burgundy, by rejecting the Counsel of several of his Officers, was defeated and slain in a Battle between him and the Duke of Lorraine, not far from Nancy.—1477.

I could willingly have omitted this relation of the King of Portugal’s affairs, had it not been to show, that one prince ought not rashly to put himself into the power of another, nor go in person to solicit his own supplies. But to proceed with my history:—The King of Portugal had not left the Duke of Burgundy’s camp above a day, before the Duke of Lorraine and his army of Germans broke up from St. Nicholas, and advanced towards the Duke of Burgundy, with a resolution to give him battle. The Count of Campobasso joined them that very day, and carried off with him about eight score men-at-arms; and it grieved him much that he could do his master no greater mischief. The garrison of Nancy had intelligence of his design, which in some measure encouraged them to hold out; besides, another person⁠[562] had got over the works, and assured them of relief, otherwise they were just upon surrendering, and would have capitulated in a little time, had it not been for the treachery of this count; but God had determined to finish this mystery.

The Duke of Burgundy, having intelligence of the approach of the Duke of Lorraine’s army, called a kind of council, contrary to his custom, for generally he followed his own will. It was the opinion of most of his officers that his best way would be to retire to Pont-à-Mousson, which was not far off, and dispose his army in the towns about Nancy; affirming, that as soon as the Germans had thrown a supply of men and provisions into Nancy, they would march off again; and the Duke of Lorraine being in great want of money, it would be a great while before he would be able to assemble such an army again; and that their supplies of provisions could not be so great but before half the winter was over, they would be in the same straits as they were now; and that in the meantime the duke might raise more forces, and recruit himself: for I have been told by those who ought to know best, that the Duke of Burgundy’s army did not then consist of full 4000 men⁠[563], and of that number not above 1200 were in a condition to fight. Money he did not want; for in the Castle of Luxembourg (which was not far off), there were in ready cash 450,000 crowns, which would have raised men enough. But God was not so merciful to him as to permit him to take this wise counsel, or discern the vast multitude of enemies who on every side surrounded him. Therefore he chose the worst plan, and like a rash and inconsiderate madman, resolved to try his fortune, and engage the enemy with his weak and shattered army⁠[564], notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine had a numerous force of Germans, and the king’s army was not far off.

As soon as the Count of Campobasso arrived in the Duke of Lorraine’s army, the Germans sent him word to leave the camp immediately, for they would not entertain such traitors among them. Upon which message he retired with his party to Condé⁠[565], a castle and pass⁠[566] not far off, where he fortified himself with carts and other things as well as he could, in hopes, that if the Duke of Burgundy were routed, he might have an opportunity of coming in for a share of the plunder, as he did afterwards. Nor was this practice with the Duke of Lorraine the most execrable action that Campobasso was guilty of; but, before he left the army, he conspired with several other officers (finding it was impracticable to attempt anything against the Duke of Burgundy’s person) to leave him just as they came to the charge; for, at that time, he supposed it would put the army into the greatest terror and consternation; and if the duke fled, he was sure he could not escape alive, for he had ordered thirteen or fourteen sure men, some to run as soon as the Germans came up to charge them, and others to watch the Duke of Burgundy, and kill him in the rout; which was well enough contrived, for I myself have seen two or three of those who were thus employed to kill the duke. Having thus settled his conspiracy at home, he went over to the Duke of Lorraine upon the approach of the German army; but, finding they would not entertain him, he retired to Condé, as I said before.

The German army marched forward, and with them a considerable body of French horse, whom the king had given leave to be present in that action. Several parties lay in ambush not far off, that if the Duke of Burgundy were routed, they might surprise some person of quality, or take some considerable booty. By this every one may see into what a deplorable condition this poor duke had brought himself, by his contempt of good counsel. Both armies being joined, the Duke of Burgundy’s forces, which had been twice beaten before, and were weak and ill-provided besides, were quickly broken and entirely defeated. Many saved themselves by flight; the rest were either taken or killed⁠[567]; and among them the Duke of Burgundy himself was killed on the spot.⁠[568] Not having been in the battle myself, I will say nothing of the manner of his death; but I was told by some, that they saw him beaten down but, being prisoners themselves, were not able to assist him; yet, whilst they were in sight, he was not killed, but a great body of men coming that way afterwards, they killed and stripped him in the throng, not knowing who he was. This battle was fought on the 5th of January, 1476, upon the eve of Twelfth-day.

The Epitaph of Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, who was killed before Nancy, in Lorraine, in the year 1476, on Twelfth-eve.

At the foot of the tomb are engraven the following verses:

ecce Leo cecidit, iam pax quæsita vigebit. noCte regUM sUCCUbUIt CaroLUs.

Ch. IX.—A Digression concerning the Virtues of the Duke of Burgundy, and the Time of his House’s Prosperity.

I saw a seal-ring of his, after his death, at Milan, with his arms cut curiously upon a sardonyx that I have often seen him wear in a riband at his breast, which was sold at Milan for two ducats, and had been stolen from him by a varlet that waited on him in his chamber. I have often seen the duke dressed and undressed in great state and formality, and by very great persons; but, at his last hour, all this pomp and magnificence ceased, and both he and his family perished (as you have heard already) on the very spot where he had delivered up the constable not long before, out of a base and avaricious motive; but may God forgive him! I have known him a powerful and honourable prince, in as great esteem and as much courted by his neighbours (when his affairs were in a prosperous condition), as any prince in Europe, and perhaps more so; and I cannot conceive what should have provoked God Almighty’s displeasure so highly against him, unless it was his self-love and arrogance, in attributing all the success of his enterprises, and all the renown he ever acquired, to his own wisdom and conduct, without ascribing anything to God: yet, to speak truth, he was endowed with many good qualities. No prince ever had a greater desire to entertain young noblemen than he; or was more careful of their education. His presents and bounty were never profuse and extravagant, because he gave to many, and wished everybody should taste of his generosity. No prince was ever more easy of access to his servants and subjects. Whilst I was in his service he was never cruel, but a little before his death he became so, which was an infallible sign of the shortness of his life. He was very splendid and pompous in his dress, and in everything else, and, indeed, a little too much. He paid great honours to all ambassadors and foreigners, and entertained them nobly. His ambitious desire of glory was insatiable, and it was that which more than any other motive induced him to engage eternally in wars. He earnestly desired to imitate the old kings and heroes of antiquity, who are still so much talked of in the world, and his courage was equal to that of any prince of his time.

But all his designs and imaginations were vain, and turned afterwards to his own dishonour and confusion, for it is the conquerors and not the conquered that win renown. I cannot easily determine towards whom God Almighty showed his anger most, whether towards him who died suddenly, without pain or sickness in the field of battle, or towards his subjects, who never enjoyed peace after his death, but were continually involved in wars against which they were not able to maintain themselves, upon account of the civil dissensions and cruel animosities that arose among them; and that which was the most insupportable was, that the very people to whom they were now indebted for their defence and preservation, were the Germans, who were strangers, and not long since had been their enemies. In short, after the duke’s death, there was not a man who wished them to prosper, whoever defended them. And by the management of their affairs, their understanding seemed to be as much infatuated as their master’s was just before his death; for they rejected all good counsel, and pursued such methods as directly tended to their destruction; and they are still in great danger of a relapse into calamity, and it will be well if it turn not in the end to their utter ruin.

I am partly of the opinion of those who maintain that God gives princes, as He in His wisdom thinks fit, to punish or chastise their subjects: and He disposes the affections of subjects to their princes, as He has determined to exalt or depress them. Just so it has pleased Him to deal with the house of Burgundy; for after a long series of riches and prosperity, and sixscore years’⁠[569] peace under three illustrious princes, predecessors to Duke Charles (all of them of great prudence and discretion), it pleased God to send this Duke Charles, who continually involved them in bloody wars, as well winter as summer, to their great affliction and expense, in which most of their richest and stoutest men were either killed or taken prisoners. Their misfortunes began at the siege of Nuz, and continued for three or four battles successively, to the very hour of his death; so much so, that at the last, the whole strength of the country was destroyed, and all were killed or taken prisoners who had any zeal or affection for the house of Burgundy, or power to defend the state and dignity of that family; so that in a manner their losses equalled, if they did not overbalance, their former prosperity; for as I had seen these princes puissant, rich and honourable, so it fared with their subjects: for I think I have seen and known the greatest part of Europe, yet I never knew any province or country, though of a larger extent, so abounding in money⁠[570], so extravagantly fine in their furniture, so sumptuous in their buildings, so profuse in their expenses, so luxurious in their feasts and entertainments, and so prodigal in all respects, as the subjects of these princes in my time; and if any think I have exaggerated, others who lived in my time, will be of opinion that I have rather said too little.

But it pleased God, at one blow, to subvert this great and sumptuous edifice, and ruin this powerful and illustrious family, which had maintained and bred up so many brave men, and had acquired such mighty honour and renown far and near, by so many victories and successful enterprises, as none of all its neighbouring states could pretend to boast of. A hundred and twenty years it continued in this flourishing condition, by the grace of God; all its neighbours having, in the meantime, been involved in troubles and commotions, and all of them applying to it for succour or protection: to wit, France, England, and Spain, as you have seen by experience of our master the King of France, who in his minority, and during the reign of Charles VII., his father, retired to this court, where he lived six years, and was nobly entertained all that time by Duke Philip the Good. Out of England I saw there also two of King Edward’s brothers, the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester (the last of whom was afterwards called King Richard the Third); and of the house of Lancaster, the whole family or very near, with all their party. In short, I have seen this family in all respects the most flourishing and celebrated of any in Christendom: and then, in a short space of time, it was quite ruined and turned upside down, and left the most desolate and miserable of any house in Europe, as regards both prince and subjects. Such changes and revolutions of states and kingdoms, God in His providence has wrought before we were born, and will do again when we are dead; for this is a certain maxim, that the prosperity or adversity of princes depends wholly on His Divine disposal.

Ch. X.—How the King of France received intelligence of the Duke of Burgundy’s last Defeat, and managed his Affairs after the Duke’s Death.—1477.

But to proceed with my history. The king having established posts⁠[571] in all parts of his kingdom (which before never had been done), it was not long ere he received the news of the Duke of Burgundy’s defeat; and he was in hourly expectation of the report, for letters of advice had reached him before, importing, that the German army was advancing towards the Duke of Burgundy’s, and that a battle was expected between them. Upon which many persons kept their ears open for the news, in order to carry it to the king. For his custom was to reward liberally any person who brought him the first tidings of any news of importance, and to remember the messenger besides. His majesty also took great delight in talking of it before it arrived, and would say, “I will give so much to any man who first brings me such and such news.” The Lord du Bouchage and I being together, happened to receive the first news of the battle of Morat, and we went with it to the king, who gave each of us 200 marks of silver. The Lord du Lude, who lay without the Plessis, had the first news of the arrival of the courier, with the letters concerning the battle of Nancy; he commanded the courier to deliver him the packet, and as he was a great favourite of the king’s, he durst not refuse him. By break of day the next morning, the Lord du Lude knocked at the door next to the king’s chamber, and it being opened, he delivered in the packet from the Lord of Craon and other officers. But none of the first letters gave any certainty of the duke’s death; they only stated that he was seen to run away, and that it was supposed he had made his escape.

The king was at first so transported with joy at the news, he scarce knew how to behave himself: however, his majesty was still in some perplexity. On one hand, he was afraid that if the duke should be taken prisoner by the Germans, by means of his money, of which he had great store, he would make some composition with them. On the other, he was doubtful, if the duke had made his escape, though defeated for the third time, whether he should seize upon his towns in Burgundy or not⁠[572]; which he judged not very difficult to do, since most of the brave men of that country had been slain in those three battles. As to this last point, he came to this resolution (which I believe few were acquainted with but myself,) that if the duke were alive and well, he would command the army which lay ready in Champagne and Barrois to march immediately into Burgundy, and seize upon the whole country whilst it was in that state of terror and consternation; and when he was in possession of it, he would inform the duke, that the seizure he had made was only to preserve it for him, and secure it against the Germans, mans, because it was held under the sovereignty of the crown of France, and therefore he was unwilling it should fall into their hands; and whatever he had taken should be faithfully restored: and truly, I am of opinion his majesty would have done it, though many people who are ignorant of the motives that guided the king, will not easily believe it. But this resolution was altered as soon as he was certain of the Duke of Burgundy’s death.

Upon the king’s receiving the above-mentioned first letter, (which gave no account of the duke’s death), he immediately sent to Tours, to summon all his captains and other great personages to attend him. Upon their arrival, he communicated his letters to them. They all pretended great joy; but to such as more narrowly observed their behaviour, it was easy to be discerned that most of them did but feign it; and, notwithstanding all their outward dissimulation, they had been better pleased if the Duke of Burgundy had been successful. The reason of this might be, because the king was greatly feared, and now if he should find himself clear and secure from his enemies, they were afraid they would be reduced, or at least their offices and pensions retrenched; for there were several present who had been engaged against him with his brother the Duke of Guienne, in the confederacy called the Public Good. After his majesty had discoursed with them for some time, he went to mass, and then ordered dinner to be laid in his chamber, and made them all dine with him; there being with him his chancellor⁠[573], and some other lords of his council. The king’s discourse at dinner-time was about this affair, and I well remember that myself and others took particular notice how those who were present dined; but to speak truth (whether for joy or sorrow, I cannot tell), there was not one of them that half filled his belly; and certainly it could not have been from modesty or bashfulness before the king, for there was not one amongst them but had dined with his majesty many times before.

As soon as the king rose from table, he retired, and distributed to some persons certain lands belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, as though he had been dead. He despatched the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, and myself, into those parts, with full power to receive the homage of all such as were willing to submit and become his subjects. He ordered us to set out immediately, and gave us commission to open all his letters and packets which we might meet by the way, that thereby we might ascertain whether the duke was dead or alive. We departed with all speed, though it was the coldest weather I ever felt in my life. We had not ridden above half a day’s journey, when we met a courier, and commanding him to deliver his letters, we learned by them that the Duke of Burgundy was slain, and that his body had been found among the dead, and recognised by an Italian page that attended him, and by one Monsieur Louppe, a Portuguese⁠[574], who was his physician, and who assured the Lord of Craon that it was the duke his master, and the Lord of Craon notified the same at once to the king.

Ch. XI.—How the King of France seized upon Abbeville after the Death of the Duke of Burgundy, and the Answer he received from the Inhabitants of Arras.—1477.

Upon receiving this news we rode directly to the suburbs of Abbeville, and were the first that announced the intelligence to the duke’s adherents in those parts. We found the inhabitants of the town in treaty with the Lord of Torcy, for whom they had held a great affection for a long time. The soldiers and officers of the Duke of Burgundy negotiated with us, by means of a messenger whom we had sent to them beforehand; and in confidence of success, they dismissed 400 Flemings who were then quartered in the town. The citizens, laying hold of this opportunity, opened the gates immediately to the Lord of Torcy, to the great prejudice and disadvantage of the captains and officers of the garrison,—for there were seven or eight of them to whom, by virtue of the king’s authority, we had promised money, and pensions for life; but they never enjoyed the benefit of that promise, because the town was not surrendered by them. Abbeville was one of the towns that Charles VII. delivered up by the treaty of Arras in the year 1435, which towns were to return to the crown of France upon default of issue male; so that their admitting us so easily is not so much to be wondered at.

From thence we marched to Dourlans, and sent a summons to Arras, the chief town in Artois, and formerly part of the patrimony of the Earls of Flanders, which for want of heirs male always descended to the daughters. The Lord of Ravestein and the Lord des Cordes, who were in the town of Arras, offered to enter into a treaty with us at Mount St. Eloy⁠[575], and to bring some of the chief citizens with them. It was concluded that I and some others should meet them in the king’s behalf; but the admiral refused to go himself, because he presumed they would not consent to grant all our demands. I had not been long at the place of appointment, when the two above-mentioned Lords of Ravestein and Des Cordes arrived, attended by several persons of quality, and by certain commissioners on the part of the city; one of whom was their pensionary, named Monsieur John de la Vaquerie⁠[576], whom they appointed to be their spokesman, and who since that time has been made first president of the Parliament of Paris. We demanded in the king’s name to have the gates immediately opened, and to be received into the town, for both the town and the whole country belonged to the king by right of confiscation; and if they refused to obey this summons, they would be in danger of being besieged, and compelled to submit by force, since their duke was defeated, and his dominions utterly unprovided with means of defence, upon account of their irrecoverable losses in the three late battles. The lords returned answer by their speaker Monsieur John de la Vaquerie, that the county of Artois belonged to the Lady of Burgundy, daughter of Duke Charles, and descended to her in a right line from Margaret, Countess of Flanders⁠[577], Artois, Burgundy, Nevers, and Rethel, who was married to Philip I., Duke of Burgundy, son of King John of France⁠[578], and younger brother to King Charles V.; wherefore they humbly entreated the king, that he would observe and continue the truce that had existed between him and the late Duke of Burgundy her father. Our conference was but short, for we expected to receive this answer; but the chief design of my going thither was to have a private conference with some persons that were there, to try if I could bring them over to the king’s interest. I made overtures to some of them, who soon afterwards did his majesty signal service. We found the whole country in a state of very great consternation, and not without cause; for in eight days’ time they would scarce have been able to raise eight men-at-arms, and for other soldiers there were not in the whole country above 1500 (reckoning horse and foot together) that had escaped from the battle in which the Duke of Burgundy was slain; and they were quartered about Namur and Hainault. Their former haughty language was much altered now, and they spoke with more submission and humility; not that I would upbraid them with excessive arrogance in times past, but to speak impartially, in my time they thought themselves so powerful, that they spoke neither of nor to the king with the same respect as they have done since; and if people were wise, they would always use such moderate language in their days of prosperity, that in the time of adversity they would not need to change it.

I returned to the admiral, to give him an account of our conference; and there I was informed that the king was coming towards us, and that upon receiving the news of the duke’s death, he immediately set out, having despatched several letters in his own and his officers’ names, to send after him what forces could presently be assembled, with which he hoped to reduce the provinces I have just mentioned to his obedience.

Ch. XII.—A Digression (not altogether foreign to my principal Design) concerning the King’s Joy at being delivered from most of his Enemies, and of the Error his Majesty committed in the Reduction of the Duke of Burgundy’s Countries.—1477.

The king was overjoyed to see himself rid of all those whom he hated, and who were his chief enemies; on some of them he had been personally revenged, as on the constable of France, the Duke of Nemours, and several others. His brother, the Duke of Guienne, was dead, and his majesty came to the succession of the duchy. The whole house of Anjou was extinct; both René, King of Sicily, John and Nicholas, Dukes of Calabria, and since them their cousin, the Count du Maine, afterwards made Count of Provence.⁠[579] The Count d’Armagnac had been killed at Lestore, and the king had got the estates and moveables of all of them. But the house of Burgundy, being greater and more powerful than the rest, having maintained war with Charles VII., our master’s father, for two and thirty years together without any cessation, by the assistance of the English; and having their dominions bordering upon the king’s, and their subjects always inclinable to invade his kingdom; the king had reason to be more than ordinarily pleased at the death of that duke, and he triumphed more in his ruin than in that of all the rest of his enemies, as he thought that nobody, for the future, either of his own subjects, or his neighbours, would be able to oppose him, or disturb the tranquillity of his reign. He was at peace with England⁠[580], as you have heard, and made it his chief business to continue so: yet, though he was freed in this manner from all his apprehensions, God did not permit him to take such courses in the management of his affairs as were most proper to promote his own interests and designs. And certainly although God Almighty has shown, and does still show, that His determination is to punish the family of Burgundy severely, not only in the person of the duke, but in their subjects and estates; yet I think the king our master did not take right measures to gain his end. For, if he had acted prudently, instead of pretending to conquer them, he should rather have endeavoured to annex all those large territories, to which he had no just title, to the crown of France by some treaty of marriage; or to have gained the hearts and affections of the people, and so have brought them over to his interest, which he might, without any great difficulty, have effected, considering how their late afflictions had impoverished and dejected them. If he had acted after that manner, he would not only have prevented their ruin and destruction, but extended and strengthened his own kingdom, and established them all in a firm and lasting peace. He might by this means have eased his own country of its intolerable grievances, and particularly of the marches and countermarches of his troops, which are commanded continually up and down from one end of the kingdom to the other, sometimes upon very slight occasions.