Chapter I · —The Occasion of the Wars between Louis XI. and the Count of Charolois, afterwards Duke of Burgundy.—1464.

As soon as my childhood was over, and I was old enough⁠[6] to mount on horseback, I was presented at Lisle to Charles, Duke of Burgundy⁠[7], at that time called the Count of Charolois, who took me into his service: this was in the year 1464.

About three days after my arrival at Lisle, the Count d’Eu⁠[8] the Chancellor of France, called Morvillier⁠[9], and the Archbishop of Narbonne⁠[10], as ambassadors from the King of France⁠[11], arrived there also; and, in the presence of Philip, Duke of Burgundy⁠[12] the Count of Charolois, and their privy council, were admitted to a public audience in open court⁠[13]. Morvillier’s speech was exceedingly arrogant, accusing the Count of Charolois of having (during his late visit to Holland) caused a small man-of-war belonging to Dieppe to be seized, in which was the Bastard of Rubempré⁠[14], whom he had also caused to be imprisoned, upon pretence that his design was to have surprised and carried him into France; which report he had had published wherever he went, and especially at Bruges (a town of great resort for strangers of all nations), by Sir Oliver de la Marche⁠[15], a Burgundian knight; for which cause the French king, finding himself, as he said, unjustly traduced, demanded of Duke Philip that Sir Oliver de la Marche might be sent prisoner to Paris, to receive such punishment as his offence deserved. To which Duke Philip made answer, that Sir Oliver de la Marche, being a native of Burgundy, and steward of his household, was in no respect subject to the crown of France; but if, however, it could be fairly proved that he had either done or spoken anything that reflected on the king’s honour, he would take care to see him punished according to the nature of the crime. That as to the Bastard of Rubempré, he had been taken prisoner upon information of intelligence which he and his confederates held in the Hague, where his son Charles, the Count of Charolois, had his residence at that time. That if his son were more suspicious than he ought to be, he had not learned it from him (for he never was of a jealous temper), but rather from his mother⁠[16], who, he must confess, was the most fearful and apprehensive lady he had ever known. But yet, though he was not timorous himself, had he been in his son’s place, when the Bastard of Rubempré was hovering about that coast, he should have caused him to be apprehended, as his son had done. However, if, upon inquiry, the said bastard should not be found to have conspired against his son, as was reported, he would cause him to be released immediately, and sent back to the king, as the ambassadors demanded.

No sooner had Duke Philip ended his speech, but Morvillier began again with great and dishonourable complaints against Francis, Duke of Bretagne⁠[17]; affirming that the said Duke of Bretagne and the Count of Charolois, at the time when the Count of Charolois paid his majesty a visit at Tours⁠[18], had interchangeably set their hands and seals to an instrument of amity, whereby they had become brothers-in-arms; which instrument was delivered by Messire Tanneguy du Chastel⁠[19], who has since been made Governor of Roussillon, and borne great authority in this kingdom; and this action Morvillier heightened and exaggerated in such a manner, that he omitted nothing that could possibly be said on the subject, which might tend to the shame and dishonour of a prince. The Count of Charolois, being nettled at the severe reflections he had cast upon his friend and ally, often attempted to answer him; but Morvillier always interrupted him, saying, “My lord, I was not sent hither on an embassy to you, but to the prince your father.” The count, however, repeatedly entreated his father to give him leave to speak, who at last replied, “I have answered for you as, in my judgment, a father ought to answer for his son. Nevertheless, since your desire is so great, think over it to-day, and to-morrow you shall have liberty to say what you please.” Morvillier still urged the matter farther, and declared, that he could not imagine what could have induced the Count of Charolois to enter into that association with the Duke of Bretagne, unless it were a pension the king had given him⁠[20], together with the government of Normandy, but which, for some reasons, his majesty had since taken from him.

The next morning, before the same audience, the Count of Charolois, kneeling upon a velvet cushion, addressed himself first to his father, and began his discourse about the Bastard of Rubempré, alleging that the causes of his apprehension and imprisonment were just and reasonable, as would appear upon his trial. Yet I am of opinion that nothing was ever proved against him, though the presumptions were great; and I afterwards saw him discharged out of prison, where he had been kept five years. Having cleared this point, his next business was to vindicate the Duke of Bretagne and himself. He confessed that the Duke of Bretagne and he had entered into an alliance and friendship together, and had sworn to be brothers-in-arms; but that the said alliance was not intended in any way to prejudice the king or his kingdom, but rather to serve and support him when occasion required. And lastly, as concerning the pension that had been taken from him, he said, he had only enjoyed it for one quarter, and that amounted to nine thousand francs; and that, for his part, he never was solicitous either for that pension, or for the government of Normandy; for as long as he was so happy as to be in favour with his father, he could afford to dispense with the bounty of other people. I really believe that, if it had not been for the respect he bore his father, who was there present, and to whom he directed his speech, he would have answered in much sharper terms than he did. However, Duke Philip concluded his discourse⁠[21] with great modesty and wisdom, beseeching his majesty to continue to regard him with favour, and not easily to entertain an ill opinion of him or his son. After which, he called for wine and sweetmeats; and then the ambassadors took their leave of them both. When the Count d’Eu and the Chancellor had taken their leave of the Count of Charolois, who stood at some distance from his father, the Archbishop of Narbonne coming last, the count said to him, “Present my most humble respects to the king, and tell him that he has handled me very roughly by his chancellor; but before the year is at an end, his majesty may have reason to repent it.” The archbishop delivered his message punctually to the king at his return, as you will find hereafter; and these words bred a mortal hatred between his majesty and the count, which was augmented by the king’s late redemption of certain towns upon the Somme—namely, Amiens, Abbeville, St. Quentin, and others; delivered formerly to Duke Philip by King Charles VII.⁠[22], in pursuance of the treaty of Arras⁠[23], to be enjoyed by the said duke and his heirs male, till the sum of 400,000 crowns should be paid.⁠[24] How this affair was managed, I can give no certain account; only this I can say, that the affairs of the duke in his declining years, were so entirely governed by two brothers, the Lords of Croy⁠[25] and Chimay⁠[26], and others of their family, that he consented to take the king’s money, and restore the towns that were mortgaged to him, to the great concern and disadvantage of the Count of Charolois; for they were the frontiers and limits of their dominions, and they lost, in parting with them, several thousands of brave soldiers and good subjects. The count charged the whole matter upon the house of Croy; and when his father was grown decrepit and superannuated, which at that time he was very near, he drove all the said Lords of Croy from his father’s palace, took away all their employments, and confiscated their estates.

A Treaty of Alliance between Francis, Duke of Bretagne, on the one part, and Charles, Count of Charolois, on the other. Made at Nantes, the 22nd of March, 1464.

“Francis, by the Grace of God, Duke of Bretagne, Earl of Montfort, Richemond, Estampes, and Vertus, to all who shall see or hear of these Presents, Greeting.

“Whereas love, unity, and agreement between princes, are a means to preserve them and their dominions, in due obedience towards God, in a flourishing state, virtue, magnificence, and tranquillity, and even to improve and augment them; in order to which, all princes and lords ought to be very intent and watchful, so as to repress the contentious, and all such as would invade or form any enterprises against them: and seeing there has been, from time immemorial, a firm friendship and alliance made, cultivated, and maintained, as well in respect to consanguinity, affinity and natural affection, as otherwise, between the late most high and potent princes the Dukes of Burgundy, and the late Dukes of Bretagne, our predecessors (may they rest together in glory!)—and seeing we are and have for some time been assured that certain people in authority and near the person of the King of France, excited thereto by an evil and accursed disposition, have, and do daily move him to entertain enmity, indignation, displeasure, and ill-will towards several princes of his own blood, and by false and wicked reports set him at division and variance with them, to the detriment of the whole kingdom; advising and exciting him to invade and divest them of their countries and signiories; and among others, the most high and potent princes, our most dear and well-beloved uncle and cousin, the Duke of Burgundy, and the Count of Charolois his son, and especially us, upon the account of them, their territories and subjects, so as to do us and ours all the damage and displeasure they can; for the prevention whereof, being desirous to make use of all just and reasonable means, we have—in conformity to the rules of right reason, and the most just and laudable actions of our predecessors; and to prevent any sudden, unexpected, and injurious enterprises, which the said king, by the persuasions, counsels, and earnest solicitations of those our ill-willers, may form against us; and the better to enable us to withstand and resist the same, and to defend our territories, subjects, and signiories, as we are in duty bound—entered and do by these presents enter into an alliance, confederacy, and agreement with our said most dear and well-beloved cousin, the Count of Charolois, son and only heir of our said most dear and well-beloved uncle of Burgundy, in the following manner and form, that is to say:—That we are and shall continue a true friend and ally to him, will assist him, take his part, advise, comfort, and succour him, and with all our power protect, save, and defend his person, and those of his children born or to be born, and his estates, countries, territories, signiories, and subjects, as well those dominions which he now holds and possesses, as those which he may or shall possess, for the future, in the same manner as we do our own, without any distinction, against all and every person and persons who shall molest, lessen, make war upon, or usurp anything from him, and his said children, their countries, territories, signiories, and subjects, in any manner whatsoever, without any reservation or exception of the said lord the king; and in case he shall, by the advice and enticements of our said enemies, or otherwise, invade or make war upon our said cousin of Charolois, we do promise our aid and assistance to him, our said cousin, against the king, and all others whomsoever, that would invade, or make war against him. And to this end we will, for and in favour of him, and for his assistance, engage ourselves, our territories, countries, and signiories, in possession or reversion, our whole power, in making war against such invaders or assailants; and we will signify and impart to him whatever shall come to our knowledge, that may be said, done, projected, or contrived to his prejudice, and will defend him to the utmost of our power: And we do comprehend in this alliance, convention, and confederacy, our most honoured lord the Duke of Berry, and our most dear and well-beloved cousins the Dukes of Calabria and Bourbon; and in regard to the engagements we have already entered into, and may do hereafter, we do comprehend therein our said cousin of Charolois, his countries, subjects, and signiories, with his friends and allies, present and to come, and their countries and subjects, as much as we do ourselves and our own dominions, so far forth as they are willing to be received and comprehended therein; and we shall not enter into any other alliances or confederacies, that are prejudicial to this treaty; and we do by these presents promise and swear by our faith, and upon corporal oath, on the word of a prince, and upon our honour, firmly to observe these alliances and confederacies, without doing anything to the contrary whatsoever; upon condition and so far forth as our said cousin of Charolois gives us the same assurance and promises, and observes the same. In witness whereof, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and sealed them with our seal.”

Done at Nantes, March the 22nd, in the year of our Lord 1464. Signed Francis, with a flourish. Upon the fold was written, “By the Duke’s Command,” and signed Milet, with a flourish.

Ch. II.—How the Count of Charolois and several great Lords of France raised an Army against King Louis XI., under pretence of the Public Good.—1464.

A very few days after the departure of the king’s ambassadors, John, late Duke of Bourbon⁠[27], came to Lisle, pretending a visit to his uncle Philip, Duke of Burgundy, who loved the family of Bourbon most of all the families in the world. This Duke of Bourbon was the son of Duke Philip’s sister⁠[28]: she was a widow, and was at that time with him, with several of her children—three daughters and one son.⁠[29] However, this was not the true cause of the Duke of Bourbon’s visit; but his coming thither was to persuade the Duke of Burgundy to consent to the raising of an army in his dominions, as the rest of the princes of France had agreed to do; in order to demonstrate to the king the injustice and ill-management of his kingdom, and to put themselves into a condition to compel him to reform the State, if fair application could not prevail. This war was afterwards called the Public Good, it being undertaken upon that pretence. Duke Philip, who since his death has been called the Good, consented to the raising of men; but the real object of the business was never made known to him, nor did he ever think they would ever have proceeded to blows. Immediately they began to enlist forces in his countries; and the Count of St. Paul⁠[30] (afterwards Constable of France), being come with the Marshal of Burgundy⁠[31] (who was of the house of Neufchâtel) to wait upon the Count of Charolois at Cambray, where Duke Philip then was, the count assembled the council, and others of his father’s chief subjects, in the palace of the Bishop of Cambray⁠[32], and there declared all the members of the house of Croy mortal enemies both to his father and himself⁠[33], though the Count of St. Paul had long before married one of his daughters to a son⁠[34] of the Lord of Croy, and alleged it would be much to his prejudice. In short, the whole family were forced to fly out of the Duke of Burgundy’s territories, and lost great part of their estates. These proceedings were highly displeasing to the Duke of Burgundy, whose chief chamberlain was one of them, called afterwards Lord of Chimay⁠[35]; a young gentleman of good parts, and nephew to the said Lord of Croy. This gentleman, for the security of his person, went away without taking leave of his master, otherwise (as he was informed) he would have been made prisoner, or killed.⁠[36] The old age of Duke Philip forced him to endure this patiently; but the true reason of this declaration against his favourites, was the restitution of the towns upon the River Somme, which the duke had restored to King Louis for 400,000 crowns, and the Count of Charolois charged the house of Croy with having persuaded him to do it.

The Count of Charolois having made up this business, and reconciled himself to his father as well as he could, immediately took the field with his army, being attended by the Count of St. Paul, as chief manager of his affairs, and general of his forces under him. His troops consisted of about 300 men-at-arms, and 4000 archers, besides a large number of good knights and squires from Artois, Hainault, and Flanders, all under his command, by the appointment of the Count of Charolois. There were other brigades as great and considerable, under the command of the Lord of Ravestain⁠[37], brother to the Duke of Cleves⁠[38], and Lord Anthony⁠[39], the Bastard of Burgundy; besides several other eminent officers, whose names, for brevity sake, I shall omit. But above all the rest, there were two officers in more than ordinary reputation with the Count of Charolois. One of them was called the Lord of Haultbourdin⁠[40], an old soldier, bastard brother to the Count of St. Paul, and trained up in the wars between France and England, when Henry V.⁠[41] King of England, reigned in France, and Duke Philip was joined with him as his confederate and ally. The other was the Lord of Contay⁠[42], much about the age of the first: both of them were wise and valiant commanders, and of high rank in the army. There were also abundance of young gentlemen, and among them one more particularly famous, who was called Philip de Lallain⁠[43], of a family very remarkable for their courage and loyalty, most of them having lost their lives in the service of their princes. The whole army consisted of about 1400 men-at-arms, neither well armed nor well exercised, by reason of the long peace which these princes had enjoyed; for since the treaty of Arras they had had little or no wars; only some small differences with the citizens of Ghent, which lasted not long; so that (if I am not mistaken) they had been at peace for more than thirty-six years.⁠[44] However, the men-at-arms were well mounted, and well attended; for few or none were to be seen without five or six lusty horses in his equipage. The archers might be about 8000 or 9000; out of whom, at the general muster, they selected the best; but more of them were disbanded than retained.

The subjects of the house of Burgundy were at that time very wealthy, by reason of the long peace they had enjoyed, and the goodness of their prince, who laid but few taxes upon them; so that in my judgment, if any country might then be called the land of promise, it was his country, which enjoyed great wealth and repose; more than ever it has since; and it is now probably three and twenty years since their miseries began. The expenses and dresses both of women and men were great and extravagant: and their entertainments and banquets more profuse and splendid than in any other place that I ever saw. Their baths and other amusements with women, lavish and disorderly, and many times immodest: I speak of women of inferior degree. In short, the subjects of that house were then of opinion that no prince was able to cope with them, at least to impoverish them: and now in the whole world I do not know any people so desolate and miserable as they are: and I question not but the sins they committed in their prosperity are, in some measure, the occasion of their present adversity, and have brought down this heavy judgment upon them; especially since they did not own and acknowledge that all good things proceed from God, who distributes and disposes of them according to his pleasure.

The Count of Charolois having got his army in readiness as it were in an instant, and being furnished with all things necessary for a campaign, marched forward with all his troops, which were all on horseback, except those who were attached to the train of artillery, which was large and fine for those times, and accompanied by such a vast number of waggons, that, with his own only, he could enclose the greatest part of his army. At first he marched towards Noyon, and besieged a small castle called Nesle (in which there was a garrison), and took it in a few days.⁠[45] Joachim, a Marshal of France⁠[46], having drawn what forces he could out of the garrison of Peronne, observed his motions, but was too weak to attempt anything against him; and, therefore, when the Count of Charolois drew near Paris, he threw himself into that town. The Count of Charolois, during the whole of the march, would not suffer the least act of hostility to be committed, but made his soldiers pay wherever they came; so that the towns upon the Somme, and all the others by which he marched, received his troops, in small bodies, within their walls, and furnished them with what they wanted for their money; being desirous (as it seemed) to watch whether the king or the princes would be master of the field. The count advanced so far, that he came to St. Denis⁠[47], about a league from Paris, where all the lords of that kingdom had promised to meet him, but none of them came. The Duke of Bretagne, however, sent, as his ambassador to the count, the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne⁠[48], who had blanks with him signed by his master, of which he made use to send news and letters, as occasion required. He was by birth a Norman, a wise and clever man; and so it behoved him to be, for many murmured against him. The Count of Charolois presented himself before Paris⁠[49], and had a smart skirmish with the Parisians at their very gates, which was much to their disadvantage. In the town there were no men-at-arms, but those under the command of Marshal Joachim, and the squadron of the Lord of Nantouillet⁠[50], who was afterwards grand-master of the household, and who did the king as much service in this war as any subject who ever served King of France in his hour of need. Yet after all he was ill-requited; but it was more the malice of his enemies, than the king’s fault; though, to speak impartially, neither of them was altogether excusable. The common people in the city (as I have since been informed) were in so great a consternation that day that they cried out, “The enemy have entered;” but without any grounds. However, the Lord Haultbourdin (whom I mentioned before, and who had formerly lived in that town, when it was nothing near so strongly fortified as it is now) was entirely for storming it; and the soldiers, despising the citizens, whom they had beaten up to their very gates, were also eager for it. Yet, probably, after all, it was found impracticable, and so the Count of Charolois marched back to St. Denis.

The next day, in the morning, a council of war was held, in which it was debated whether or no they should march forward to meet the Dukes of Berry⁠[51] and Bretagne, who were not far off, as the Chancellor of Bretagne affirmed, and produced letters to that effect; but the truth is, he had written them upon his master’s blanks, and knew nothing of them besides. The decision was, that they should pass the River Seine with their army. The greatest part of the officers opposed this; and were of opinion, it was best to return home, since the rest of the princes had not been punctual to their day; saying, it was enough for them to have passed the Somme and the Marne, without endeavouring to pass the Seine too. Some even began to start great difficulties in this undertaking, upon the account of not having any places behind us to retreat to in case of necessity; yet, notwithstanding all this, the Count of Charolois passed the river with his whole army, and posted himself at Pont Saint Cloud, which made the whole army murmur extremely against the Count of St. Paul and the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne.

The next day after his arrival, news was brought (from a certain lady of that kingdom, written with her own hand) that the king was come out of the county of Bourbon, and advancing against him with forced marches. But, before I proceed, it will be necessary to say something of the occasion of the king’s march into Bourbonnois.

The king, understanding that all the great lords of his kingdom had declared against him, or at least against his government, resolved first of all to invade the Duke of Bourbon’s dominions, who seemed to have most openly declared himself against him; and because his country was in an ill posture of defence, he believed he might easily conquer it. Accordingly he made himself master of several places, and would have entirely subdued the whole province, had he not been prevented by succours from Burgundy under the command of the Lord of Coulches⁠[52], the Marquis of Rottelin⁠[53], the Lord of Montagu⁠[54], and others; with whom there was also in arms William de Rochefort⁠[55], Chancellor of France, a person at this day in very good esteem. These forces were raised in Burgundy by the Count of Beaujeu⁠[56] and the Cardinal of Bourbon⁠[57] (who was brother to John, Duke of Bourbon), and by them thrown into Moulins. On the other side also, reinforcements were sent to the Duke of Bourbon, by the Duke of Nemours⁠[58], the Count of Armagnac⁠[59], and the Lord of Albret⁠[60], with a strong party of men, some of whom were very good soldiers, who had deserted the king’s side, and had retired to them; yet the greatest number of them were very ill provided, and having no pay, they were forced to live upon free quarters. But the king, for all their great numbers, found them employment enough; so that by degrees they came to a treaty; especially the Duke of Nemours, who swore fealty to the king⁠[61], and engaged to continue firm and loyal to his cause: however, he afterwards revolted, which was the occasion (as the king often told me) of the displeasure he retained against him so long. But when the king found he could not finish the war in the Bourbonnois so soon as he expected, and that the Count of Charolois was advancing on Paris, apprehending lest the Parisians should give admission to him, and to the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne (who were marching from Bretagne, and all of them pretending the good of the kingdom), and fearing likewise that if the Parisians should receive them, all the other towns would do the like—he resolved by great marches to throw himself and what forces he had with him into Paris, and (if possible) hinder the conjunction of those two mighty armies; but he had no intention of fighting, as he has since told me many times in our discourse about these affairs.

Ch. III.—How the Count of Charolois encamped with his Army near Montlhery, and of the Battle fought in that place between him and the King of France.—1465.

As I said before, as soon as the Count of Charolois was informed of the king’s departure, that he had left Bourbonnois, and (as he at least supposed) was marching directly to fight him, he resolved also to advance forward and meet the king. Then, communicating the contents of the letter he had received from the above-mentioned lady (still concealing her name), he declared his resolution of venturing a battle, and encouraged his soldiers to behave themselves like men. Upon this, he immediately advanced with his army, and took up his quarters at Longjumeau, a village not far from Paris; but the Count of St. Paul, with the whole vanguard, marched forward to Montlhery, which is about two leagues beyond; from whence several scouts and spies were immediately sent out, to discover which way the king took, and to give notice of his approach. After some deliberation, Longjumeau was chosen for the place of battle, in the presence of the Count of St. Paul, the Lord Haultbourdin, and the Lord of Contay; and thither, by agreement amongst themselves, the Count of St. Paul was to retire, upon the first notice of the king’s arrival.

Now you must know, that the Count of Maine⁠[62], with 700 or 800 men-at-arms, was marching against the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne, who had in their army several wise and experienced officers, who had been cashiered by king Louis at his first accession to the crown, though they had done his father eminent service in the recovery and pacification of his kingdom; which treatment the king afterwards acknowledged to be an error, and frequently repented. Among others, there was the Count of Dunois⁠[63], a person considerable in all things; the Marshal de Loheac⁠[64], the Count of Dammartin⁠[65], the Lord of Bueil⁠[66], and many others, besides fully five hundred men-at-arms, who, having deserted his majesty’s service, had retired to the Duke of Bretagne, as they were all his subjects, born in his country, and at that time in his army. The Count of Maine, who, as I said before, was marching against them, finding himself too weak to engage them, retired before them as they advanced, and retreated towards the king; whilst the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were endeavouring to join with the Burgundians. Some would have it, that the Count of Maine held intelligence with them; but I could never discover this, and therefore do not believe it.⁠[67]

The Count of Charolois being posted, as I said before, at Longjumeau, and his van at Montlhery, was informed by a prisoner that was brought to him, that the Count of Maine had joined with the king⁠[68], who had then in his army all the standing forces in the kingdom, amounting to about 2200 men-at-arms, besides the arriere-ban of Dauphiny, and about forty or fifty gentlemen of Savoy, all very good soldiers.

In the meantime the king had called a council of war, at which the Count of Maine, Monsieur de Brezey⁠[69], the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, the Admiral of France⁠[70], who was of the house of Montauban, and several other officers, assisted: and in conclusion, whatever had been said either for or against it, his majesty resolved not to fight, but only to throw himself into Paris, without coming near the place where the Burgundians were encamped; and in my judgment, his resolution was good. He had no great confidence in the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, and therefore asked him one day very seriously, whether or no he had given anything in writing under his hand and seal to the princes who were confederate against him: to which the grand seneschal replied that he had, and they might keep it, but his body should be the king’s: and he said this jocularly, as his custom was to speak. The king was satisfied, and gave him the command of his vanguard, and the charge of his guides, because, as is said before, he wished to avoid a battle. But the seneschal being resolved to have his own way, privately told some of his confidants: “I will bring the armies so close together this day, that he must be a very experienced general who will part them without fighting:” and, indeed, he was as good as his word, and the first men killed were himself and his troops. This expression of his the king afterwards told me himself; for at that time I was in the service of the Count of Charolois.

In short, on the 27th of July, 1465⁠[71], the king’s vanguard was advanced near Montlhery, where the Count of St. Paul was posted, who immediately informed the Count of Charolois (who was encamped at Longjumeau, about two leagues off, at the place marked out for the field of battle) of their arrival; desiring him to send him a reinforcement with all speed, for all his men-at-arms and archers were dismounted and on foot, and so encumbered with their waggons, that they could not possibly retreat to Longjumeau, according to the orders he had received, without seeming to run away, which would involve the whole army in great danger. Upon receiving this message, the Count of Charolois immediately sent a large detachment of troops under the command of the Lord Anthony, Bastard of Burgundy, to reinforce the Count of St. Paul with all diligence; and was himself in suspense whether he should follow him or no; but at length he marched after the rest of the army, and arrived about seven in the morning. Five or six of the king’s standards were, however, already planted along the side of a great ditch, which separated the two armies.

There was still in the host of the Count of Charolois the Vice-chancellor of Bretagne, called Rouville, and with him an old soldier, called Maderey⁠[72], who had surrendered Pont Saint Maxence to the Burgundians. These two were in no little fear, in respect that the whole army murmured against them, seeing the battle was ready to begin, and the forces they had so much boasted of were not yet arrived to join the army. Whereupon, before the fight began, they both betook themselves to their heels, and fled that way by which they presumed they would find the Bretons. The Count of Charolois found the Count of St. Paul on foot, and his troops ranged themselves in order of battle as they marched up; and we found all the archers dismounted, and every man with a stake planted before him; several pipes of wine had been broached, and were set for them to drink; and from the little I saw, never men had more desire to fight, which I took to be a good omen, and which comforted me extremely. Our first orders were, that every man should alight, without any exception: but that was countermanded afterwards, and nearly all the men-at-arms mounted again. However, several good knights and squires were ordered to remain on foot; and among the rest, the Lord des Cordes⁠[73] and his brother.⁠[74] The Lord Philip de Lalain was likewise on foot (for at that time, among the Burgundians, it was most honourable to fight in that manner among the archers), and there was always a large number of these volunteers among them, to encourage the infantry, and make them fight the better; which custom they had learnt from the English, when Duke Philip made war upon France, during his youth, for two-and-thirty years together without any truce. But the greatest part of the burden of the war lay upon the English, who were powerful and rich, and governed at that time by that wise, graceful, and valiant prince, King Henry V., who had many wise and brave men under him, and very great commanders, such as the Earl of Salisbury⁠[75], Talbot⁠[76], and others whom I pass by, as being before my time, though I have seen some few of them who survived; for when God was, as it were, weary of doing them good, that wise king died at the Bois de Vincennes, and his son⁠[77], a weak prince, was crowned King of France and England at Paris: after which factions began to stir, and civil wars arose in England, which have almost lasted till this present time, by reason of the usurpation of the crown by the house of York.⁠[78] But whether their title was good or not, I cannot determine, for the disposal of those things is from heaven.

But to return to my subject. The dismounting and mounting again of the Burgundians took up a great deal of time, and occasioned the loss of abundance of men; and by this means, that valiant gentleman, Philip de Lalain, was slain, being but slightly armed. The king’s troops defiled through the forest of Torfou, and were not, at their first appearance, above four hundred men-at-arms; so that, if they had been charged at once, in all probability there had been but little or no resistance; because, as I have said, they were forced to march one abreast; but their numbers still increasing, the Lord of Contay, who was an experienced officer, rode up to the Count of Charolois, and told him, that if he had a mind to win the battle, it was high time to charge the enemy; giving his reasons for it, and telling him, that if he had attacked them sooner, he would have routed them already, for then they were but few, but now they increased visibly; and indeed, this was true. Upon which the whole order and disposition of the battle was altered, every man throwing in his advice; whilst, in the meantime, a great and smart skirmish was begun at the end of the village of Montlhery, between the archers on both sides.

The king’s troops, consisting of all the archers of his guard glittering in their liveries, and very well disciplined, were commanded by Poncet de Rivière⁠[79]; those of the count’s party, being volunteers, were in no regular order, and under no command. However, in this manner they began the engagement, in which the Lord Philip de Lalain, and James du Mas⁠[80] (an excellent officer, afterwards master of the horse to Charles, Duke of Burgundy), fought on foot among the archers. The Burgundians, who were superior in numbers, possessed themselves of a house, and unhinging two or three of the doors, made use of them, instead of shields; after which they advanced into the street, and set fire to one of the houses. The wind did them service, driving the fire upon the king’s forces, who began to give ground, retire to their horses, and fly. Upon which the noise and shouting was so great, that the Count of Charolois marched forward, and abandoned the whole order which he had first adopted.

By the count’s first orders, his troops were to halt twice by the way, because of the great distance between the vanguard and the main battle. The king’s forces were drawn up towards the castle of Montlhery, with a large hedge and ditch in their front; and besides, the fields that lay behind them were full of corn and beans, and such kind of grain, the soil being very rich and good. All the count’s archers marched on foot before him in very ill order; though I am of opinion, that the chiefest strength of an army in the day of battle consists in the archers; but they must be strong and very numerous, for few are of no avail. I would have them also but indifferently mounted, that they may not be afraid of losing their horses, or rather that they had none at all; and for one day it is better to have raw soldiers that have never been in any action, than those that have been trained up in the wars; and in this I am of the same opinion with the English, who, without dispute, are the best archers in the world. It was said, that orders had been given that the army should halt twice by the way, to give the infantry time to breathe, because it was a great distance which they had to march, and the stiffness and stubbornness of the corn hindered their progress extremely. However, all things were done as perfectly contrary, as if they designed to lose the battle on purpose; whereby God did plainly manifest to all the world, that all battles are in his hands, and that he disposes of victory as he pleases. And indeed I cannot be persuaded, that the abilities of any one man are sufficient to manage and command so great a number, nor that things can be executed in the field in the same manner as they have been concerted in the council; and I am of opinion, that any man possessed of natural reason, who is so arrogant as to think himself able to effect this, assumes much of the honour that is due only to God. For though every man is obliged to perform his duty, and to endeavour to do what lies in his power, yet at the same time he ought to acknowledge, that war is one of God’s means of accomplishing his will which he often begins upon small and trivial occasions, and gives the victory sometimes to one and sometimes to another; and this is a mystery so great, that from it all the kingdoms and governments of the world do take their rise and increase as well as their end and dissolution.

But to return from this digression; the Count of Charolois advanced, without giving any breath either to his archers or foot soldiers. The king’s troops (being all men-at-arms) marched out at both ends of the hedge, and when they came near enough to make use of their lances, the Burgundian men-at-arms broke through the ranks of their own archers (who were the flower and hope of their army), without giving them leisure to discharge one arrow. The whole number of our horse was, I believe, not above 1200, and of them scarce fifty understood how to lay a lance in rest; there were not 400 of them armed with cuirasses, and very few of their servants had any arms at all; and the reason of it was, because of the long peace, and because, for the ease of their subjects, the house of Burgundy had not been used to keep any standing forces in pay: but since that time that country has not enjoyed any repose, but is rather grown worse than better at this very day. However, though the strength and flower of their army was thus broken and thrown into disorder by themselves, God (who disposes of these mysteries as he pleases) order things so, that on the right wing towards the castle, where the Count of Charolois commanded, victory declared on his side without any considerable opposition. It was my fortune to be with him all that day, during the whole action, in less fear than in any engagement I have ever been in since, which I impute to my youth, as not having a just sense and apprehension of the danger, but I rather wondered at the presumption of any man that durst venture to oppose the prince I served, whom I believed to be, without comparison, the greatest monarch in the world. Such vain notions inexperienced people frame to themselves; whence it arises that they often maintain strange and irrational arguments, without any ground or foundation at all; for which reason it is good to make use of the advice of him who says, that “A man never repents of speaking little, but often of speaking too much.”

The left wing was commanded by the Lord Ravestain, the Lord Jacques de St. Paul⁠[81], and several other men of quality, who plainly perceived that their body of men-at-arms was too weak to encounter the enemy; but they were too near to alter the order of battle. To be short, this wing was entirely broken, and driven, some of them to their waggons; but the greatest part of them made towards a forest, which was nearly half a league from the field of battle. At their waggons some of the Burgundian infantry rallied and stood to their arms. The chief of those who pursued us, were the nobles of Dauphiny and Savoy, with a great party of men-at-arms, who verily believed they had won the victory; and not without reason, for the Burgundians on that wing, among whom were several persons of note and distinction⁠[82], fled in great numbers; and most of them fled upon the spur towards Pont St. Maxence, which they supposed still held out for the Count of Charolois. However, a good number still maintained their ground in the forest, amongst whom was the Count of St. Paul, who had retreated thither with a good body of forces; for he was pretty near to the forest, and he plainly showed afterwards that he did not think the battle utterly lost.

Ch. IV.—Of the imminent Danger to which the Count of Charolois was exposed, and the manner of his being rescued.—1465.

The Count of Charolois pursued the enemy on the side where he commanded, about half a league beyond Montlhery, and with a very small body of forces; for though the enemy were numerous, yet they made no resistance, and therefore he concluded the victory was his own; but it was not long before one Monsieur Anthony le Breton, an ancient gentleman of Luxembourg, came up to him and told him the French had rallied their forces on the field of battle, and if he followed the pursuit any further he would certainly be lost; yet, though he repeated his opinion over and over, the count would not stop for him; but presently the Lord of Contay (whom I have mentioned before) came in also, brought him the same intelligence as the old gentleman had done, and delivered it with such eagerness, that he began to hearken to his counsel, and quickly faced about; and it was well he did; for had he advanced but two bow-shots further, in my judgment he had been taken prisoner, as several were that had got before him. In his return, near the village of Montlhery, he discovered a flying body of foot, whom he pursued (though he had scarce a hundred horse with him); and of that whole brigade, but one single footman made any opposition, who gave the count such a blow on the stomach with a spear, that the mark of it was to be seen at night. Most of the rest saved themselves in the gardens, but he who struck the count was killed upon the spot. As we marched by the castle, we discovered the archers of the king’s guard drawn up before the gate, who did not stir upon our coming up to them, at which the count was extremely surprised; as he imagined there was not a man left to oppose him. As he wheeled about to march into the field (part of his men had already become separated from him), he was so furiously attacked on a sudden by about fifteen or sixteen men-at-arms, that at the very first charge they slew Philip D’Oignies⁠[83], his esquire-carver, who bore his guidon. The Count of Charolois himself was in imminent danger⁠[84] in this encounter, and received several wounds, but especially one in the neck with a sword (the mark of which remained to his dying day), for want of his beaver, which, being slightly fastened on in the morning, dropped from his head in the battle, and I myself saw it fall. The enemy immediately laid hands on him, crying out, “My lord, surrender yourself; we know you well; do not obstinately throw away your life.” However, he still made a gallant defence, and at that very instant one John Cadet⁠[85], a physician’s son of Paris, who was in his service (a tall, stout, lusty person), mounted on a horse as large as himself, broke in, and parted them by riding between them; upon which the French party wheeled, and marched off to the ditch, where they had been drawn up in the morning; for they were afraid of another party which they perceived advancing towards them. The count, covered with blood, marched out to them into the field. They were the colours of the Bastard of Burgundy, which were so torn when they came, there was scarce a foot of them left; and under the banner of the count’s archers, there were not above forty left in all, to whom we joined ourselves (being about thirty) in no little fear. The Count of Charolois changed his horse immediately, and had another given him which belonged to Simon de Quingy⁠[86], who was at that time his page, but has since been very well known. The count, as I said before, drew out into the field to rally his men, but for the half hour we stayed there, we thought of nothing but running away, provided we had seen a hundred of the enemy advancing to attack us. There came to us about ten or twenty men, both horse and foot. Most of our infantry were either wounded or extremely fatigued with the battle and their long march in the morning; and for an hour together our whole body did not exceed a hundred, but by degrees it increased. The corn was very high and thick, and the dust was most terrible; the whole field was scattered with dead horses and men, yet none of the dead men could be recognised on account of the dust.

Immediately afterwards, we discovered the Count of St. Paul marching out of the forest, at the head of about forty men-at-arms, under his own colours, and advancing directly towards us, still increasing in numbers as he moved on; but they still seemed very far from us. We sent to him three or four times to pray him to hasten his march; but he kept his own pace, marching on very slowly and in good order, and causing his men to gather up the lances that lay scattered on the ground, which sight greatly rejoiced and animated our troops. With him a great number rallied again, and at last came and joined us, so that we found ourselves to be a complete body of about eight hundred men-at-arms; but we had few or no foot, which prevented the count from gaining a complete victory, for there was a ditch and a thick hedge between the two armies.

On the king’s side there fled the Count of Maine with several other persons of quality⁠[87], and not fewer than eight hundred men-at-arms. Some will have it, that the Count of Maine held correspondence with the Burgundians; but to speak truth, I think there was no such thing. Never was there a greater rout on both sides; but (which is remarkable) the two princes themselves kept the field. On the king’s side there was a person of note who fled as far as Lusignan without stopping, and on the count’s there was another ran as far as Quesnoy-le-Comte; which two gentlemen certainly had no intention or desire to encounter one another.

While both armies stood thus drawn up in order of battle facing one another, the cannon began to play on both sides, which killed abundance of men, but neither party desired to venture a second engagement. Our army was more numerous than the king’s: yet so powerful was his royal presence, and so efficacious the obliging language he used to his soldiers, that I verily believe had it not been for him, they would certainly have all fled; as indeed I have since learned was the case. Some few there were on our side who were for fighting again, and particularly the Lord Haultbourdin, who affirmed he saw the enemy filing off, and preparing to run: and doubtless had we had but a hundred archers to have shot through the hedge, the victory had been entirely ours.

Whilst both armies were in this posture and suspense, without offering to engage, the night came upon us, and the king retired to Corbeil⁠[88], though we supposed he had encamped in the field. A barrel of their powder was accidentally blown up where the king had been, which set fire to several waggons that were placed along the hedge; and we imagined the blaze to be fires in their quarters. The Count of St. Paul, who seemed to be a great man among us, and the Lord Haultbourdin, who was a greater, commanded our carriages to be brought to us where we lay, and our whole body to be enclosed with them, which was presently done. As we stood thus rallied, and drawn up in order of battle, several of the king’s soldiers, who had been following the pursuit, returned, believing the victory was their own; and being obliged to pass through our camp, were slain, and very few of them escaped. The men of note that fell on the king’s side were the Lord Geoffroy de St. Belin⁠[89], the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, and one Flocquet, a captain.⁠[90] On the Burgundian side there was slain Philip de Lalain. Of infantry and common soldiers we lost more than the king: but of horsemen the greatest loss was on the king’s side. The king’s forces took most of those who fled prisoners. On both sides there were at least two thousand men slain; however, the battle was well fought, for both sides had brave men, and both were thoroughly tired of it. But in my opinion, it was an extraordinary action to rally in the field, and to face one another for three or four hours together; and certainly both princes had great reason highly to esteem those subjects that stood so firmly by them in this pinch: but in short they acted like men, and not like angels. One man lost his places and estates for running away, and they were given to others, who had fled ten leagues beyond him. One of our great men lost his employment, and was banished his master’s presence, yet in a month’s time he was restored again, and in greater authority than ever.

When we had thus surrounded ourselves with our waggons, every man reposed as well as he could: we had a great number of wounded men, and most of us were much dispirited and alarmed, fearing lest the Parisians, under the command of Marshal Joachim (who was the king’s lieutenant in that city), should sally out upon us with two hundred men-at-arms, who were there in garrison; and we should be attacked on both sides. As soon as it was quite dark, fifty lances were commanded out, to get intelligence where the king was quartered; of which number about twenty only went forth. The place where we believed the king lay, was not above three bow-shots from our camp. In the meantime, the Count of Charolois ate and drank a little, and all the rest of the army did the same; after which the wound in his neck was carefully dressed. To make room for him, before he could sit down to eat, four or five dead bodies had to be removed, and two trusses of straw were brought for him to sit on. As we were removing the dead men, one of the poor stark naked creatures called out for some drink, and on putting a little of the ptisan (of which the count had drank) into his mouth, he came to himself, and proved to be one Pierre Savarot, an archer of the count’s guard, and a very brave fellow; upon which his wounds were dressed, and he was cured.

It was then debated in council what measures were best to be taken. The Count of St. Paul, who was the first that gave his opinion, said, that we were posted in a very dangerous place, and advised that we should retreat towards Burgundy by break of day; that we should burn part of our waggons, preserving only such as belonged to the artillery; and that no man should carry off his waggon unless he had above ten lances under his command; and that it was impossible for us to remain without provisions in the camp we were in, between Paris and the king’s army. Next to him the Lord Haultbourdin made a speech much to the same purpose, without waiting to hear what intelligence the scouts we had sent out would bring us. After him three or four more spoke, and all of them concurred. The last who gave his opinion was the Lord of Contay, who said, that, as soon as these resolutions should be spread abroad in the army, the soldiers would immediately prepare for flight, and would be taken prisoners before they could get twenty leagues: which opinion he strengthened with several substantial reasons; and therefore his advice was to rest themselves that night as well as they could, and that in the morning, by break of day, they should attack the king’s army, with a full resolution either to conquer, or die upon the spot; which he conceived a much safer way than to take to flight. The result of all was that the Count of Charolois took the Lord of Contay’s advice, and gave orders that every man should repose himself for two hours, and be ready at sound of trumpet; and at the same time he desired several officers that were about him to go and encourage his men.

About midnight the scouting party returned, and you may believe they went not far; for they brought word the king was encamped where the fires were seen: immediately, others were sent out, and about an hour after, every man put himself into a condition to fight, but the greatest part had more inclination to retreat. About break of day, the party that had been sent out last met a waggoner of ours (whom the enemy had taken that morning) as he was bringing a pitcher of wine from the village, who told them the enemy were all fled; whereupon they sent us back the news, and went on themselves to the place, and finding all true as he had said, they posted back to acquaint us with it; which greatly rejoiced the whole army; and abundance of them were then very eager for the pursuit, who but an hour before had been very doleful. I had an extremely old and tired horse, which drank up a whole pailful of wine, into which he accidentally thrust his head; I let him finish it, and I never found him better or fresher.

As soon as it was broad day, we all mounted on horseback, and our troops made a rather thin appearance; however, a great number of them that had lain concealed in the woods, soon rejoined us. The Count of Charolois caused a friar to come in, and pretend he came from the Duke of Bretagne’s army, and that they would be with us that day; which news comforted the whole army, though not a man of them gave any credit to it. However, about ten o’clock in the morning, the Vice-Chancellor of Bretagne, called Rouville, and Maderey with him (of both of whom I have spoken before), arrived in our camp, attended by two of the Duke of Bretagne’s archers of the guard in their regimental clothes, which was a very welcome sight to us all. They were asked where they had been, and were highly praised for absenting themselves (considering the murmurs against them), but more for their return, and every one entertained and treated them kindly.

All that day the Count of Charolois kept the field⁠[91], rejoicing extremely, and imputing the whole glory of this action to himself; which has cost him dear since, for after that he was governed by no counsel but his own; and whereas before he was altogether unfit for war, and took delight in nothing that belonged to it, his thoughts became so strangely altered upon this point, that he spent the remainder of his life in wars, in which he died, and which were the occasion, if not quite of the ruin of his family, at least, of the misery and desolation of it. Three illustrious and wise princes (his predecessors) had advanced it to a great height, so that few monarchs, except the King of France, were more powerful than he, and, in large and fair towns, none exceeded him. No man ought, but especially a great prince, to presume too much upon himself; but ought freely to acknowledge, that it is God alone that grants us favours and success. Two things more I will say of him; the one is, that I believe no man ever endured more fatigues than he in all sorts of bodily labour and exercise, when the occasion required it; and the other is, that, in my opinion, I never knew a person of greater valour and intrepidity; I never heard him complain of being weary, nor betray the least signs of fear, during the whole seven years I was in his service in the wars, though he was constantly every summer in the field, and sometimes winter and summer. His designs and enterprises were great; but no man could ever accomplish them, unless God added the assistance of his power.

Ch. V.—The King’s Brother the Duke of Berry, and the Duke of Bretagne, join with the Count of Charolois against the King.—1465.

The next day, which was the third after the battle, we took up our quarters in the village of Montlhery. The inhabitants had all fled, some to the church-tower, and others into the castle; but the Count of Charolois caused them all to return to their houses, and they lost not the value of a farthing, for every soldier paid his scot exactly as if he had been in Flanders. The castle held out for the king, and was never attacked. After we had refreshed ourselves there for three days, the Count of Charolois, by the Lord of Contay’s advice, marched from thence to possess himself of Estampes⁠[92] (which was good and convenient quarters, and situated in a plentiful country), that he might be there before the Bretons (who were marching that way), and lodge his sick and wounded men in the town, and encamp with the remainder of his forces in the fields round about the town; and these good quarters, and that little time which they staid there, saved the lives of abundance of his men. At Estampes arrived also the Lord Charles of France, at that time Duke of Berry, the king’s only brother; the Duke of Bretagne, the Count of Dunois, the Count of Dammartin, the Marshal of Loheac, the Lord of Bueil, the Lord of Chaumont⁠[93], and the Lord Charles of Amboise⁠[94] his son (who since that time has been a great man in this kingdom); all which lords, the king, upon his first accession to the crown, had disappointed and dispossessed of their places, though they had done his father and the kingdom eminent service in his conquests in Normandy, and in several other of his wars. The Count of Charolois, attended by all the officers of his army, went out to meet and greet them, and conducted them to their quarters that were prepared for them in the town, but their army encamped in the fields. In their train were 800 men-at-arms, very good soldiers, the greatest part of whom were Bretons, who had lately deserted the king’s service (as I have stated elsewhere), and were a great improvement to their army; besides, they had a great number of archers and other soldiers, armed with good brigandines⁠[95]; so that one might compute them at about 6000 men on horseback, all very well accoutred; and, to behold them drawn up was enough to convince a man that the Duke of Bretagne was a very great lord, for all of them were paid out of his treasury.

The king, who (as I have already said) was retired to Corbeil, did not forget what he had to do, but hastened into Normandy to raise men; and, to secure the country from any commotion, put some of his guards into the towns near Paris, where he conceived there was any necessity.

The princes spent the first night of their arrival at Estampes in relating their several adventures. The Bretons had taken some of the king’s party that fled, and, had they been but a little forwarder in their march, they would either have taken or cut in pieces the third part of the army. At first, indeed, they had thought of sending a party out, judging that the two armies must be near, but those orders were afterwards countermanded; however, the Lord Charles of Amboise and several other officers, with a small detachment, advanced before the army, to see what they could meet with, and they took several prisoners, and some pieces of the king’s artillery. The prisoners told them that for certain the king was dead, and they believed what they said; for they had fled as soon as the battle began. The Lord of Amboise and his party brought this news to the army of the Bretons, where it was exceedingly welcome; every man fancying that the news was true, and hoping for mighty rewards when the Lord Charles of Berry should come to the crown; and a council was immediately called (as I have been told since by a person of honour and credit that assisted at it), in which it was debated how they might rid themselves of the Burgundians, and send them packing; and the general opinion was, if nothing else would do, to do it by force. But their joy was not long-lived, from whence it may naturally be collected to what changes and revolutions this kingdom is exposed.

But to return to my subject, and the army at Estampes. When all had supped, and many people were walking with great liberty in the street, the Lord Charles of France and the Count of Charolois withdrew to a window and were discoursing of their affairs in a very friendly manner. It happened that among the Bretons there was a poor man who took great delight in throwing squibs into the air, and seeing them break and blaze among the people when they had fallen; and he was called Master John Boutefeu, or Master John of the Serpents, I know not which. This idle fellow, having hid himself in some house that he might not be perceived by anybody, from a garret where he was, cast two or three into the air, one of which, by accident, happened to strike against the bar of the window where the two princes were standing with their heads very near together. Both of them started in great surprise, and stared upon one another, suspecting it a design, and done on purpose to injure them. The Lord of Contay came up to the count, and having whispered a word in his ear, went down, and ordered all the guards of his household, and what other soldiers were at hand, to stand immediately to their arms. And the Count of Charolois persuaded the Duke of Berry to do the same; so that in a moment there were 200 or 300 men-at-arms drawn up before the gate, and a great number of archers, who were employed to search everywhere, to find out from whence the fire had come. At last the poor fellow who had caused all this uproar came and threw himself at their feet, confessed the whole matter, and, by throwing two or three more of them into the air, entirely took away the suspicion several persons had conceived of one another. Thus was this surprising accident turned into a jest, and all laid down their arms and returned to their quarters.

The next day, early in the morning, the Count of Charolois called a great and splendid council of war, at which all the princes and their chief officers assisted, to consult what measures were best to be taken; and as they were of different parties and not all obeying the same lord (which is very much to be desired in such assemblies), their sentiments were also different; but of all that was said, nothing was so much taken notice of as some expressions of the Duke of Berry, who was but young, and had seen nothing of the war. By his words he seemed to be weary already, taking occasion to mention the great number of wounded men whom he had observed in the count’s army, and by way of compassion he declared he had rather the war had never been begun, than that so much mischief should be occasioned through his means and on his account. Which language was very unpleasing to the count and his party, as I shall show afterwards. Nevertheless, the result of this council was, that they should march towards Paris, to try if they could bring that city to join with them for the good of the kingdom, for which (as they pretended) they had taken up arms; and they were all of them fully persuaded, that if the capital would listen to them, all the rest of the towns in the kingdom would follow its example. As I said before, the speech in council of the Duke of Berry so startled the Count of Charolois and his party, that they asked one another, “Did you hear this young duke? He is astonished at the sight of 700 or 800 wounded men in the town, who are nothing to him, nor does he know them; he would certainly be more troubled where he was concerned; and he would be a likely man to make his peace upon small invitation, and leave us in the lurch.” And the Count of Charolois further said, “that on account of the ancient wars which had long continued in time past between King Charles (the Duke of Berry’s father) and the Duke of Burgundy (his own father), it was to be feared they would easily unite, and turn all their forces against us; for which reason it would be necessary to look out for allies in time.” And it was purely on this suspicion that Messire William of Cluny⁠[96], the prothonotary (who died afterwards Bishop of Poictiers) was despatched into England to the court of King Edward IV.⁠[97], who then reigned; and who had been always the mortal enemy of the Count of Charolois, who had supported against him the house of Lancaster, from which, by the mother’s side, he was descended.⁠[98] In his private instruction, he had orders to propose a marriage with Margaret⁠[99], the King of England’s sister; but to treat only and negotiate, without coming to any conclusion: for the Count of Charolois, who knew how desirous the King of England was of this match, believed by this means, either to bring him over to his side, if he should have any occasion for his assistance, or at least to hinder him from attempting anything against him. However, though he had no real intention at first to consummate the marriage, upon account of his inveterate hatred to the house of York, yet affairs were so managed, that several years after, the match was concluded; and he moreover accepted the order of the garter⁠[100] and wore it to his death.

Many such like actions as this have happened in the world upon suspicion only, especially among great princes, who are always much more suspicious than other men, by reason of the many false stories and groundless reports that are brought them often merely by court flatterers, without any manner of occasion.

A Renewing of the Treaty of Alliance between Francis, Duke of Bretagne, and Charles, Count of Charolois, made at Estampes, July 24, 1465.

1. We, Francis, Duke of Bretagne, are, and will be, the good brother, perfect friend, ally, and confederate of Charles, Count of Charolois: we will aid and assist, counsel, succour, and support, and, with all our power, guard and defend his person, and his children born or to be born, their honour, estates, countries, territories, lordships, and subjects, as much as we would do our own, without any manner of distinction, against all and every person and persons (without excepting our lord the king) whoever they are, that would injure, make war upon, or usurp anything from our said cousin and his children, their countries, subjects, lands, and territories, in possession or reversion, in any manner or upon any account whatsoever. And we also promise, in all the other good and laudable quarrels and enterprises of our said cousin of Charolois, to succour and assist him and his children, as well against our lord the king, as all other persons whatsoever; and to employ in their behalf and in their favour our own person, subjects, countries, territories, and lordships against all invaders, or such as make war upon them; and to defend them in person, and with all our power, in such a way and manner as our good cousin shall require; and, moreover, we will impart to him whatever shall come to our knowledge to be done, said, or intended to his prejudice, and defend him to the best of our power; and we shall use our lawful endeavours to have him comprehended in the alliances already made, or to be made hereafter by us, so far as he has a mind to it; and we will make no alliance in prejudice to these presents. And, in regard of the great love to, and sincere confidence we have in, our said dear cousin of Charolois, above all others, and also for his greater assurance that we shall, on our part, perform as aforesaid, we have been desirous to make, and we do actually make him our brother-in-arms; and, forasmuch as we do desire with all our heart, that the said alliances may be inviolably maintained, kept, and observed, and to the end, lest for want of a declaration and good understanding, there may arise any difficulty or doubt, even in respect to the general clause above written, importing, that we will aid and assist our said cousin of Charolois in all his quarrels and enterprises, as well against our lord the king as all others as aforesaid; we do declare, and our meaning is, that whatever dispute or war by sea shall happen between the English, or any other nation whatsoever, and our subjects, or the subjects of our cousin of Charolois, the subjects of either of us both, who are not engaged in a contest or naval war against the English, shall not be obliged, notwithstanding the said alliances, to quarrel with, nor make war upon them, nor to do anything upon that account against the truces, treaties, or alliances which, for the benefit of trade, have been made between the countries and subjects of our uncle the Duke of Burgundy, and our said cousin of Charolois, his son; but they shall, as to this particular, remain in force according to ancient usage and custom: and, if it should so happen, that any of our subjects, under pretence of their own war, or otherwise, should come into the countries, ports, and harbours of our said cousin of Charolois, and, by sea or land, rob, pillage, and carry off any merchandise belonging to them, or other people who have the freedom of the said countries, ports, and havens, or shall be at truce and not in war, or have the protection of our said cousin of Charolois, or his officers; in that case, such of our subjects as shall do so may be taken and seized in the said countries, ports, and havens of our said cousin of Charolois, wherever they may be found, and such punishment, correction, and justice inflicted on them, which in reason ought to be done, according to the customs and usages of the said countries, ports, and havens where they shall be taken. Moreover, if any of our subjects should by sea rob or destroy any goods and merchandises belonging to the merchants of the countries and territories of our said cousin of Charolois, residing or dwelling therein, or to others who are in a truce or peace with, or under the protection of, our said cousin or his officers as aforesaid, and should afterwards bring the said goods and merchandises, or cause them to be brought into any of the towns, ports, or havens of the said countries belonging to our cousin of Charolois, in order to sell or barter them there; those who bring them thither may, in that case, be taken and seized, and the said goods and merchandises put into the hands of our said cousin, as being forfeited to him, to dispose of them at his pleasure, either by restoring them to the right owners, or otherwise as he thinks fit; and, as for the offenders, they shall be punished for what they have done, as he, our said cousin, or his officers, shall judge most convenient.

2. Seeing we are desirous to provide for the security of our dominions and territories for the time to come, and to preserve them for the future from the inconveniences which they have been liable to; if it should so happen, that any of our successors should hereafter contravene any of these present alliances (which God forbid), we do, in such a case, give unto our said cousin of Charolois, or his successors, the countries, lands, and lordships of Montfort, Estampes, and Vertus, with their appurtenances and dependencies; and we do divest and dispossess ourselves of the said countries, lands, and lordships, and do yield and transfer them from thenceforward, for ourselves, our heirs, successors, &c., to our said cousin of Charolois, to occupy and enjoy them, with all their rights, profits, and emoluments, by way of inheritance for ever, for himself, his heirs, &c., as fully and in the same manner and form as we do now enjoy them, and as our predecessors have done before us, without reserving any right to ourselves, our heirs, successors, &c., of suing for or laying claim to any right therein, for any reason or upon any account whatsoever.

3. And to the end that the said alliances may be the more strictly observed, we have again and anew chosen, named, and commissioned, and we do on our part choose, name, and commission for the conservators of them, the same persons formerly chosen and nominated in our letters patent mentioning the same, preceding these in date, and also by these presents: conferring on them new authority and the like power to maintain, support, favour, and secure them, as well in the execution of their commission, or otherwise, as our said letters patent of alliance or conservation do import or contain.

4. If it should come to pass that the said conservators, or any of them, should hereafter falter, and be justly accused of a failure in the discharge of the trust reposed in them, in that case, we, and our said cousin of Charolois, and our successors, &c., and every one of us in his own right, may appoint one or more trustees in the room of him or them, who shall transgress, or be justly accused as aforesaid.

5. That the said alliances between us and our said cousin of Charolois may be the better kept, and the more firmly maintained, we have been willing, and we do actually make the same alliances between our territories and subjects as we do between our own persons; promising upon our faith and corporal oath, on the word of a prince, and upon our honour, firmly to keep and maintain the said alliance and brotherhood in all their circumstances and dependencies, without contravening the same in any manner whatsoever, and to make out unto our said cousin of Charolois good and authentic instruments of consent and ratification in the presence of the Estates of our said countries and territories, to last during our life and the lives of our heirs, successors, &c., for ever. In witness whereof we have affixed our seal to these presents.

Done at Estampes, July the 24th, in the year of our Lord 1465. Signed Francis, with a flourish. Upon the fold was written, “by the Duke’s command,” and signed Milet, with a flourish.

Ch. VI.—The Count of Charolois and his Allies with their Army pass the Seine upon a Bridge of Boats; after which, being joined by the Forces of John, Duke of Calabria, they invest Paris.—1465.

These great lords, according to the resolution that had been taken in the council of war, left Estampes, where they had remained a few days, and marched to St. Mathurin de Larchant and Moret in Gastinois⁠[101], in which two villages the Duke of Berry and his Bretons were quartered: but the Count of Charolois and his men encamped in a large meadow on the banks of the Seine, and had proclaimed in his army that every horseman should bring a hook with him to fasten his horse; he also caused seven or eight small boats to be brought upon carts, with several pipe-staves, in order to lay a bridge over the Seine, there being no other way of passing it. The Count of Dunois (who was unable to get on horseback by reason of the gout) attended him in his litter, and had his colours carried after him. When they came to the river, they placed the boats which they had brought together, and got over into a little island in the midst of the river, and some of our archers landed and attacked a party of horse on the other side, who were posted there to secure that pass, under the command of the Marshal Joachim and Sallezard⁠[102]. They were posted in a place very disadvantageous for their horse, for it was steep and thick-set with vines; and the Burgundians had a fine train of artillery, under the command of one Monsieur Gerault, a very famous engineer, who had been previously on the king’s side, but was taken prisoner at the battle of Montlhery. In short, the enemy were obliged to abandon their post, and retire to Paris. The very same night, a bridge was laid quite to the island, where the Count of Charolois immediately ordered his own tent to be pitched, in which he lay that night, under a guard of fifty men-at-arms of his household troops. At break of day, a large number of coopers were set to work to make pipe-staves of clap-boards, which had been brought over into the island; and before noon the bridge from the island to the other side of the river being finished, the count passed over it immediately, ordered his tents to be pitched (of which he had abundance), and then passing over all his army and artillery, he encamped with it on the brow of a hill towards the river, from whence his host made a fine appearance to those who still remained behind.

The passing over of the count’s forces took up all that day; but the next morning, by break of day, the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne advanced with their army to the bridge, which they thought very speedily and commodiously built; and having passed over it, they encamped also upon the hill.⁠[103] As soon as it grew dark, we began to perceive a number of fires at as far a distance as we could well discern. Some were of opinion that it was the king; but before midnight we were assured it was John, Duke of Calabria⁠[104] (only son of René, King of Sicily) with about 900 men-at-arms from the duchy and county of Burgundy. He had a good body of horse, but of foot he had few or none. However, though their number was small, I never saw a finer company, or men who seemed better inured to the exercises of war. He had with him about six score men in complete armour, Italians and others, brought up in the wars in Italy, among whom were James Galiot⁠[105], the Count of Campobache⁠[106], the Lord of Baudricourt⁠[107] (now Governor of Burgundy), and several others. These men-at-arms were all very dexterous and ready, and, to speak impartially, the very flower of our army, at least compared with an equal number of the others. He had also, besides these troops, 400 cross-bow men (whom the Count Palatine⁠[108] had furnished), all well mounted, and brave soldiers, and with them 500 Swiss infantry, the first that were ever seen in this kingdom, who behaved themselves with so much courage and bravery in all the actions they were employed in, as have gained reputation for all their countrymen that have succeeded them. The next morning this gallant army drew nearer, and passed over our bridge; so that one might venture to say, the whole power of France (except what was with the king) passed over that bridge. This I can affirm, the number of persons of quality and officers was so great, and the whole army was in such complete order, and made such a fine appearance, that I could have wished that both the friends and enemies of the kingdom had been there to have seen us: for, by that means, the former would have had a just value and esteem for the kingdom, and the latter would for ever after have more dreaded its power. The chief of the Burgundian officers were the Lord of Neufchastel, Marshal of Burgundy, with his brother the Lord of Montagu, the Marquis of Rottelin, and a great number of knights and squires, some of whom had been in Bourbonnois, as I said before; and, to come to us with more security, all had joined with the Duke of Calabria, who appeared to be a brave prince, and as great a commander as any in the army, upon which account a great friendship arose between the Count of Charolois and him.

When the whole army had passed (which, in my judgment, was little less than 100,000 horse, one with another) the princes resolved to present themselves before Paris, and joined all their vanguards together. The Burgundian van was led by the Count of St. Paul; the Duke of Berry’s and the Duke of Bretagne’s by Oudet de Rye⁠[109], and (as I think) the Marshal of Loheac: in this order they marched. The princes themselves were all in the main battle; the Count of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria rode up and down in full armour, and took abundance of pains to keep their battalions in order, and showed great readiness to do their duties; but the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were at their ease, mounted on little hackneys, armed only with very light brigandines, or, as some said, with gilt nails sewn upon satin, that they might weigh the less; but I cannot positively affirm this. In this order the whole army marched to the bridge of Charenton, within two short leagues of Paris, where we attacked and routed an inconsiderable body of frank-archers that were posted on the bridge; after which the whole army marched over it, and the Count of Charolois encamped (between that bridge and a house at Conflans⁠[110]) all along the river, enclosing a large compass of ground with his waggons and train of artillery, and drawing his whole army into it; and with him the Duke of Calabria took up his quarters. The Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were posted with a strong party of their men at St. Maur-des-Fossez; the rest of the army was sent to St. Denis, also about two leagues from Paris, in which quarters the whole army lay for eleven weeks, during which time those things occurred of which I shall speak hereafter.

The next morning a little skirmishing began at the very gates of Paris; in which place were the Lord of Nantoillet, High Steward of France (who, as I have elsewhere observed, did good service to the king), and the Marshal Joachim. The people were in a great consternation, but many of the citizens seemed inclinable to admit the Burgundians and the other lords into Paris; believing (in their judgments) that their enterprise was for the benefit and advantage of the kingdom. There were others who declared openly for the Burgundians, hoping, by advancing their interest, to arrive at some good office or preferment, which, in that city, are more coveted than in any other part of the world besides; for every man makes his employment worth as much as he can, and not as much as he ought; so that there are some offices, with no salary at all belonging to them, which are sold for 800 crowns; and others, whose wages are very small, are sold for more than the salary could amount to in fifteen years; from whence it happens that seldom any man is put out of his place, and the court of parliament maintains this privilege, and rightly; but it interferes with almost all things else. Among the counsellors there is always a great number of honest and able persons, as well as some very ill-conditioned individuals; but it is so in all conditions of society.

Ch. VII.—A Digression concerning Salaries, Offices, and Ambition, illustrated by the Example of the English.—1465.

I mention these offices and authorities, because they lead men to desire changes and revolutions, and are thus the occasion of them; which evidently appears, not only by what we have seen in our own days, but also in the time of King Charles VI.⁠[111], in whose reign the wars, which lasted till the peace of Arras, began; during which wars, the English had conquered so great a part of France, that at the time of that treaty (which lasted two months) the Duke of Bedford⁠[112], brother to Henry V., King of England, and husband to the Duke of Burgundy’s sister, was Regent of France for the English there, and resided at Paris, and had 20,000 crowns a month at least, to support the grandeur and dignity of his office. At this treaty of Arras, the King of France sent four or five dukes and counts, five or six prelates, and ten or twelve councillors of parliament to take care of his interests. On the Duke of Burgundy’s side there were more, and those very great persons; and no fewer from the King of England⁠[113]: besides two cardinals from the Pope⁠[114], to act as mediators. The Duke of Burgundy being desirous to acquit himself handsomely towards the English before they parted, on account of the old leagues and alliances which had been between them, offered the duchies of Normandy and Guienne to the King of England, for himself and his lords, upon condition that he would do homage for them to the King of France, as his predecessors had done before him; and that he would restore whatever else he held in that kingdom except the said duchies. But the English absolutely refused to do any homage, and they suffered extremely by it afterwards; for, being forsaken by the house of Burgundy, they soon lost their time, and their influence in that kingdom daily declined, and dwindled at last to nothing. Soon afterwards they lost Paris, and by little and little all they were possessed of in France. Upon their return into England not one of the English lords thought of lessening his estate; and the whole revenue of the kingdom was not sufficient to satisfy them all. Wars arose among them for command and authority, which lasted a long time, and in which Henry VI. (who had been crowned King of England and France at Paris) was declared a traitor and imprisoned in the Tower of London⁠[115], where he continued the greatest part of his life, and was at last put to death. The Duke of York⁠[116], father of Edward IV., lately dead, proclaimed himself king⁠[117], but in a few days he was beaten and slain; and the heads of all that were killed in the battle were cut off; and, among the slain, was the father⁠[118] of the late Earl of Warwick, who was so famous in England. This last Earl of Warwick⁠[119] conveyed the Earl of March (since called King Edward) to Calais by sea, with some few forces which remained of that battle⁠[120]: the Earl of Warwick espoused the interest of the House of York, and the Duke of Somerset⁠[121] that of Lancaster; but the civil wars lasted so long, that all those of the houses of Warwick and Somerset were either slain in battle or lost their heads. King Edward caused his brother the Duke of Clarence⁠[122], to be drowned in a pipe of malmsey, charging him with a design of endeavouring to dethrone him; but after King Edward’s death, his second brother, the Duke of Gloucester⁠[123], caused his two sons to be murdered, declared his daughters to be illegitimate, and had himself crowned king.

Immediately after this, the Earl of Richmond⁠[124], the present king (who had been many years a prisoner in Bretagne) returned into England, and in a set battle defeated and slew this bloody King Richard, who had so barbarously murdered his two nephews. Thus have there been slain in these civil wars of England, within my remembrance, near fourscore persons of the blood royal, some of whom I was acquainted with myself, and the rest I have heard of, by the report of several English gentlemen that resided at the Duke of Burgundy’s court, during the time of my being in his service. So that it is not at Paris only, nor in France alone, that the riches and honours of this world occasion quarrels and disputes. Yet all monarchs and great princes ought to be very careful and circumspect, and not permit any faction or party to spring up in their courts, for from thence the fire spreads, and runs over the whole kingdom. However, I am of opinion that all these revolutions happen by the divine permission and appointment; for when kings and kingdoms have enjoyed a long series of riches and prosperity, and forgotten the fountain from whence those blessings and advantages proceed, God raises up enemies against them, of whom they never had the least suspicion, which appears evidently by the history of the kings mentioned in the Bible, and by the surprising events that have happened of late years, and do daily happen, both in England, Burgundy, and other places.

Ch. VIII.—How King Louis entered Paris, whilst the Lords of France were tampering with the Citizens.—1465.

I have dwelt too long upon this subject, and therefore it is now time to return to my history.

As soon as the princes were arrived before Paris, they all began to tamper with the citizens, promising them great places and rewards, and everything that might any ways contribute towards advancing their design. By that time we had lain three days before the town, there was held a grand assembly in the Hotel de Ville of Paris, in which, after many and long harangues, upon hearing the princes’ summons and propositions, which (as was pretended) were for no other end than the good of the public; it was unanimously resolved to send commissioners to them to treat of a peace. Whereupon a great number of substantial citizens went to wait on the princes at St. Maur; and Maître Guillaume Chartier⁠[125] (a person of great parts and eloquence, and at that time Bishop of Paris) was their speaker; and the lords appointed the Count of Dunois to be theirs. The Duke of Berry, the king’s brother, was president of the council, and sat in a chair of state, and all the rest of the princes stood round him: on one hand the Dukes of Bretagne and Calabria, and on the other the Count of Charolois, completely armed (all but his head-piece and gauntlets), with a very rich mantle thrown over his cuirass; for he had come from Conflans, and the Bois-de-Vincennes had in it a strong garrison for the king, so that it was necessary for him to come with a strong guard. The request and object of the princes were to be admitted into Paris, to hold friendly consultation with the citizens about reformation of the government, of which they sadly complained, and charged the king with numerous acts of injustice and mal-administration. The answer of the citizens was full of respect and modesty, yet not without some hesitation and demur. However, notwithstanding that, the king was afterwards displeased with the bishop, and with all that went with him. In this manner the commissioners returned, and great practices and intrigues were still carried on; for every one of the princes had a private conference with the citizens; and I believe it was secretly agreed by some of them, that the lords in their own persons might enter the town, and their army pass through it in small bodies at a time, if they desired it. This admission of the princes would not only have been the means of gaining the town, but of finishing the whole enterprise; for the whole people would, for several reasons, have easily gone over, in imitation of their example, to their side, and by consequence the whole kingdom would have revolted. But God gave the king wise counsel, and he executed it vigorously: being informed of all their secret practices and cabals, before the commissioners, who had been to wait on the princes, had made their report, the king arrived in Paris⁠[126], in the condition of a prince that came to relieve and animate his subjects; for he came with a very great company, and brought above 2000 men-at-arms into the city, all the nobility of Normandy, a great number of volunteers, his household retainers, his pensioners, and other persons of quality that were accustomed to attend so great a king upon such occasions. Thus was the whole design quashed, and the minds of the people entirely changed; so that not a man, how active soever he had been formerly for us, durst now speak one word in our behalf. Some of the commissioners, who had been with us, fared but very ill; some lost their places, and others were banished; but the king used no farther cruelty or revenge; for which I think he is highly to be commended, considering that, if this intended design had succeeded, the best he could have expected had been to have escaped out of the kingdom; for he has told me many times since, that if the town had revolted, and refused to admit him, his resolutions were to have retired, either to the Swiss, or to Francis, Duke of Milan⁠[127], whom he thought his great friend, and so indeed he afterwards showed himself to be, by the supplies which he sent him, which consisted of 500 men-at-arms, and 3000 foot, under the command of his eldest son Galeas⁠[128] (afterwards duke); who came as far as Forest, in Auvergne, and made war upon the Duke of Bourbon; but, upon the death of Duke Francis, they were recalled. His affection to the king appeared, likewise, by the advice which he gave him at the treaty of Conflans⁠[129], which was to make a peace with the princes upon any terms whatsoever, in order to break the confederacy, and separate their forces; but yet still to keep his own army on foot.