BOOK THE FOURTH.

Ch. I.—How the Duke of Burgundy, having seized upon the Duchy of Guelders, attempted farther Inroads upon the Germans, and besieged Nuz.—1474.

The interview between the king and the constable occurred in 1474, and at that time, the Duke of Burgundy seized upon the province of Guelders⁠[384], upon a quarrel well worthy to be related, to demonstrate the justice and power of God. There was a young Duke of Guelders called Adolphus⁠[385], who had married a daughter⁠[386] of the house of Bourbon, sister to the present duke, Pierre. The marriage having been consummated in the Duke of Burgundy’s court, he still retained some affection for him, and continued his friend. This young duke had committed a most execrable act, in seizing upon his father⁠[387] one night as he was going to bed, carrying him five German leagues on foot, bare-legged, in very cold weather, and confining him a close prisoner in a dungeon at the bottom of a tower⁠[388], where there was no light but what came through a cleft in the wall; and he kept him in that miserable condition for the space of six months. This barbarous action occasioned a desperate war between the Duke of Cleves (whose sister the imprisoned duke had married) and the young Duke Adolphus. The Duke of Burgundy often interposed his good offices, and would fain have accommodated their difference, but could not. At length the pope and the emperor⁠[389] began to stir in the affair, and the Duke of Burgundy was commanded upon great penalty to release Duke Arnold from prison, and it was done; for the young duke, seeing so many princes concerned in the business, and fearing lest the Duke of Burgundy would otherwise have done it by force, did not dare to refuse. I saw them both several times in the Duke of Burgundy’s chamber, pleading their causes before the council, and the good old man in a passion threw his son his glove, and demanded a combat. The Duke of Burgundy would fain have reconciled them, and offered to the young duke, who was his favourite, the title of governor of the province, with the whole revenue thereof, and that only a small town near Brabant, called Grave⁠[390], with a revenue of 6000 florins (one half to be received out of the profits of the said town, and the other as a pension), should be continued to his father, with the title of duke, as was but reasonable. I was deputed (with others wiser than myself) to make this proposal to the young duke, whose answer was, “That he had rather fling his father headforemost into a well, and himself after him, than consent to such an accommodation; for his father had been duke four and forty years already, and it was time now that he should have his turn; but he would willingly allow him a pension of 3000 florins, upon condition he would leave the duchy, and never come into it again;” besides several other extravagant and detestable expressions to that effect.

This happened just at the time when the king took Amiens from the Duke of Burgundy, who was then with these two dukes at Dourlens⁠[391] very busy in adjusting their differences. Upon the news of the taking of Amiens, he removed suddenly to Hesdin, and forgot their controversy which was before him. The young duke disguised himself like a Frenchman, and endeavoured (with only one servant) to make his escape into his own country.⁠[392] Passing a ferry not far from Namur, he paid a florin for his passage, which being observed by a priest that stood by, he presently suspected him, and asked the ferry-man what it was he had given him; then, looking earnestly upon him, he recognised him, and caused him to be apprehended and carried to Namur⁠[393]; where he was kept a prisoner till, upon the Duke of Burgundy’s death, the citizens of Ghent released him, and would have forced the duke’s daughter⁠[394] (since Duchess of Austria) to have married him. After which, taking him along with them in their expedition against Tournay, he was miserably slain, and sordidly buried, as if the vengeance of God Almighty, for his barbarity to his father, could not have been otherwise satisfied. The old duke dying before the Duke of Burgundy, and during his son’s imprisonment (upon the account of his inhuman and vile treatment), disinherited him, and left the succession of Guelders to the Duke of Burgundy; by virtue of which title (though he found some little resistance) the Duke of Burgundy conquered it, and enjoyed it till his death, for he was then powerful, and at peace with the king; and his successors enjoy it to this day, and shall do as long as God shall think good.⁠[395] This I have related for no other reason (as I said in the beginning) but to show that such unnatural impiety never goes unpunished.

The Duke of Burgundy returned into his own country, mightily puffed up by the acquisition of this duchy. He took great pleasure in concerning himself with the affairs of the empire; for the emperor was a mean-spirited prince, and to avoid the expense of war, would tamely suffer anything. Besides, of himself, without the concurrence of the princes of the empire, he could do but little. For this reason the duke prolonged his truce with the king⁠[396], though some of the king’s courtiers were utterly against it, alleging the danger of the duke’s growing too powerful: and what they urged was not altogether unreasonable; but they wanted experience and foresight, and therefore did not understand the matter. Others⁠[397] (of greater judgment and knowledge, in respect that they had been in those countries) advised by all means that the cessation of arms might be prolonged, and the duke permitted to tire and exhaust himself against the Germans (whose grandeur and strength, when united, are almost inconceivable); for he was of such an ambitious temper, that the taking of one town, or the accomplishing of one design, did but excite and hurry him on to attempt another; so that one war drawing a second upon him (contrary to the king’s humour), his restless desires were not to be satisfied with any single success. Wherefore they advised the king, as the best and easiest way to revenge himself upon him, rather to give him some little assistance, than the least suspicion of breaking the truce; for the greatness and puissance of the princes of Germany would quickly confound and exhaust him, and (the emperor himself not being a warlike prince) they would certainly unite and oppose him; and so it happened in the conclusion.

There were at that time two persons that pretended a right to the bishopric of Cologne: one of them was brother to the Landgrave of Hesse⁠[398]; and the other was the Count Palatine of the Rhine.⁠[399] The Duke of Burgundy sided with the Palatine, and undertook to establish him by force in that dignity; and (in hopes of gaining some of the towns thereabout for himself) he besieged Nuz⁠[400] (which is a town not far from Cologne) in the year 1474. And the Landgrave of Hesse⁠[401] was there with a good number of men. The duke, however, had so many things upon the anvil at once, and so many enterprises and designs in his head, that he sank beneath the burden of them. He would fain have persuaded Edward, King of England, to have brought over a great army, which (upon his solicitation) he had raised at that time, to favour his designs in Germany, which were as follows:—If he took Nuz, he designed to have put a strong garrison into it, and two or three towns more in that neighbourhood (by which means Cologne would have been blocked up), and then to have marched up the Rhine as far as the county of Ferrette, which was then under his jurisdiction⁠[402]; by which means all the Rhine, as far as Holland, would have been under his dominion; which space of ground contains more fortified towns and castles than any kingdom in Christendom, except France. The truce which the Duke of Burgundy had made with the king, had been prolonged for six months⁠[403]; and the greatest part of it being expired, the king desired it might be renewed, that the duke might have enough of the war in Germany; but the duke, because of his promise to the English⁠[404], would not consent to it.

I would willingly have omitted this siege of Nuz, as an affair not absolutely necessary to my history; and, besides, I was not at it; but I am obliged to mention it on account of some matters which depend on it. The town of Nuz was strongly fortified, and in it there were the Landgrave of Hesse, and many of his relations and friends, with a body of 1800 horse, as I was informed, all choice troops (as they proved afterwards), and as many foot as they thought needful for the defence of the place. This landgrave, as I said before, was brother to the bishop, who was chosen in opposition to that person whom the Duke of Burgundy would have advanced. Upon which, being highly disgusted, he laid siege to Nuz in the year 1474.

His army was at that time more numerous and in better order than it ever had been formerly; especially his cavalry; for, upon pretence of some designs upon Italy, he had got together about 1000 Italian men-at-arms, under the command of the Count of Campobasso, a Neapolitan, a partisan of the house of Anjou, a most perfidious and dangerous man. There was likewise James Galeot, a Neapolitan gentleman (a very brave officer), and several others, whose names, for brevity sake, I omit. Besides, he had with him 3000 English, all stout soldiers, and a vast number of his own subjects well armed, mounted, and disciplined in his wars; and a fine train of artillery. All these were prepared and in readiness to join the English (that were raising in England with all expedition) upon their first landing. But things of such importance are managed very tediously there; for the king not being able to undertake such an affair without calling together his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and, as it consists for the most part of sober and pious men, is very serviceable and strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects (for no money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or Scotland, or some such extraordinary occasion); and then they supply him very liberally, especially against France; yet the Kings of England have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire to have any supplies granted, to raise men, and pretend quarrels with Scotland or France; and having encamped with their army for about three months, disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money for their own private use; and this trick King Edward understood very well, and often practised it.

It was a whole year before this English army could be raised and set in order. When it was ready, towards the beginning of the summer, notice was given to the Duke of Burgundy, who lay then before Nuz, and was of opinion that in a few days he should put his bishop into possession, and have Nuz and other towns assigned him for the purposes above mentioned.

I am of opinion this was God’s own doing, in mercy to the kingdom of France, or else the Duke of Burgundy might have done great mischief to that nation with an army of old troops accustomed for several years together to invade it, without any resistance but what was made by the fortified towns; and yet something may be attributed to the king’s wisdom and management, who would not put anything to a venture; not so much for fear of the Duke of Burgundy, as of tumults at home upon the loss of a battle; for he did not believe himself safe with his servants or subjects, especially the great lords; and, if I may speak freely, he often told me that he knew the inclination of his subjects very well, and should find them inclinable to rebellion upon the loss of a battle, or any such misfortune. Wherefore, whenever the Duke of Burgundy invaded any part of his dominions, his majesty’s way was to put strong garrisons into all the towns by which he was likely to march; so that (without the expense and hazard of an army in the field) the duke’s forces in a little time wasted and baffled themselves without endangering the nation; which (in my judgment) was very good policy. However, the duke being so strong as I have represented him, if the English army had appeared at the beginning of the summer (which it doubtless would have done, if the duke had not committed the error of besieging Nuz), certainly the kingdom of France would have been in imminent danger; for the King of England had never invaded France with so numerous and well-disciplined an army; all the great lords of England attended him without any exception; and they amounted to about 1500 men-at-arms (a great number for the English), all well accoutred and with a great retinue; besides 14,000 archers on horseback, with their bows and arrows, and a numerous body of camp-servants on foot, but not one page in the whole army. Besides, the King of England was to have landed 3000 men in Bretagne⁠[405] to join the Duke of Bretagne’s army. I saw likewise two letters under the hand of the Lord of Urfé, Master of the Horse of France, but who was then in the Duke of Bretagne’s service; one directed to the King of England, and the other to the Lord Hastings, High Chamberlain of England, which had this among other expressions: That the Duke of Bretagne would do more by his intrigues in a month, than the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy both could do in six, with all the force they could bring. Nor do I question the truth of what he said, if things had been managed as they might have been. But God, who is ever careful of the preservation of this kingdom, disposed of them otherwise, as you shall understand hereafter. These letters above mentioned were purchased of one of the English secretaries for threescore marks of silver by our king, whom God pardon!

Ch. II.—How the Town of Nuz was relieved by the Germans and the Emperor; and of other Enemies whom the King of France stirred up against the Duke of Burgundy.—1474.

As I said before, the Duke of Burgundy had invested Nuz, and met with greater difficulties in that siege than he expected. The city of Cologne (which lies four leagues higher upon the Rhine) was forced to be at the expense of 100,000 florins of gold a month, to secure themselves against the Duke of Burgundy, and had, in conjunction with some of the neighbouring towns above it, upon the Rhine, put into the field a body of 15,000 or 16,000 foot, and posted them with a large train of artillery upon the bank of the river opposite to the duke’s camp, with a design to intercept all his convoys of provision, which came by water out of the country of Guelders up the river, and to sink his boats with their cannon. The emperor and the electoral princes of the empire had a meeting about this affair; and it was unanimously resolved to raise an army. The king having sent several ambassadors to them, to solicit them to that purpose, they sent to him a Canon of Cologne (of the house of Bavaria), and another ambassador with him, with a roll or list of the army which the emperor designed to raise, provided the king would make a diversion on his side. They were sure of a favourable answer from his majesty, and whatever they demanded was granted. Besides, the king promised in writing, both to the emperor and to several princes and cities, that as soon as the emperor should take the field, and advance to Cologne, he would send 20,000 men to join them under the command of the Lords of Craon and Sallezard.

Hereupon the German army was raised, and got ready, amounting to an almost incredible number of men; for all the princes of Germany, both spiritual and temporal, and all the bishops and free-towns, sent in their respective forces in great numbers. I was informed that the Bishop of Munster⁠[406] (who is none of the greatest) led into that army 6000 foot and 1400 horse, all clothed in green uniforms, besides 1200 waggons; but his bishopric was hard by. It was seven months’ time before this army was raised and fit to march; and it then posted itself within half a league of the Duke of Burgundy’s camp⁠[407]; and (as I have been informed by several of the duke’s people) it was three times the number of the Duke of Burgundy’s army and the English army together, both in men, tents, and pavilions; and besides this army of the emperor’s, there was the army on the other side of the river, which continually annoyed the enemy, both by cannonading their camp, and intercepting their convoys.

As soon as the emperor and the princes of the empire were arrived before Nuz, they despatched a certain doctor (of great reputation among them), called Hesevare⁠[408] (who was afterwards made a cardinal), to the king. His business was to solicit his majesty to perform his promise, and to send his 20,000 men; otherwise the Germans would accommodate matters with the Duke of Burgundy. The king promised him fair, made him a present of 400 crowns, despatched him immediately, and sent along with him to the emperor one John Tiercelin⁠[409], Lord of Brosse; but this did not satisfy the doctor, so that there were great intrigues carried on by all sides during this siege. The king endeavoured to make peace with the Duke of Burgundy, or at least to prolong the truce, to prevent the English from landing: the King of England, on the other hand, tried to persuade the duke to raise the siege before Nuz, and (according to his engagement) to make war upon France, for the winter began to approach; on which errand the Lord Scales (nephew to the constable, and a very good knight) was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke; but the duke was perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the English over to invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all things prepared to receive them, both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him to succeed.

There was at that time with the emperor an apostolic legate⁠[410], who passed daily from one camp to the other, to negotiate a peace. The King of Denmark also, being quartered in a small town⁠[411] not far from the two armies, endeavoured the same; so that the Duke of Burgundy might have had honourable terms, and marched off to the King of England, but he would not accept of them. He excused himself as handsomely as he could to the English, telling them that his honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to raise the siege; and such like excuses. These were not the English who had reigned in his father’s days, and had behaved themselves with so much valour and conduct in the old wars with France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with French affairs; so that the duke did very unwisely, if he had any design to make use of them for the future, for he would have had to lead them on, as it were, step by step, at least during the first campaign.

The Duke of Burgundy’s perverse resolution to continue the siege of Nuz occasioned two or three other wars to break out upon him. The Lord of Craon, for the advantage of the king’s affairs, persuaded the Duke of Lorraine⁠[412] that it would turn highly to his advantage to quarrel with the Duke of Burgundy in this present juncture; though he was in perfect amity with him, and had been in treaty with him since the death of Duke Nicholas of Calabria, yet he sent him a defiance (by means of the Lord of Craon) as he lay in his camp before Nuz; and immediately he took the field, invaded the duchy of Luxembourg, committed great ravages in the country, and razed a town called Pierre-fort⁠[413], in the said province, not above two leagues from Nancy. Moreover, by the conduct and management of the king and his ambassadors, a ten years’ alliance was concluded between the Swiss and the towns upon the Rhine (as Basle, Strasburg, and others) who had been at enmity before.

A peace was likewise made between Sigismund, Duke of Austria, and the Swiss, in order to facilitate his recovery of the county of Ferrette, which he had engaged to the Duke of Burgundy for 100,000 florins of the Rhine; but one thing remained in dispute between them still, for the Swiss pressed hard to have passage when they pleased (either with their arms or without) through four towns in the county of Ferrette; and it being referred to the king⁠[414], he decided in favour of the Swiss.

All things being resolved on, they were executed accordingly; for, in a fair night, Peter Archambault⁠[415], the governor of the county of Ferrette for the Duke of Burgundy, was surprised, and 800 men with him; the men were all immediately discharged, but the governor was detained and carried prisoner to Basle, where process being made against him for certain excesses and violences which he had committed in the said county of Ferrette⁠[416], his head was struck off, and the county restored to Sigismund, Duke of Austria. Then the Swiss began to make war upon the Duke of Burgundy, and took Blasmond⁠[417], belonging to the Marshal of Burgundy, who was of the house of Neufchastel. They also besieged the castle of Herycourt⁠[418], belonging also to the house of Neufchastel; the Burgundians attempted to relieve it, but were beaten, and a great number of them killed; after which the Swiss did much mischief, ravaged the whole country, and then retired for that time.

Ch. III.—How the King took from the Duke of Burgundy the Castle of Tronquoy, with the Towns of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, and the Endeavours he used to persuade the Emperor Frederick to seize upon such Towns as belonged to the Duke in the Empire.—1475.

The truce between the king and the Duke of Burgundy now expired⁠[419], to the king’s no small regret, for he had much rather have renewed it; but finding it was impossible to be done, he besieged a little castle called Tronquoy, in the beginning of the summer of 1475, and took it by assault in a few hours’ time. The next day⁠[420] the king sent me to parley with the garrison of Montdidier, who marched away with their baggage, and abandoned the town. The day after I was sent with the Admiral of France, Bastard of Bourbon, to capitulate with Roye, which, despairing of relief, surrendered to the king.⁠[421] They would neither of them have submitted, had the Duke of Burgundy been in the country, for which reason, though contrary to our promise, both of them were burnt; from thence the king marched with his army to Corbie, where he was expected. We carried on our approaches very well, and fired from our batteries for three days successively. In the town there were the Lord of Contay⁠[422], and several other officers, who surrendered at last⁠[423], and marched out with their baggage; two days after, the poor town was plundered, and then burnt, as the other two had been.

The king at this time had some thoughts of retiring with his army, supposing the necessity of the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs would have put him upon a new truce; but a certain lady (whom I know, but will not name, because she is still living) wrote to the king to desire his majesty to march with his army to Arras, and the country thereabouts. The king believed her, for she was a person of honour; yet I cannot commend her for it, because she was under no obligation to do it; but the king, however, sent thither the Admiral Bastard of Bourbon with a strong detachment⁠[424], who burnt a great many of their towns between Abbeville and Arras. The citizens of Arras, having enjoyed a long series of peace and prosperity, and being grown haughty and arrogant, compelled their garrison to make a sally; but being too weak for the king’s party, when they came to charge, they were most of them taken or killed, especially their officers, and among the rest Monsieur Jacques de St. Paul, brother to the constable, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Carency⁠[425], and some of the nearest relations to the lady who was the occasion of that undertaking; and indeed she herself was a great sufferer by it, but the king made her handsome reparation for the loss she had sustained.

About this time the king had sent John Tiercelin, Lord of Brosse, on an embassy to the emperor, to prevent any accommodation between him and the Duke of Burgundy, and to excuse him to the emperor for not having sent his forces according to his promise. His ambassador was to assure his imperial majesty that, for the future, he would be more punctual, and to magnify his incursions and exploits, as well against the Duke of Burgundy’s own country, as against the country of Picardy. Besides which, he was to make a new proposal, that they should mutually engage and swear, one to the other, to make no peace nor truce without the knowledge and consent of both; that the emperor should seize and take all such lordships as belonged, or ought to belong, to the said Duke of Burgundy, in the empire, and declare them forfeited; upon which terms the king would possess himself of all that the duke held of the crown of France, as Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, and the rest. The emperor was never accounted valiant in his life, but being old he had seen much, and had a great deal of experience; and these treaties and contrivances between him and the king having taken up much time, the emperor by degrees grew weary of the war, though it had cost him nothing, for the German princes were all at their own charges, as their custom is, whenever the common interest of the empire is concerned.

By way of answer to the king’s ambassadors, the emperor told them the following story: Not far from a certain town in Germany there was a great bear, that did a great deal of mischief; two or three boon companions who used often to drink together, came to a tavern, where they had run up a large reckoning before, and desired the landlord that he would give them credit but for that one reckoning, and before two days were at an end they would wipe off all scores, for they were resolved to kill that bear which had done so much mischief, and whose skin would yield them a great deal of money, besides all the presents that would come in to them for the service they had done the country in destroying that ravenous beast. Their landlord trusted them once more, and when they had dined, away they marched in search of the bear. Her den happening to be nearer than they supposed it was, they stumbled upon the bear before they expected, and, being all three in great consternation, they took to their heels; one ran towards the town, the other climbed up a tree, but the third was overtaken, and, having fallen down, the bear trampled upon him with her feet, and ran her snout into his ear. The poor man had thrown himself flat on the ground, and lay in a posture as if he were dead. Now, it is the nature of that beast to suppose that whatever prey it seizes upon, whether man or beast, is dead when it perceives no further motion, and it then lets it alone. Accordingly, this bear went away to her den, without doing him any hurt. By degrees the poor man began to look up, and finding the enemy retired, he got upon his legs, and ran as fast as he could to the town. His companion that had taken refuge in the tree, having seen the whole mystery, came down with all speed, ran and hallooed after him, desiring him to stop; so he turned back very civilly, and stayed till he came up. When he who had been on the tree had overtaken him, he asked his companion, upon oath, what counsel it was which the bear was so long in whispering into his ear. His comrade replied, “she charged me never for the future to sell the bear’s skin till the beast was dead.” And with this story the king’s ambassador was despatched, for the emperor gave him no other answer in public; the meaning of which was, “That if the king came according to his promise, they would take the duke if they could; and when he was taken, they would talk of dividing his dominions.”

Ch. IV.—How the Constable fell again under the Suspicion both of the King and of the Duke of Burgundy.—1475.

You have already heard that Monsieur James de St. Paul and other officers were taken prisoners in the action before Arras, which was an accident very unpleasing to the constable, for James was his favourite brother. But this misfortune came not alone; for almost at the same time⁠[426] his son, the Count of Roussy (Governor of Burgundy for the duke) was taken prisoner likewise; and not long after died the constable’s wife⁠[427], an excellent lady, and sister to the Queen of France, upon which account he found much favour and support; for the combination (which, as you have heard, was for some time interrupted at Bouvines) was still carried on against him; and the constable never thought himself safe afterwards, but was held in perpetual suspicion by both sides, but more especially by the king, for he was sensible his majesty repented of having withdrawn his articles at Bouvines.

The Count of Dammartin, with others, was quartered with his men-at-arms in the neighbourhood of St. Quentin; and the constable was afraid of them, as if they had been enemies, and threw 300 of his own troops into that town, and stayed amongst them himself, for he had no confidence in the king’s forces, but lived in continual anxiety and disquiet of mind. The king sent several messages with orders to him to take the field and march into Hainault, and besiege Avesnes at the same time that the admiral with his detachment made an incursion into Artois, which he did, but with incredible fear. He had not lain many days before the town, with a strong guard about his person, before he retired to St. Quentin again, and sent the king word (which message, by the king’s order, was delivered to me) that he had raised the siege upon certain information that there were two persons in the army employed by the king to assassinate him; and he told so many circumstances to confirm it, that most people began to believe it, and one of the persons was suspected of having revealed something to him, that he ought to have kept secret. I will not name the persons, nor make any further mention of this matter.

The constable sent frequently into the Duke of Burgundy’s quarters (and I think his object was to divert him from this foolish expedition); and upon the return of his agents, he always sent some news or other to the king, which he imagined would greatly please his majesty, and withal acquainted him with his design in sending so often to the duke, by which artifice he thought to amuse and cajole the king. Sometimes, also, he sent to let the king know that the Duke of Burgundy’s affairs were in a very prosperous condition; but it was only to frighten him; and so fearful was he of being surprised, that he begged the Duke of Burgundy to send to him his brother James de St. Paul (before his capture), the Lord of Fiennes⁠[428], and other of his relations (who were then with the duke at the siege of Nuz), and that he would allow him to put them and their troops into St. Quentin (but without the cross of St. Andrew, which is the badge and cognisance of the house of Burgundy); and he promised to keep St. Quentin for the duke, and in a little time to deliver up the town entirely to him; and for better security offered to promise this under his hand. The Duke of Burgundy granted his request; but when his brother James, the Lord of Fiennes, and the rest of his relations, came twice within a league or two of St. Quentin, and were ready to enter, his fear vanished, he repented, and sent them back from whence they came; and on a third occasion he did so again; such was his desire to carry his affairs swimmingly between both parties, and preserve himself in the position he was in, for he exceedingly feared them both.

These passages I learned from several persons, and particularly from the mouth of Monsieur James de St. Paul, who, when he was prisoner, told them to the king, when nobody was present but myself, and the sincerity of his answers was very serviceable to him. The king demanded of him what number of troops he designed to have put into the town. He told his majesty that, on the third occasion, he had 3000. Then the king asked him if he had succeeded, and entered the town, for whom he would have kept it? whether for him or for the constable? Monsieur James de St. Paul replied, that on the first two occasions he came only to encourage his brother; but the third time, having observed that his brother had twice before deceived both his master and his majesty, if he had found his party the strongest, he would have kept it for his master, but without any violence or detriment to his brother; only if he had commanded him to evacuate the town, he would have disobeyed his orders. Not long after this private conference, the king released Monsieur James, gave him men-at-arms and a large estate, and employed him afterwards in several affairs as long as he lived; and all because of the freedom and sincerity of his answers.

Since I began to speak of Nuz, I have intermingled several occurrences, which, however, were coincident; for the siege continued a year⁠[429], and they happened during that time. There were two things which mightily tempted the Duke of Burgundy to raise the siege: one was the war which the King of France had begun against him in Picardy, in which he had burnt three pretty little towns⁠[430], and wasted a good part of the flat country in Artois and Ponthieu; the other was the great army which, at his request and solicitation, the King of England had raised; for he had been importuning him all his life long to invade France, and could never effect it till now. The King of England and all his nobility were highly discontented at the Duke of Burgundy’s delays, and added threats to their entreaties; as they had reason, for they had been at a prodigious expense in raising an army, and the best part of the season was almost spent. The Duke of Burgundy thought it highly for his honour that so puissant an army as the emperor’s (consisting of the forces of so many princes, prelates, and states), which amounted to a greater number than had been assembled together since the memory of man, and for a long time previously, were not able to force him to raise the siege. But he paid dearly for his vanity; for the man who makes profit by a war, bears away all the honour of it. However, the legate I mentioned before continued his good offices on both sides so long, that at length a peace⁠[431] was concluded between the Emperor and the Duke of Burgundy, and Nuz was delivered into the hands of the Pope’s legate, to be disposed of as his Holiness should direct. But to what extremity must the Duke of Burgundy have been reduced, to see himself pressed so hard by the French forces on one side, and the English menaces on the other; especially at a time when Nuz was reduced to such a miserable condition, that in fifteen days they must have surrendered unconditionally, or starved? Nay, I was told by a captain who was then in the town, and whom the king afterwards took into his service, that it could not have held out ten days longer; and yet for these urgent reasons the Duke of Burgundy was forced to raise the siege in 1475.

Ch. V.—How the King of England passed the Sea with a powerful Army to assist his Ally, the Duke of Burgundy, against the King of France, to whom he sent a Defiance by one of his Heralds-at-arms.—1475.

But to proceed. The King of England, in order to embark for Calais⁠[432], had marched down to Dover with an army; the most numerous, the best disciplined, the best mounted, and the best armed, that ever any king of that nation invaded France withal. He was attended by the flower of the English nobility, consisting of 1500 men-at-arms, richly accoutred after the French fashion, well mounted, and most of them barded, and every one of them had several persons on horseback in his retinue. His archers were 15,000, on horseback, with their bows and arrows, besides a great number of foot soldiers, and others to pitch his tents and pavilions, take care of the artillery, and enclose his camp; and there was not one page in the whole army; besides which, there was a body of 3000 men who were to be landed in Bretagne. I have already mentioned this before, but however, it is not impertinent to do it again, if it were for no other reason but to show, that, if the providence of God had not, by peculiar mercy to this kingdom (which He has preserved more graciously than any other in the world), infatuated the Duke of Burgundy’s understanding, no one could ever have believed that he would be so blind to his own interest as to invest, and obstinately to carry on the siege of, a town so strongly fortified and so bravely defended as Nuz was; and especially at that juncture, when he had at last prevailed upon the English, after many importunities, to pass the seas, and invade France in conjunction with him; a thing that he had been labouring at all his life-time, but could never effect till now. Besides, he knew that the troops of that nation were at present of little importance in his wars with France, and if he expected any real assistance from them afterwards, it was necessary he should have made one campaign with them at least, to have acquainted and instructed them in the method of our wars; for though no nation is more raw and undisciplined than the English at their first coming over, yet a little time makes them brave soldiers, excellent officers, and wise councillors. But the duke did just the contrary, and, among the rest of the disadvantages that followed, the summer was almost spent, and his own army so diminished and fatigued, that he was ashamed they should be seen; for he had lost before Nuz 4000 of his standing forces, the very flower of his army; by which one may see how God disposed him to act in this affair contrary to his reason and interest, which he understood better than any one else ten years before.

The King of England being at Dover, ready to embark, the Duke of Burgundy sent him 500 Dutch boats, which were flat and low, and very proper for the transportation of horses (which boats, in Holland and Zealand, are called scuts); yet, notwithstanding that vast number, and all that the king could provide of his own, the embarking and landing his forces at Calais occupied three weeks, though the distance between Dover and that place is but seven leagues. From whence one may observe with what prodigious difficulty the Kings of England transport their armies into France; and if the King of France had understood the sea as well as he did land affairs, King Edward could never have landed in France, at least that year; but his majesty had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he gave authority in war knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, belonging to Eu, took two or three of their transports.

Before the King of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his heralds, named Garter, a native of Normandy, to the King of France, with a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in such polite language, that I can scarcely believe any Englishman⁠[433] wrote it.

The contents were, that our king should surrender to the King of England the kingdom of France as his right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve them from the great oppression and burdens they groaned under; and if he refused, he declared all the ensuing miseries and calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such occasions. The King of France read the letter to himself, and then, wisely withdrawing into another room, commanded the herald to be called in; he then told him that he was very sensible his master had not made this descent upon any disposition of his own, but at the importunity of the Duke of Burgundy and of the Commons of England; that it was visible the summer was far spent, and the Duke of Burgundy returned from Nuz, but in such a weak and miserable condition, that he would not be in a capacity to assist him; that, as to the constable, he was satisfied he held intelligence with the King of England (for he had married his niece), but there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would deceive King Edward, as he had often deceived him; and having enumerated the favours which he had conferred upon him, he added, “His design is to live in eternal dissimulation, to treat with everybody, and to make his advantage of all.” Besides which the king used several other arguments to induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him, gave him 300 crowns with his own hand, and promised him 1000 more upon the conclusion of the peace; and then, in public, his majesty ordered him to be presented with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in length.

The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master would not be averse to it; but there was no making any proposals, till he was landed with his whole army in France, and then, if his majesty pleased, he might send a herald to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind to send any to him; but withal he desired his majesty to address letters to the Lords Howard⁠[434] or Stanley⁠[435], and also to himself, that he might introduce his herald.

There were abundance of people attending without, during the king’s private discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the king would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. When he had done, he called me, and charged me to entertain the herald, till he ordered him an escort, that I might keep him from talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which the king addressed himself to the rest of the company, gave them an account of his letters of defiance, and calling seven or eight of them apart, he ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was much revived by what he had learned from the herald.

Ch. VI.—Of the Trouble and Perplexity of the Constable, and of certain Letters he wrote to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which afterwards were partly the Cause of his Death.—1475.

I here must say a word or two concerning the constable, who was in great perplexity for the trick which he had played the Duke of Burgundy about St. Quentin; and he now looked upon himself as quite ruined in the king’s favour, who had already drawn away from him the Lords of Genly⁠[436] and of Moüy (two of his principal servants), though the Lord of Moüy went to visit him sometimes. The king very earnestly desired the constable to come to him, and offered him certain recompenses which he demanded for the county of Guise, and which the king had formerly promised him; the constable was willing to come, but required that the king should swear upon the cross of St. Lou of Angers⁠[437] neither to do, nor consent that any mischief should be done to his person; insisting, that his majesty might as well take this oath to him now, as he had formerly done to the Lord of Lescut.⁠[438] The king replied, that he would never take that oath again for any man whatever; but let him propose any other, and he would take it. You must understand that both constable and king were in great uneasiness and perplexity of mind; so that for a good while together there was not a day passed, but somebody or other went between them to settle this oath. And to a thoughtful man it is a great instance of the misery and infelicity of human life, that we should speak and write so many things contrary to our minds, as if it were done on purpose to shorten it. But if these two I have mentioned were full of cares and anxieties, the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy had their share of trouble also.

The King of England’s landing at Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy’s raising the siege of Nuz, occurred much about the same time. The duke, with long journeys (but a small retinue), came directly to wait on the King of England⁠[439] at Calais, having sent his army (shattered and fatigued, as you have heard) into the countries of Barrois and Lorraine to plunder, and refresh themselves: for you have already heard that the Duke of Lorraine had begun war upon him, and defied him before Nuz. This was a great oversight (among the rest) of which he was guilty in respect to the English, who expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least 2500 men-at-arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot (as the duke had promised)⁠[440]; and that he should have opened the campaign in France three months before their descent, that they might have found the king either tired of the war, or in great distress: but, as you have heard before, God Almighty prevented it. The King of England, accompanied by the Duke of Burgundy, went from Calais to Boulogne, and from thence to Peronne, where the duke entertained the English but coldly; for he ordered the gates to be shut, and suffered very few to come into the town, and the rest had to encamp in the fields, which they were the better able to endure, because they had tents, and were well provided with all things necessary upon such an occasion.

They were no sooner arrived at Peronne, but the constable despatched one of his servants (called Louis de Creville) to make his excuse to the Duke of Burgundy for not having delivered St. Quentin, pretending that if he had done so, he would have been for ever disabled from serving him any further in the kingdom of France, for he would have thereby lost all his credit and influence in that nation. But now the King of England was come, he would act hereafter according to the Duke of Burgundy’s directions; and for greater assurance, the messenger delivered him a letter to the King of England, in which the constable seemed to refer the character of his integrity to the Duke of Burgundy’s testimony. Besides this, the Duke of Burgundy received another sealed up and addressed to himself, in which the constable made strong professions of friendship and service to the duke, and that he would assist him and his allies (and particularly the King of England) against all persons and princes whatever. The Duke of Burgundy gave the letter to the King of England, and acquainted him with the contents of his own, exaggerating a little, and assuring the king that the constable would receive him into St. Quentin, and all the rest of the towns; and the king really believed it, because he had married the constable’s niece, and he thought him so terribly afraid of the King of France, that he would not venture to break his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the Duke of Burgundy less credulous than King Edward. But neither the perplexities of the constable, nor his dread of the King of France, had as yet carried him so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them (according to his custom), and lay before them such plausible reasons as might prevail upon them not to force him to declare himself openly. The King of England and his nobility were not so well skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of this kingdom, but went more bluntly and ingenuously about their affairs; so that they were not so sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side the water. The English that have never travelled are naturally passionate, as the people are generally in all cold countries. Our kingdom (as you see) is neither pierced with cold, nor scorched with the sun, being bounded on the east by Italy, Spain, and Catalonia; on the west, by Flanders and Holland; and by Germany on the south, all along the country of Champagne; so that part of our country being hot, and part of it cold, our people are of two complexions; but in my judgment, there is no country in the whole universe better situated than France.

The King of England (who perhaps had had some promises made him before, but not to so great an extent as now) being overjoyed at the news he received from the constable, set out with the Duke of Burgundy and his small retinue (for the main body of his army had marched into Barrois and Lorraine, as I have said) from Peronne towards St. Quentin. A party of English (not having patience to march with the army) had gone forward, expecting (as I was told some few days after) that the citizens would have ordered the bells to be rung for joy at their approach, and that they would have met them with the usual ceremony of the cross and holy water. But they were mightily mistaken; for they no sooner came in sight of the town, than the great guns were fired upon them, and a strong body of horse and foot sallied out to engage them; in which action two or three English were killed, and some few taken prisoners. It happened to be a terrible rainy day, yet they were forced to march through it, and retire to their army, much out of humour with the constable, and calling him a traitor. The Duke of Burgundy was resolved to take his leave the next morning of the King of England (which was a strange thing, considering it was upon his importunity that he had undertaken this expedition), and return to his forces in Barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the English; but the English being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an ill opinion of their ally, and could not believe he had any army at all; besides, the Duke of Burgundy could not satisfy them as to the constable’s manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the Duke of Burgundy’s arguments could not pacify them, and being disheartened at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more inclinable to peace than war.

Ch. VII.—How the King of France disguised one of his menial Servants in a Herald’s Coat, and sent him with a Message to the King of England, who gave him a favourable Answer.—1475.

In the meantime, even at the very moment of the duke’s taking his leave, the English took a gentleman’s servant belonging to the King of France’s court, named James de Grassé.⁠[441] This servant was brought immediately before the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy; and being ordered into a tent, after some slight examination of him, the Duke of Burgundy took his leave, and set out by the way of Brabant for Mazières⁠[442], where part of his army lay. The King of England ordered the servant to be released, as being the first prisoner they had taken. Upon his departure, the Lords Howard and Stanley gave him a noble, and desired him “to present their most humble service to the king his master, when he had an opportunity of speaking to him.” The servant came with all speed to Compiègne (where the court was at that time) to give the king an account of their message; but his majesty was afraid of him, and suspected him to be a spy, because his master’s brother Gilbert de Grassé⁠[443] was then in Bretagne, and a great favourite of that duke. The servant had irons clapped upon him immediately, and a guard was set to watch him that night; yet several courtiers talked with him by the king’s orders, and told his majesty that by his discourse he seemed a very honest fellow, and that he might venture to see him without any manner of danger.

Upon these assurances, the next morning the king spoke with him himself; and, after he had discoursed with him a little while, he ordered his irons to be knocked off, but kept him still in custody: from thence the king went to dinner, full of thought and consultation, whether he had best send to the King of England or not. Before he sat down to the table he spoke something of it to me, for his way was (as you know, my Lord of Vienne) to speak privately and familiarly with those who were about him, as I was then, and others have been since; and he had a strange fancy to whisper into people’s ears. He was thinking upon what the King of England’s herald had told him, that he should send to the King of England for a passport for his ambassadors, as soon as that prince had landed, and that his negotiation should be addressed to the Lords Howard and Stanley. As soon as he was sat down, and had considered a little, according to his custom (which to those who were unacquainted with his fancy seemed strange, and might induce them to believe he was a prince of no great wisdom, but that his actions declared the contrary), he whispered me in the ear, and bade me rise and go dine in my chamber, and send for a servant⁠[444] belonging to the Lord des Halles⁠[445], who was son to Merichon⁠[446] of Rochelle, and ask him whether he would venture with a message into the King of England’s army, in the habit of a herald. I obeyed his orders, and was much astonished at the sight of the servant, for he seemed to me neither of a stature nor aspect fit for such an undertaking; yet his judgment was good (as I found afterwards), and his manner of expressing himself tolerable enough; but the king had never talked with him but once. The poor man was confounded at the proposal, and fell down upon his knees before me, as one that thought himself ruined and undone. I did all I could to encourage him, and told him he should have money for his pains, and a place in the Isle of Ré; and for his greater assurance, I persuaded him that the English had made the first overture themselves. I made him dine with me, and (there being nobody but he and I, and one servant that waited) by degrees I gave him instructions what he was to do, and how he was to behave himself in this affair.

Not long after, the king sent for me, and I gave him a relation of what had passed, and recommended others to him, who, in my opinion, were more proper for his design; but he would employ no other, and went and talked with him himself, and animated him more with one word than I could do with a hundred. There came along with the king into my chamber only the Lord de Villiers⁠[447], at that time Master of the Horse, and now Bailiff of Caen. When the king had sufficiently prepared and encouraged his man, he sent the Master of the Horse for the banner of a trumpeter to make his herald a coat of arms, for the king was not so stately or vain as to have either herald or trumpeter in his train, as other princes have; wherefore the master of the horse and one of my servants made up the coat of arms as well as they could; and having fetched a scutcheon from a little herald (called Plein Chemin, in the service of the Admiral of France), they fastened it about him, sent for his boots and his cloak privately, and his horse being got ready, he mounted, and nobody perceived him, with a bag or budget at the bow of his saddle, in which his coat of arms was put; and having been well instructed what he was to say, away he went directly to the English army.

Upon his arrival in his herald’s coat, he was immediately stopped, and carried to the King of England’s tent; being asked his business, he told them he was come with a message from the King of France to the King of England, and had orders to address himself to the Lords Howard and Stanley. He was carried into a tent to dinner, and very civilly entertained. After the King of England had dined, he sent for the herald, who told him that his errand was to acquaint his majesty, that the King of France for a long time had had a desire to be at amity with him, that both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy the blessing of peace; that since his accession to the crown of France, he never had made war, or attempted anything against him or his kingdom; and as for having entertained the Earl of Warwick formerly, he said he had done that more in opposition to the Duke of Burgundy than out of any quarrel with King Edward. Then he went on to state that the Duke of Burgundy had invited him over, only in order to make his own terms the better with the King of France; and if others had joined with him, it was only to secure themselves against their former offences, or to advance their own private affairs; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard the interest of the King of England, provided they had attained their own ends. He represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charge the King of England had been at, and that he knew there were in England many, both of the nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side the water; yet if the King of England should be inclined to a treaty, his master would not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and to his subjects; and if the King of England had a mind to be more particularly informed of these matters, if he would give him a passport for 100 horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or if the king should think it more proper to depute certain commissioners, and let them have a conference together in some village between the two armies, he would willingly consent, and send them a passport.

The King of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased with these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his desire, and having been presented with four nobles in money, he was attended by a herald from the King of England to obtain the King of France’s passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the part of the King of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, the Lord of St. Pierre⁠[448], and the Bishop of Evreux, called Heberge. On the King of England’s side⁠[449], there were the Lord Howard, one Chalanger⁠[450], and one Doctor Morton⁠[451], who is at present Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canterbury.

Some people (I believe) will think this too great a condescension in our king; but the wiser sort may see, by what I have said before, that his kingdom was in great danger, had not God himself supported it by disposing the king to so fortunate a resolution, and infatuating the Duke of Burgundy’s understanding so as to make him commit so many irreparable errors, and lose that by his own obstinacy which he had been endeavouring so long to obtain. We had, besides, many private intrigues and secret cabals among us, which would have produced great and speedy troubles to this nation, as well in the direction of Bretagne, as of other places, had not the king consented to this peace: so that what I have often said before, I must once again repeat and confirm, that I do certainly believe, by what I have seen in my time, that God has a particular and more than ordinary care of the preservation of this kingdom.

Ch. VIII.—How a Truce for nine Years was negotiated between the Kings of France and England, notwithstanding the Difficulties and Impediments interposed by the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy.—1475.

As you have heard, our ambassadors met on the day after the return of our herald, for we were within four leagues of one another, or even less. Our herald was well treated, and had his money, and the office in the Isle of Ré, where he was born. Many overtures passed between our ambassadors. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the crown of France, and by degrees they fell to Normandy and Guienne; our commissioners replied as became them: so that the demand was well urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very first day of the treaty, there was great prospect of an accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to reasonable proposals: our commissioners came back, and the others returned to their camp. The king was informed of their demands, and the final resolution⁠[452] was, to have 72,000 crowns paid them down before they left the kingdom; a marriage was to be concluded between our present king and the eldest daughter⁠[453] of King Edward, who is now Queen of England, and for her maintenance either the duchy of Guienne was to be assigned⁠[454], or a pension of 50,000 crowns, to be paid annually during nine years, in the Tower of London; at the end of which term, the present king and his queen were to enjoy quietly the whole revenue of Guienne, and our king was to be discharged from paying the pension for the future. There were several other articles; but, as they were of no great weight or importance, I shall pass them over; only this I shall add that in this peace, which was to continue nine⁠[455] years between the two crowns, the allies on both sides were to be comprehended if they pleased, and the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne were named expressly by the English. The King of England offered (which was strange) to make a discovery of some persons who (as he said) were traitors to our king and his crown, and to produce proofs of their treason under their own hands.

King Louis was extremely pleased with the progress that our commissioners had made in this affair. He held a council to consult what measures to take, and I was present at it: some were of opinion all this was but a trick and artifice in the English: but the king was of another mind, and he inferred it from the time of the year (it being pretty near winter), and their being unprovided with any place for a secure quarter; as also from the delays and disappointments which they had suffered from the Duke of Burgundy, who had (as it were) forsaken them already; and as for the Constable, he was well assured he would not deliver up any of his towns, for the king sent every hour to entertain and wheedle him, and prevent him from doing any harm. Besides, our king was perfectly acquainted with the King of England’s temper, and that he loved to indulge himself in ease and pleasures: so that, by consequence, it plainly appeared that his majesty spoke more wisely, and had a better judgment of these affairs, than any of his council. Whereupon he resolved to raise the money with all expedition, and after debating the means of raising it, it was resolved it should be done by a loan, and that every one should advance something for greater despatch. The king declared he would do anything in the world to get the King of England out of France, except putting any of his towns into his possession; for rather than do that, he would hazard all.

The Constable began to perceive these intrigues, to fear he had offended all parties, and to be jealous of the designs which he knew had been concluded against him at Bouvines; for which reason he sent very frequently to the king. At this very hour there arrived at court a servant of the Constable’s, named Louis de Creville, and one of his secretaries, named John Richer, who are both still alive, who were ordered by the king to deliver their message to the Lord du Bouchage and to me. The message which they brought to the king pleased his majesty extremely; for he resolved to make his advantage of it, as you shall hear. The Lord of Contay, who (as I have already mentioned) was a servant to the Duke of Burgundy, had not long since been taken prisoner before Arras; and he travelled upon his parole between the duke and the king, who had promised him not only his liberty, but a considerable sum of money, if he could dispose his master to a peace. It happened that he was just returned from waiting on the Duke of Burgundy the very day the two gentlemen above mentioned arrived from the Constable. The king caused the Lord of Contay and myself to hide ourselves behind a great old screen that stood in his chamber, that the Lord of Contay might hear and report to the Duke of Burgundy the language with which the Constable and his creatures treated him. The king seated himself upon a stool near the screen, that we might more distinctly hear what the said Louis de Creville (with whom none of the king’s servants except the Lord du Bouchage were admitted) had to say; and he and his colleague began their discourse, telling the king that their master had sent them lately to wait on the Duke of Burgundy, and that they had used many arguments to induce him to a rupture with the English, and that they had found him in so great a passion against the King of England, that they were in a fair way to prevail upon him, not only to abandon, but also to fall upon and destroy his army, in their retreat; and to please the king the more, as he thought, when he spoke those words, Louis de Creville, in imitation of the Duke of Burgundy, stamped with his foot, swore by St. George, called the King of England Blancborgne, the son of an archer who bore his name, with as many invectives besides, as could possibly be used against any man. The king pretended to be highly pleased at the relation, and desired him to tell him it over again, and to raise his voice, for of late he was grown a little deaf; De Creville was not backward, but began again, and acted it to the life.

The Lord of Contay, who was with me behind the screen, was the most surprised person in the world, and all the arguments that could have been used could never have made him believe it, had he not overheard it himself. In the conclusion, they advised his majesty, in order to prevent the imminent danger that threatened his affairs, to make a truce; and promised that the Constable should do all that lay in his power to forward the negotiation; and, to satisfy the English in some measure, they proposed that the king should give them a small town or two for their winter quarters, which could not be so bad but they would be glad of them; yet, naming no towns, it was presumed they intended St. Valery and Eu. By this means the Constable thought to reconcile himself to the English, and expiate the affront which he had put upon them by refusing to admit them into his towns. The king, having sufficiently acted his part, and made the Lord of Contay hear every word that was spoken, gave them no uncivil answer, but only told them that he would send to his brother, and give him an account of his affairs; and then they took their leave, and withdrew.

One of them swore to the king, that whatever secret he might be intrusted with that concerned his majesty’s affairs, he would certainly discover it to him. The king could scarce dissemble his resentment at their advising him to give the English the towns; but, fearing lest it might provoke the Constable to do worse, he would not make such a reply as might lead them to suspect that he disliked the proposition; but he sent a messenger of his own to the Constable, for the way was but short, and it took up no great time to go thither and return. When the ambassadors were gone out, the Lord of Contay and I came from behind the screen, and found the king very pleasant, and laughing heartily; but the Lord of Contay was out of all patience to hear such fellows speak so disrespectfully of his master the Duke of Burgundy, especially considering the great transactions which were at that time pending between the Constable and him. The Lord of Contay was impatient to be on horseback, and to make a relation of it to his master; and he therefore was immediately despatched, with a copy of instructions written with his own hand, and a letter of credence under the king’s hand.

Our negotiation with the English was already concluded, as you have heard, and all these intrigues were carried on at one time. The King of France’s commissioners, who had had a conference with the English, reported their proposals, and the King of England’s envoys returned to their camp. At last it was agreed upon by the ambassadors on both sides, that the two kings should have an interview, and swear mutually to the performance of the articles; after which the King of England should return into his own country, upon the receipt of 72,000 crowns, and that the Lord Howard and Sir John Chene⁠[456], his Master of the Horse, should be left as hostages till he was arrived in England. Lastly, a pension of 16,000 crowns a year was promised to the privy councillors of the King of England—viz., to the Lord Hastings, 2000 crowns a year, who would never give an acquittance for it⁠[457]; to the Chancellor⁠[458], 2000; and the rest to the Lord Howard, the Master of the Horse, Chalanger, Sir Thomas Montgomery⁠[459], and several others; besides a great deal of ready money and plate that was distributed among the rest of the King of England’s retinue.

The Duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxemburg, having notice of these proceedings, came in mighty haste⁠[460] to the King of England, attended only with sixteen horse in his retinue. The King of England was extremely surprised at his unexpected arrival, and demanded what it was that brought him thither, for he saw by his countenance that he was angry. The duke told him he was come to discourse with him. The King of England asked whether it should be in public or private? Then the duke asked him if he had made a peace; the king told him, he had made a truce for nine years, in which the Duke of Bretagne and himself were comprehended, and he desired they would accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to commemorate the glorious achievements of his predecessors on the throne of England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains, nor declined any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and told the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of recovering their own right and inheritance; and to convince them he could subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the truce till the king had been three months in England⁠[461]; and having delivered himself after this manner, he took his leave of the king, and returned to Luxemburg. The King of England and his council were extremely displeased with his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it.

Ch. IX.—How the King entertained the English in Amiens, and of the Place appointed for the Interview of the two Kings.—1475.

In order to bring the peace to a conclusion, the King of England advanced within half a league of Amiens, and the King of France being upon one of the gates⁠[462], saw his army marching at a great distance. To speak impartially, his troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king sent the King of England 300 cartloads of the best wines in France as a present; and I think the carts made as great an appearance as the whole English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without the least regard to their prince’s honour; for they entered the town all armed, and in great companies, so that if the King of France could have dispensed with his oath, never was there so handsome an opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty’s design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that might continue during his reign. The king had ordered two large tables to be placed on each side of the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of food most proper to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the richest that France could produce; and abundance of servants to wait on them, but not a drop of water was drunk. At each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to entertain those that had a mind to take a hearty glass; amongst these were the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Briquebec⁠[463], the Lord of Bressure⁠[464], the Lord de Villiers, and several others. Those English who were within sight of the gate, saw the entertainment, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take their horses by the bridles, and lead them to the tables, where every man was treated handsomely as he came, in his turn, to their very great satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, where they had whatever they had a mind to call for, without paying for it, according to the King of France’s orders, who bore all the expense of that entertainment, which lasted three or four days.

You have already heard how dissatisfied the Duke of Burgundy was with the truce, but the Constable was much more so; for having deceived all parties, he could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He sent therefore his confessor to the King of England with letters of credence to this purpose, to desire him for God’s sake not to depend on the oaths and promises of the King of France, but for the present to accept of Eu and St. Valery for his winter quarters, for in two months time he would manage affairs so as that his troops should be better accommodated; but he said nothing about security, he only gave him great hopes: and lest the want of money should have forced the king to consent to this truce, he offered to lend him 50,000 crowns, and made him several other fair proposals besides. By this time the King of France had ordered the two towns of Eu and St. Valery to be burnt, because the Constable had proposed to deliver them up to the English, and the English were informed of it. However, the King of England returned this answer to the Constable, that the truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but if he had performed his promise, it had never been made. Which answer stung the Constable to the very soul, and made him desperate on all sides.

I have already given you an account of the king’s noble entertainment of the English at Amiens. One night the Lord of Torcy⁠[465] came to the king, and told him their numbers in the town were so considerable, that he apprehended there might be some danger in it but his majesty was angry with him for it, so everybody else was silent. The next day was Childermas-day, on which the king neither spoke himself, nor permitted any one else to apply to him about business, but took it as an ill omen, and would be very pettish when any such thing was proposed, especially by those who waited on him, and knew his temper. However, on the morning I speak of, when the king was dressed, and had gone in to his devotions, one came to me with news that there were at least 9,000 English in the town. I resolved to risk his displeasure, and acquaint him with this fact; whereupon, entering into his closet, I said, “Sir, though it be Childermas-day, I think myself bound in duty to inform your majesty of what I have heard.” Then I gave him an account of the number of troops already in the town, and that more were coming in every moment; that they were all armed, and that nobody durst shut the gate upon them for fear of provoking them. The king was not offended, but left his prayers, and told me, that for once he would put off the devotions of that day. He commanded me immediately to get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English officers of note, to desire them to order their troops to retire; and if I met any of his captains, to send them to him, for he would be at the gate as soon as I.

I met three or four English commanders of my acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king’s directions; but for one that they commanded to leave the town, there were twenty came in. After me, the king sent the Lord of Gié⁠[466] (now Marshal of France), and having found me, we went together into a tavern, where, though it was not nine o’clock, there had already been 111 reckonings to pay that morning. The house was filled with company, some were singing, some were asleep, and all were drunk; upon seeing which, I concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came immediately to the gate, well attended, and ordered 200 or 300 men-at-arms to be armed privately in their captains’ houses, and some of them he posted at the gate by which the English entered. The king ordered his dinner to be brought to the porter’s lodgings at the gate, where his majesty dined, and did several English officers the honour of admitting them to dinner with him. The King of England had been informed of this disorder, and was much ashamed of it, and sent to the King of France to desire his majesty to admit no more of his troops into the town. The King of France sent him word back, he would not do that, but if he pleased to send a party of his own guards thither, the gate should be delivered up to them, and they might let in or shut out whomever they pleased. In short, so they did, and several of the English, by their king’s express command, were ordered to evacuate the town.

And then, in order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, they consulted what place would be most convenient for the interview of the two kings, and persons were appointed to survey it; the Lord du Bouchage and I were chosen to represent our master; and the Lord Howard, one Chalanger, and a herald, represented the King of England. Upon our taking a view of the river, we agreed the best and securest place was Picquigny, a strong castle some three leagues from Amiens, belonging to the Vidame⁠[467] of Amiens, which had been burnt not long before by the Duke of Burgundy; the town lies low, the River Somme runs through it, and is not fordable or wide near it. On the one side, by which our king was to come, was a fine champaign country; and on the other side it was the same, only when the King of England came to the river, he was obliged to pass a causeway about two bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, which might have produced very dangerous consequences to the English, if our intentions had not been honourable. And certainly, as I have said before, the English do not manage their treaties and capitulations with so much cunning and policy as the French do, let people say what they will, but proceed more ingenuously, and with greater straightforwardness in their affairs; yet a man must be cautious, and have a care not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling with them.

After we had fixed upon the place, our next consultation was about a bridge which was ordered to be built, large and strong, for which purpose we furnished our carpenters with materials. In the midst of the bridge there was contrived a strong wooden lattice, such as the lions’ cages are made with, the hole between every bar being no wider than to thrust in a man’s arm; the top was covered only with boards to keep off the rain, and the body of it was big enough to contain ten or twelve men of a side, with the bars running across to both sides of the bridge, to hinder any person from passing over it either to the one side or the other; and in the river there was only one little boat rowed by two men, to convey over such as had a mind to cross it.

I will now relate the reason that induced the king to have the place of their interview contrived after such a fashion, that there should be no passage from one side to the other; and perhaps the time may come, when this may be useful to some persons, who may have the same occasion. During the minority of Charles VII. the kingdom of France was much infested by the English. Henry V. lay before Rouen⁠[468], and had straitened it very much, and the greatest part of those in the town were either subjects, or partisans of John, Duke of Burgundy, who was then reigning.

There had been a long and great difference⁠[469] between John, Duke of Burgundy, and the Duke of Orleans, and the whole kingdom, or most of it, was engaged in their quarrel, to the prejudice of the king’s affairs; for faction never begins in any country, but it is difficult to extinguish, and dangerous in the end. In this quarrel that I speak of, the Duke of Orleans had been killed in Paris one year before.⁠[470] Duke John had a powerful army, and advanced to raise the siege of Rouen; that he might do it with more ease, and assure himself of the king’s friendship, it was agreed that the king⁠[471] and he should have an interview at Montereau-Fault-Yonne, where a bridge was erected, with a barrier in the midst, and in the middle of the barrier a little wicket, which was bolted on both sides; by which means, and by the consent of both parties, they might pass to either side. The king came on one side, and Duke John on the other, both attended with a strong party of their guards, but especially Duke John; they met, and had a long conference upon the bridge, and about the duke’s person there were not above three or four at the most. In the height of their discourse, the duke (either by the persuasion of others, or out of a desire to pay a more than ordinary respect to his majesty) unbolted the wicket on his side, and it being opened by the others, he passed through it to the king, and was immediately slain⁠[472], himself and all those who attended him; which was the occasion of abundance of mischief that ensued afterwards, as everybody knows: but this is not material to my design, so I shall speak of it no farther, only let me tell you, you have the story just as the king told it me himself, when he sent me to choose a place, commanding expressly that there should be no door; for said he, if that had not been, there had been no means of inviting the duke to the other side, and then that misfortune had been prevented,—the principal contrivers and executors of which were some of the murdered Duke of Orleans’ servants, who were present at that time, and had great authority with King Charles VII.

Ch. X.—Of the Interview between the two Kings, and of their swearing to the Truce which had been concluded before; and how some fancied the Holy Ghost descended upon the King of England’s Tent in the Shape of a White Pigeon.—1475.

The barrier being finished, and the place fitted for the interview, as you have already heard, on the next day, which was the 29th of August, 1475, the two kings appeared. The King of France came first, attended by about 800 men-at-arms: on the King of England’s side, his whole army was drawn up in order of battle; and though we could not discover their whole force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the body of troops that were with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. It was given out that twelve men of a side were to be with each of the kings at the interview, and that they were already chosen from among their greatest and most trusty courtiers. With us we had four of the King of England’s party to view what was done among us, and they had as many of ours, on their side, to have an eye over their actions. As I said before, our king came first to the barrier, attended by twelve persons; among whom were John, Duke of Bourbon, and the Cardinal his brother. It was the king’s royal pleasure (according to an old and common custom that he had), that I should be dressed like him on that day.

The King of England advanced along the causeway (which I mentioned before) very nobly attended, with the air and presence of a king: there were in his train his brother the Duke of Clarence, the Earl of Northumberland⁠[473], his chamberlain the Lord Hastings, his Chancellor, and other peers of the realm; among whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of gold like himself. The King of England wore a black velvet cap upon his head, with a large fleur de lys made of precious stones upon it: he was a prince of a noble and majestic presence, but a little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before when the Earl of Warwick drove him out of his kingdom; then I thought him much handsomer, and to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a more handsome person. When he came within a little distance of the barrier, he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of the ground; and the King of France, who was then leaning against the barrier, received him with abundance of reverence and respect. They embraced through the holes of the grate, and the King of England making him another low bow, the King of France saluted him thus:—“Cousin, you are heartily welcome; there is no person living I was so ambitious of seeing, and God be thanked that this interview is upon so good an occasion.” The King of England returned the compliment in very good French.

Then the Chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and Bishop of Lisle⁠[474]) began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are always provided) that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded between the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the instrument was produced which contained the articles the King of France had sent to the King of England. The Chancellor demanded of our king, whether he had dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? The king replied, Yes: and King Edward’s letters being produced on our side, he made the same answer. The missal being then brought and opened, both the kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the other upon the holy true cross, and both of them swore religiously to observe the contents of the truce, which was, that it should stand firm and good for nine years complete; that the allies on both sides should be comprehended; and that the marriage between their children should be consummated, as was stipulated by the said treaty. After the two kings had sworn to observe the treaty, our king (who had always words at command) told the King of England in a jocular way, he should be glad to see his majesty at Paris; and that if he would come and divert himself with the ladies, he would assign him the Cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who he knew would willingly absolve him, if he should commit any sin by way of love and gallantry. The King of England was extremely pleased with his raillery, and made his majesty several good repartees, for he knew the cardinal was a jolly companion.

After some discourse to this purpose, our king, to show his authority, commanded us who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind to have a little private discourse with the King of England. We obeyed, and those who were with the King of England, seeing us retire, did the same, without waiting to be commanded. After the two kings had been alone together for some time, our master called me to him, and asked the King of England if he knew me? The King of England replied he did, and named the places where he had seen me, and told the king that formerly I had endeavoured to serve him at Calais⁠[475], when I was in the Duke of Burgundy’s service. The King of France demanded, if the Duke of Burgundy refused to be comprehended in the treaty (as might be expected from his obstinate answer), what the King of England would have him do? The King of England replied, he would offer it him again, and if he refused it then, he would not concern himself any farther, but leave it entirely to themselves. By degrees the king came to mention the Duke of Bretagne (who indeed was the person he aimed at in the question), and made the same demand about him. The King of England desired he would not attempt anything against the Duke of Bretagne, for in his necessity he had never found so true and faithful a friend.⁠[476] The king pressed him no farther, but recalling his retinue, took his leave of the King of England in the handsomest and most civil terms imaginable, and saluted all his attendants in a most particular manner: and both the kings at a time (or very near it) retired from the barrier, and mounting on horseback, the King of France returned to Amiens, and the King of England to his army. The King of England was accommodated by the King of France with whatever he wanted, even to the very torches and candles. The Duke of Gloucester, the King of England’s brother, and some other persons of quality, were not present at this interview, as being averse to the treaty; but they recollected themselves afterwards, and the Duke of Gloucester waited on the king our master at Amiens, where he was splendidly entertained, and nobly presented both with plate and fine horses.⁠[477]