Chapter I · —The Occasion of the Wars between Louis XI. and the Count of Charolois, afterwards Duke of Burgundy.—1464. (continued 2)

As far as I can remember, we had scarce been three days before Paris, when the king entered with his troops. Upon whose arrival the war began very briskly, and they often fell upon us; especially upon our foragers, whom we were forced to send under a strong guard on account of their foraging at a great distance from our camp. But it must needs be owned, that the city of Paris is admirably well placed in the Isle of France, to be able to supply two such powerful hosts with provisions. As for our part, we never found a scarcity of anything in the camp; neither did the inhabitants that were in the town suffer any privation on our account. Nothing grew dearer except bread, which was sold for only a penny more than the usual price; and the reason was, because we had not blocked up the rivers above it, which were three, the Marne, the Yonne, and the Seine, besides several little rivers which fell into them. To say all in a word, Paris is surrounded by the finest and the most plentiful country I ever yet beheld, and it is almost incredible what vast quantities of provisions are brought to it. Since that time, I have been there with King Louis, for six months together, and never stirred, lodging in the Tournelles, eating and sleeping with him very frequently; and besides, since his death (much to my sorrow) I was a prisoner twenty months in the Louvre, from whence I could see, out of my window, whatever came out of Normandy up the River Seine; and on the other side there came in incomparably much more, which I could never have believed, had I not been an eye-witness of it.

The Parisians made frequent sallies every day, which occasioned warm skirmishes on both sides. Our guards, consisting of fifty lances, were posted near the Grange-aux-Merciers⁠[130]; but our scouts went as near the town as they could, and were often attacked and beaten back to our main guard, sometimes retreating gravely step by step, sometimes at full trot, with the enemy at their heels, who sometimes drove them to our very waggons; upon which we used to send a fresh body of troops to reinforce the beaten party, who very often repulsed the enemy, and drove them back to the gates of Paris. And this happened daily and hourly, for there were in the town more than 2500 men-at-arms, well armed and in complete order, besides a great number of the nobility of Normandy, and volunteers; whom the sight of the ladies of Paris, who were constant spectators of their actions, inspired with an emulation of signalising themselves. On our side we had a very great number of men, but not so strong a body of horse as the enemy; for we had none but the Burgundian cavalry, consisting of about 2000 lances, good and bad, who were not so well disciplined as those in Paris, by reason of the long peace they had had, as I said before.⁠[131] Besides, 200 of these were with the Duke of Calabria, at Laigny; but our infantry was numerous, and generally very good. The Bretons were posted at St. Denis, and ravaged all the country on that side Paris; the rest of the lords were dispersed, some here, some there, for better convenience of their provision. At length the Duke of Nemours, the Count of Armagnac, and the Lord of Albret, came to our camp, but their forces were left at a good distance behind, because they had no pay, and it would have starved our army if they had taken anything without paying. To my knowledge the Count of Charolois gave them money for their subsistence, to the amount of 5000 or 6000 francs; and it was resolved that they should come no nearer us; for they were full 6000 horse, and did a marvellous amount of mischief in the country where they lay.

Ch. IX.—How the Count of Charolois and the King cannonaded each other near Charenton; after which Action, the Count of Charolois laid a second Bridge of Boats over the River Seine.—1465.

But to return to the army before Paris. It will not be doubted that scarce a day passed without some loss or gain on both sides, but nothing considerable on either. For the king would not suffer his forces to sally out in great bodies, nor would he bring his affairs to the hazard of a battle; his only desire being for peace, in order to break and divide our forces as wisely as he could. However, one day early in the morning, 4000 of his frank-archers came and posted themselves along the bank of the river, over against the Hotel de Conflans. The nobles of Normandy, and some few of the household troops, were disposed in a village about a quarter of a league off, with only a fair plain between them and their infantry, and the River Seine between us and them. The king’s troops began to throw up a trench over against Charenton, and made a bulwark there of wood and of earth, all along the front of our army. This ditch or trench was thrown up (as has been said already) before Conflans, with the river between us and them, and upon that trench and bastion they planted a great number of pieces of cannon, which played briskly upon the Duke of Calabria’s quarters, and at the first firing drove his men out of Charenton, and forced them to retire in great haste to our camp, with the loss of some few horses and men. So the Duke of Calabria took up his quarters in a little house, between the river and the place where the Count of Charolois lay.

The enemy immediately began to cannonade our camp, which threw the whole army into consternation; for, upon the first firing, they killed us abundance of men, and two cannon shots coming through the room where the Count of Charolois was sitting at dinner, killed a trumpeter on the stairs, as he was bringing up a dish of meat.

After dinner, the count removed to the ground-floor, but resolved not to decamp, and had it furnished as best he could. The next morning the princes called a council of war, which was always held in the Count of Charolois’ quarters, after which they always dined together. The Dukes of Berry and Bretagne sat next the wall upon a bench, and the Count of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria over against them, the count giving all of them the preference as to matter of place; as indeed was but right, as he was in his own quarters. Here they resolved to make use of all the artillery in the army, of which both the Count of Charolois and the Dukes of Bretagne and Calabria had a very fine and numerous train, in order to dislodge the king’s troops and dismount his cannon. Accordingly, we made great holes in the walls, which were along the river, behind the Hotel de Conflans, and mounted all our best guns, except the bombards and other large pieces which could not conveniently be drawn, and so were left in a place where they might do more service; so that on the princes’ side we had many more than there were on the king’s. The trench which the king’s forces had thrown up was of great length, and carried a great way towards the city of Paris; yet still they were working at it, throwing up the earth on the side next us, to shelter themselves from our cannon, for they wrought still in the ditch, and none of them durst venture so much as to put out their heads, for the place where they lay was in a large meadow, as bare as a man’s hand.

I never heard such terrible cannonading for the short time it lasted, for our design was to dislodge them by dint of cannon; and they daily received from Paris fresh supplies, both of cannon and ammunition, neither were they sparing of their powder or pains, but fired upon us briskly day and night. Several of our soldiers dug pits before their tents to cover themselves, others had them provided to their hands, their quarters being in a great stone-quarry, so that all got some shelter or other; and in this posture we passed three or four days; but the fright was much greater on both sides than the loss, for no officer of any note was killed.

When the princes found they could not dislodge the enemy, their failure seemed to them not only dangerous and disgraceful to themselves, but also likely to give fresh courage to the Parisians, who were already grown so confident, that upon a single day’s truce the people flocked out in such numbers to see us, that one would have thought there had been none left in the town. It was therefore concluded in council, that a large bridge of boats should be made, the ends to be coupled together, and the body of them to be covered with planks, with great anchors behind, to fasten them into the ground; upon which several flat-bottomed boats were brought down the Seine in order that we might pass that river, and attack the king’s forces.

Master Girault, an engineer, had the management and direction of this affair, who was of opinion, that the trench which the enemy had thrown up to defend themselves, would be of great advantage to the Burgundians when once they had passed the river; for the king’s forces would find themselves as it were under us in their trenches, and would not dare to march out for fear of our cannon; which opinion greatly encouraged and animated our soldiers, and made them impatient to begin the attack. Thus the bridge was finished and made ready, all but the last two boats, which were there ready to complete it, and all the other boats for transportation brought together, and when it was ready, one of the king’s heralds came to tell us we had broken the truce, which was made for that day and the day before, and that he was come to see the meaning of these preparations. By accident he met Monsieur de Bueil and some others on the bridge, to whom he delivered his message. That night the truce ended.

Our bridge was so large that three of our men-at-arms, with their lances in rest, might pass easily abreast; besides we had got six great vessels, each of which would carry over a thousand men at a time, and several smaller for the artillery, which we were to make use of in that expedition. The draught of such troops as were to be employed in this enterprise was already made; and the Count of St. Paul and the Lord Haultbourdin were appointed to command them. Those who were of the party began to prepare themselves about midnight, and before day all of them were ready, some of them hearing mass till day appeared, or employing themselves as good Christians ought to do, upon such an occasion. I was that night in a great tent in the middle of our army, where the guard was posted, and to speak truth, I was one of the guard (for nobody was exempted), which was commanded by Monsieur de Chastel Guyon⁠[132] (slain afterwards at the battle of Granson). And as we stood there, expecting when the attack would begin, on a sudden we heard those who were in the French trenches, cry out as loud as they could, “Farewell, neighbours, farewell;” and immediately they set fire to their tents, and drew off their artillery. About day-break the detachment that was to make this attack had already gained the banks of the river on the other side, at least in part, and they could descry the French at a good distance, retiring towards Paris; upon which all of our men disarmed, and were extremely glad of their retreat. Without dispute the king had sent that body of troops thither, only to disturb and cannonade us in our camp, without the least intention of a battle; for, as I said before, it was not his way to risk anything on a hazard, though otherwise his army was strong enough to have engaged the united forces of all the princes together: but his purpose, as he plainly showed, was still to make peace, and divide the forces of the confederates, without being willing to expose so important and valuable a concern, as the crown of the great and obedient realm of France, to the uncertainty of a battle.

There was scarce a day passed, but some artifice or other was made use of to bring over people from one side to the other; and several times there were truces, and conferences between both parties in order to an accommodation, which conferences were held at the Grange-aux-Merciers, not far from our army. As commissioners from the king, there were the Count of Maine and several others. For the princes, the Count of St. Paul, and as many with him. The commissioners met often, but came to no conclusion. Yet the cessation of arms was continued, and several persons on both sides, who were acquainted, saw and conversed with one another, but with a great ditch between them, as it were in the mid-way between the two armies, which ditch, by the articles of the truce, no person was to pass.⁠[133] There was not a day passed but, by means of these interviews, some ten or twelve would come over to us; and some days as many of ours went away to them, for which reason that place was afterwards called the Market, because of the bargains driven there. To speak truth, such liberty of communication is, in my judgment, very dangerous at such times, especially for that party which is most visibly declining: for naturally most people are intent, if not upon their advancement, at least upon their safety, which inclines them more easily to the strongest side. There are some, indeed, who are above temptations of this kind, but they are very few, and rarely to be met with. But if ever such communications are dangerous, it is when a prince himself makes it his business to oblige and cajole people; which is an excellent qualification in a prince who knows how to do it well, and renders him clear from that foolish vice and sin of pride and haughtiness, which all persons abhor. For which reason, when any treaty of peace is on foot, it is safest to commit it to the wisest and faithfulest persons about the prince, and those of competent years; lest otherwise, their want of experience betray them to some dishonourable compact, or they alarm their master with groundless fears at their return. If it be possible, such persons ought to be employed who have received honours or advantages from their princes, rather than any others; but above all, they ought to be men of great wisdom and experience, for nothing ever prospered that was managed by a fool. This kind of treaties ought likewise to be managed at a distance, and not near his camp; and when his plenipotentiaries return, he ought to hear them alone, or in as little company as he can, that if their news should be apt to dishearten the people, he may instruct and dictate what account they shall give to such as are inquisitive; for everybody is desirous to hear news from those that come from a treaty, and many are so conceited as to boast, “Such an one will hide nothing from me;” but if the plenipotentiaries be such as I have described, and know their masters to be wise, they will discover nothing to any man.

Ch. X.—A Digression concerning some of the Virtues and Vices of King Louis XI.

The chief reason that has induced me to enter upon this subject, is because I have seen many deceptions in this world, especially in servants towards their masters; and I have always found that proud and stately princes who will hear but few, are more liable to be imposed on than those who are open and accessible: but of all the princes that I ever knew, the wisest and most dexterous to extricate himself out of any danger or difficulty in time of adversity, was our master King Louis XI. He was the humblest in his conversation and habit, and the most painful and indefatigable to win over any man to his side that he thought capable of doing him either mischief or service: though he was often refused, he would never give over a man that he wished to gain, but still pressed and continued his insinuations, promising him largely, and presenting him with such sums and honours as he knew would gratify his ambition; and for such as he had discarded in time of peace and prosperity, he paid dear (when he had occasion for them) to recover them again; but when he had once reconciled them, he retained no enmity towards them for what had passed, but employed them freely for the future. He was naturally kind and indulgent to persons of mean estate, and hostile to all great men who had no need of him. Never prince was so conversable, nor so inquisitive as he, for his desire was to know everybody he could; and indeed he knew all persons of any authority or worth in England, Spain, Portugal, and Italy, in the territories of the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne, and among his own subjects; and by those qualities he preserved the crown upon his head, which was in much danger by the enemies he had created to himself upon his accession to the throne. But above all, his great bounty and liberality did him the greatest service: and yet, as he behaved himself wisely in time of distress, so when he thought himself a little out of danger, though it were but by a truce, he would disoblige the servants and officers of his court by mean and petty ways, which were little to his advantage; and as for peace, he could hardly endure the thoughts of it. He spoke slightingly of most people, and rather before their faces, than behind their backs, unless he was afraid of them, and of that sort there were a great many, for he was naturally somewhat timorous. When he had done himself any prejudice by his talk, or was apprehensive he should do so, and wished to make amends, he would say to the person whom he had disobliged, “I am sensible my tongue has done me a great deal of mischief; but, on the other hand, it has sometimes done me much good; however, it is but reason I should make some reparation for the injury.” And he never used this kind of apologies to any person, but he granted some favour to the person to whom he made it, and it was always of considerable amount.

It is certainly a great blessing from God upon any prince to have experienced adversity as well as prosperity, good as well as evil, and especially if the good outweighs the evil, as it did in the king our master. I am of opinion that the troubles he was involved in, in his youth, when he fled from his father, and resided six years⁠[134] together with Philip Duke of Burgundy, were of great service to him; for there he learned to be complaisant to such as he had occasion to use, which was no slight advantage of adversity. As soon as he found himself a powerful and crowned king, his mind was wholly bent upon revenge; but he quickly found the inconvenience of this, repented by degrees of his indiscretion, and made sufficient reparation for his folly and error, by regaining those he had injured, as shall be related hereafter. Besides, I am very confident that if his education had not been different from the usual education of such nobles as I have seen in France, he could not so easily have worked himself out of his troubles; for they are brought up to nothing but to make themselves ridiculous, both in their clothes and discourse; they have no knowledge of letters; no wise man is suffered to come near them, to improve their understandings; they have governors who manage their business, but they do nothing themselves: nay, there are some nobles who, though they have an income of thirteen livres, will take pride to bid you, “Go to my servants, and let them answer you;” thinking by such speeches to imitate the state and grandeur of a prince; and I have seen their servants take great advantage of them, giving them to understand they were fools; and if afterwards they came to apply their minds to business, and attempted to manage their own affairs, they began so late, they could make nothing of it. And it is certain that all those who have performed any great or memorable action, worthy to be recorded in history, began always in their youth; and this is to be attributed to the method of their education, or some particular blessing from God.

Ch. XI.—How the Burgundians, being drawn up near Paris, and in Expectation of a Battle, mistook high Thistles for a Body of Lances.—1465.

I have dwelt long upon this subject, but indeed it is of such a nature I could not easily leave off when I would. However, to return to the war.

You have been informed how the forces that the king had entrenched along the River Seine abandoned their post, and retreated to Paris, the very hour we had designed to attack them. The truces never lasted above one day, or two at the most; at other times the war was pushed on with all possible vigour, the skirmishes continuing from morning to night; and though they often beat our scouts home to our guards, yet they never sallied out of Paris in any considerable body. I do not remember to have seen one day pass without some small action or other; and I believe the king would have been contented they should have been greater, but he was suspicious of many persons, though without any cause: he told me once, that he found the gate of the Bastille of St. Antoine, towards the fields, open one night, which made him entertain a great suspicion of Charles de Melun, whose father⁠[135] was then governor of that place. I shall say no more than I have done of the said Charles; but certainly never prince had a better servant than he showed himself all that year.

It was one day resolved in Paris that they would sally out and venture a battle with us (I believe it was only a design of the great officers, and that the king was not privy to it). The project they had concerted, was to attack us in three several places at once; in one with a considerable body of forces that were to sally out of Paris; the other by the bridge of Charenton (but that party could have done us no great mischief): and the third, by a brigade of 200 men-at-arms from the wood of Vincennes. About midnight we were informed of this design by a page, who called to us over the river, by directions from some friends of the princes who were in the town, whose names he told us, and immediately returned. Just at break of day, the Lord Poncet de Rivière appeared before the bridge of Charenton; and the Lord du Lau⁠[136] on the other side, towards the wood of Vincennes, charged up as far as our artillery, and killed one of our cannoneers: the alarm was very great, and everybody concluded it was the same design of which the page had given us notice in the night. The Count of Charolois was immediately in arms, but not so soon as Duke John of Calabria, who, in all alarms, was always the first mounted, his horse barbed, and himself completely armed: he wore such a dress as the condottieri usually do in Italy, and indeed he had the air of a prince and a great general. Whenever he came forth upon any alarm, his first course was to ride up to the barriers of our camp, to keep our men from sallying out; and they obeyed his orders as readily as if the Count of Charolois had been there himself, and, to speak truth, he deserved it. In a moment our whole army was in arms, and drawn up within our waggons, all except 200 horse, who were abroad upon the guard: and, unless it were that day, I never knew any great likelihood of a battle, but then everybody expected it. By this time the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne were come in, whom before that time I never saw in arms: the Duke of Berry was armed at all points, but neither of them had any great body of troops with them, only they passed through the camp, and went to the Count of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria, with whom they had a conference. Our scouts, being reinforced, marched up as near Paris as they could, and were able to discover several of the king’s party, who were sent out to learn what was the matter in our army. When the Lord du Lau approached us, our cannon played briskly upon him; and the king, having a large train of artillery mounted on the walls of Paris, fired as briskly into our camp, notwithstanding it was two good leagues off; but I suppose they mounted their muzzles very high, and shot amongst us at random.

This prodigious cannonading made both sides believe some great design was in agitation: and, to be sure, we sent out our scouts, and the weather being cloudy and duskish, those who got nearest the town discovered a party of horse upon the patrol, and beyond them (as they fancied) they perceived a great number of lances standing upright, which they imagined to be the king’s battalions drawn up in the field, and all the people of Paris with them: which fancy proceeded merely from the darkness of the day; upon which they retired immediately to the princes (who were then riding before our camp), acquainted them with what they had seen, and assured them of a battle. The Parisian scouts seeing ours retreat, advanced continually upon them, which made their relation seem more probable. The Duke of Calabria came then where the standard of the Count of Charolois was pitched, and most of the officers of his household stood ready to accompany it: his banner was ready to be displayed likewise, and the guidon, with his arms, which was the custom of that family; and being come up to us, Duke John said, “Well, gentlemen, we are now where we desired to be; the king and all his army (as our scouts inform us) are drawn out of Paris, and marching to engage us; so let each behave with courage and good will, and as they march out, we will march in, and measure out their commodities for them by the pike.” And after this manner he rode from rank to rank, encouraging and animating the soldiers. By this time our scouts, perceiving the enemy were weak, began to assume a little more courage, ventured something nearer the town, but still found the battalions in the same place and posture in which they had left them, which put them into a new quandary: however, they stole up to them as near as they could, but could make nothing of them; till at length the day cleared, and they discovered them to be tall thistles. From thence they marched up to the very gates, but found no troops posted there, of which word was despatched to the princes, and they went immediately to mass, and from thence to dinner. Those who brought the first news were much out of countenance; but the page’s intelligence in the night, and the duskishness of the day, did in some measure excuse them.

Ch. XII.—How the King visited the Count of Charolois, and talked with him concerning their Quarrel; and of the Importance of wise Councillors to a Prince.—1465.

However, the treaty of peace between the king and the Count of Charolois still went on, and with greater vigour than ever; because the principal strength of both parties consisted in those two. The princes’ demands ran very high: the Duke of Berry demanded all Normandy for his share, which the king positively refused. The Count of Charolois would have all the towns restored to him which were situated on the River Somme, and had been delivered up by Duke Philip to the king, about three months before⁠[137], for 400,000 crowns; which towns had been surrendered to him upon the treaty of Arras, in the time of Charles VII. These towns were Amiens, Abbeville, St. Quentin, Peronne, and others. The Count of Charolois pretended, that during his life they ought not to have been ransomed, and put the king in mind of the great favours and obligations he had received from their family; how he had been entertained and protected by them for six years together, when he was in rebellion against his father King Charles VII., supplied with money for his subsistence, attended to Rheims to be inaugurated, and to Paris for his coronation; wherefore the Count of Charolois took it very ill that he should offer to redeem the said towns. However, the negotiation went on so prosperously, that the king came one morning⁠[138], by water, right over against our camp, having drawn up a good body of horse upon the bank of the river, but, in the boat with him there were not above four or five persons besides the boatmen. Among those in the boat, were the Lord du Lau, the Lord of Montauban (at that time Admiral of France), the Lord of Nantouillet, and others. The Count of Charolois and the Count of St. Paul were at the same time upon the bank of the river on our side, awaiting his majesty. The king saluted the Count of Charolois in these words,—“Brother [for his first wife was the king’s sister⁠[139]], do you assure me?” The count replied, “Yes, my lord, as a brother.” I heard him, and so did many others. Then the king came on shore, and the lords with him. The Count of Charolois and the Count of St. Paul received him with great honour (as reason was they should), and he being not sparing, began in this manner: “Brother, I know now you are a gentleman, and of the family of France.” “Why so, my lord?” replied the Count of Charolois. “Because (said the king) when I sent my ambassadors lately to Lisle, to wait on my uncle your father, and yourself, and that fool Morvillier talked so saucily to you, you sent me word, by the Archbishop of Narbonne (who is a gentleman, and, indeed, he has shown himself so, for every one is pleased with him) that before the year was at an end, I should repent of what Morvillier had said to you. You have been as good as your word, and much before your time was expired.” The king spoke these words smilingly, and in a very pleasant manner, as knowing the humour of the person to whom he spoke to be such, that he would be delighted with an expression of that nature; and, indeed, he was wonderfully pleased with it. Then the king proceeded, “It is with such persons that I would deal, who are punctual to their promise;” and, afterwards, his majesty disavowed whatever Morvillier had said, and denied that he had ever given him any such commission. In short, the king walked a long time between the two counts, the Count of Charolois’s guards standing by in great numbers, under arms, and observing their motions. At this interview the Count of Charolois demanded the duchy of Normandy, the towns situated upon the Somme, and several other favours for his friends. Some proposals were made likewise for the good of the commonwealth, but those were least insisted upon, for the common was now turned into the private wealth. The king would not consent to part with Normandy upon any terms; but, as for the towns upon the Somme, his majesty was willing to gratify the Count of Charolois with them, and, for his sake, to make the Count of St. Paul Constable of France. After which they took their leave of each other very kindly. The king went into his boat, and in that to Paris, and the counts returned to Conflans.

After this manner the time was spent, one day in peace, and another in war: but, though the negotiation between the commissioners, at the Grange-aux-Merciers, was broken off, and absolutely discontinued, yet the private transaction between the king and the Count of Charolois went on still, and several persons passed daily between them notwithstanding the war; among the rest there was one William Bische⁠[140], and another called Guillot Duisie⁠[141], both of them servants to the Count of Charolois, and both persons who had been obliged formerly to the king; for Duke Philip having banished them⁠[142], at the request of the Count of Charolois, the king had entertained them. But these messages and correspondences were not pleasing to everybody; the princes began to be jealous, and to grow weary; and, had it not been for an accident, which happened a few days after, they would all have marched shamefully home. I myself saw three several councils held in one chamber, where they were all assembled; and I saw one day, that the Count of Charolois was highly displeased with it, for it was done twice in his presence, which was a thing not fit to be done, to consult of anything when he was by in the chamber, and not communicate it to him, as he had the greatest force in the host: he complained of it to the Lord of Contay, who, being a person of great wisdom and experience (as I said before), advised him to bear it patiently for the present; for, if he should anger them, they would make their peace better than he: and, as he was the strongest, so he persuaded him to be the wisest, to prevent them from separating and breaking the confederacy, to keep them together with all possible industry, and smother his resentment, whatever he thought. However, he told him that, indeed it raised the wonder of several people (and of some even about his person) that such inconsiderable persons as those two before mentioned, should be employed in managing so important an affair; and he said that it could not but be very dangerous, in respect of the bounty and liberality of the king. It is true the Lord of Contay hated Bische; however, he said no more than what others had said before him; and I am of opinion it was not his passion so much as the necessity of the matter, that made him speak as he did; however, the Count of Charolois was well pleased with his counsel, and applied himself to treat and be more merry with the princes than formerly, and to converse more freely both with them and their creatures, than he had been used; and, in my judgment, there was a necessity for this, in respect of the great danger, lest they should have forsaken him, and the whole confederacy have been dissolved.

In matters of this moment, a wise man is of great importance (but he must be believed), and then he is not to be purchased at too dear a rate. But I could never meet with any prince that would distinguish the difference between men, till his necessity instructed him; and if he did, it was to no purpose, for they generally distribute their authority to such as are most agreeable to them, and suitable to their years, or complying with their humours; and sometimes they are managed by such as are only subservient to their pleasures. However, those princes who have any understanding, do quickly recollect themselves when they are in distress, and find their mistake; and so I observed our king did, as did also the Count of Charolois at that time, Edward IV., King of England, and several other princes; but these three especially I have seen in such exigence, that they have been glad of those very persons whom before they had despised. As for the Count of Charolois, when he was Duke of Burgundy, and fortune had exalted him to a greater height of glory and honour than ever any of his family had arrived at, and made him so great, that he thought no prince in Christendom equal to him, God was pleased to put a stop to his glory, and to infatuate him so, that, despising all counsel but his own, he lost his own life unhappily, sacrificed the lives of many thousands of his subjects, and brought his family to desolation, as is now visible to all the world.

Ch. XIII.—How Rouen was delivered into the hands of the Duke of Bourbon to be kept for the Duke of Berry; and the Conclusion of the Treaty of Conflans.—1465.

Having in the preceding chapters enlarged upon the dangers which occur in treaties, and the necessity that princes should prudently, and with circumspection, make choice of such persons as are fit to be employed in the negotiation of such important affairs, especially if they have the worst of the game; I shall now give an account of what it was that induced me to insist upon them so long. Whilst these treaties were managed by way of meetings and conferences, and liberty allowed to converse freely one with another, instead of treating of a general peace, it was proposed privately by some persons, that the duchy of Normandy should be put into the hands of the king’s only brother, the Duke of Berry, out of which he should take an equivalent for his patrimony, and deliver up Berry to the king⁠[143]; and so cunningly was this bargain transacted, that the widow of the Grand Seneschal of Normandy⁠[144], with some of her relations and servants who were about her, received John, Duke of Bourbon, into the Castle of Rouen⁠[145], from whence he entered into the town, and the town quickly consented to the change (being desirous to have a prince who would keep his residence in that province), and most of the towns and places in Normandy followed the example⁠[146]; for the Normans have always thought, and do still think it reasonable, that so great a duchy as theirs is, should have a duke constantly resident among them; and, to speak truth, it is very considerable in respect of the vast sums of money which are raised in it, for I myself have known it pay 950,000 francs in one year, and some say more.

As soon as the town of Rouen had revolted, all the inhabitants swore to the Duke of Bourbon to be true and faithful to the Duke of Berry; except the bailiff named Houaste⁠[147] (who had served the king as his valet de chambre when he was in Flanders, and had been in great favour with him), and one Monsieur William Piquart⁠[148] (afterwards General of Normandy); and also he that is at present Grand Seneschal of Normandy⁠[149] would not take the oath, but returned to the king, contrary to the persuasion of his mother, who, as is said before, had the greatest hand in the revolt.

The king no sooner heard the news of the change which had taken place in Normandy, but finding it was not in his power to remedy what was already done, he resolved to conclude a peace, and immediately signified to the Count of Charolois (who was then with his army) that he desired to have a conference with him, and appointed an hour when he would meet him in the fields near his camp, which was then about Conflans. Exactly at the appointed time⁠[150] the king marched out of Paris with about a hundred horse, most of them his Scottish guards, and very few besides. The Count of Charolois, attended but by a very few, went to the place without further ceremony; yet so many followed after him, that by degrees their number was much superior to the king’s; but the count caused them to keep at a distance, while the king and he walked alone together a while. The king told him the peace was concluded, and gave him an account of what had happened at Rouen (of which the count was utterly ignorant till then) adding, that by his good-will he would never have given his brother so large a portion: but since the Normans of themselves had made that change, he was contented, and would sign the treaty⁠[151] in the same form as had been insisted upon several days before; and there were few other things to grant. The Count of Charolois was extremely pleased to hear it, for his army was in great want of provisions, but more so of money; and had not this unexpected accident happened, all the princes would have been forced to break up, and march away with dishonour. However, either that day or not many days after⁠[152], the Count of Charolois was reinforced by a supply sent by his father, Philip, Duke of Burgundy, consisting of sixscore men-at-arms, 1500 archers, and 120,000 crowns upon ten sumpter horses, under the command of the Lord de Saveuses⁠[153]; besides a great quantity of bows and arrows; which recruited the Burgundian army pretty well, they being fearful before, that the other princes would have patched up a peace, and deserted them.

This discourse of peace was so pleasing both to the king and the Count of Charolois, that (as I have heard him say since), as they were talking friendly together how the remaining difficulties might be adjusted (not regarding their way), they walked on towards Paris; and so far they proceeded, that they were entered into a great bulwark of earth and wood, which the king had caused to be made at a good distance from the town, at the further end of a trench, whose other end led into the city. The count was attended by only four or five persons, who were all of them extremely surprised when they found where they were. However, the count put the best face on it that he could; but it is probable that at that time neither of those two princes had any design in it, for neither the one nor the other received any prejudice. When the news of the count’s being got into one of the enemy’s works was brought to the army, there was a great murmur in the camp, and immediately the Count of St. Paul, the Marshal of Burgundy, the Lords of Contay and Haultbourdin, and several other of the chief officers, met together about it, and unanimously agreed that both the Count of Charolois and those that were with him had been guilty of a great piece of indiscretion, especially after the misfortune which had happened to his grandfather⁠[154] at Montereau-Fault-Yonne, in the presence of Charles VII. Hereupon they commanded the soldiers that were strolling up and down in the fields to stand to their arms; and the Marshal of Burgundy (whose surname was Neufchastel), spoke to this effect: “If this mad hair-brained young prince has cast away himself, let us not ruin his family, his father’s interest, or our own. My opinion therefore is, that every man should retire to his quarters, and be ready, without alarming ourselves, for anything that may happen; for, keeping together, we are enough to make our retreat to the frontiers of Hainault, Picardy, or Burgundy, as we please.”

After he had given his opinion in this manner, he and the Count of St. Paul mounted on horseback, and rode out of the camp, to see if they could descry anybody coming from Paris. After they had waited some time, they perceived a body of forty or fifty horse marching towards them; who were the Count of Charolois, and an escort that the king had sent to guard him to his camp. When the count saw them coming towards him, he dismissed his escort, and addressed himself to the Marshal de Neufchastel, of whom he was most afraid; for, being a true old soldier, and firm to his interest, he took the liberty sometimes of reprimanding him severely, and ventured to tell him, “Whilst your father lives, I am your servant only by loan.” The first thing the count said to him was, “I pray be not angry, I am sensible of my great folly, but I perceived it not till I was too near the bulwark to get off.” The marshal replied, “that it was done in his absence.” The count bowed his head, and gave him no answer, but returned presently to the camp, where he was joyfully received by the whole army, and every one highly extolled the king’s honour and generosity; but, for all that, the count never afterwards would trust himself in his power.

The Treaty of Peace, called the Treaty of Conflans, between King Louis XI., on the one part, and Charles, Count of Charolois, on the other. Paris, October 5. 1465.

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France, &c.

We being desirous, of our own certain knowledge and good-will, to reconcile to us our dearly beloved cousin and brother, Charles, Count of Charolois, having regard to the great and good services, aids, and succours, he can and is willing to give unto us and our crown, so that our kingdom may be guarded and preserved on all sides from its ancient enemies and our other adversaries; peace, union, and tranquillity being cultivated between us, our said brother and cousin, and other lords of our blood; all hostilities cease, and justice be preserved and administered in our said kingdom: and also in consideration, and for a recompense of the great services and expenses our uncle the Duke of Burgundy has borne and performed for us in the life-time of our late most dear lord and father, whom God pardon, to whom and into whose country we had withdrawn ourselves, in order to avoid the dangers that were likely to threaten our person; and as well for the support of our own state, and that of our most dear and well-beloved queen, as also upon the account of several notable embassies to our said lord and father, to the Pope and to other potentates, in reference to our coming to the crown; as well as other great charges and expenses our said uncle and our said brother and cousin have been at to accompany us to our coronation at Rheims, and at our public entry into Paris; with a great number of armed men, for fear we might meet with any opposition in our kingdom: for all which charges, disbursements, and expenses we have often agreed and promised to satisfy our said uncle, and our said cousin and brother; besides a pension of 30,000 francs, which we had given and granted by way of recompense to our said brother and cousin, the payment of which, some time before our divisions, had been interrupted and stopped; we have by the advice and deliberation of our brother the Duke of Normandy, and of our well-beloved cousins the Dukes of Bretagne, Calabria, Bourbon, and Nemours, the Counts of Maine, Perche, Eu, and Armagnac, of the members of our privy-council and of our parliament, and other great men of our kingdom, given and transferred, and we do by these presents give and transfer to our said cousin the Count of Charolois,—in consideration and for a recompense as aforesaid; as also upon the account that our said brother and cousin has frankly and freely, so far as in him lay, been very instrumental, with our said brother and other lords of our blood, in appeasing of the said troubles and obtaining the good of peace,—to himself, his heirs, whether male or female, descending from him in a direct line, and the heirs of his said heirs, also descending from them in a direct line, for ever, the cities, towns, territories, fortresses, and signiories, appertaining to us at and upon the Somme, both on the one side and the other—viz. Amiens, St. Quentin, Corbin, Abbeville, together with all the county of Ponthieu, on both sides the said river, Doullens, St. Riquier, Crevecœur, Arleux, Montreuil, Le Crotoy, Mortagne, with all their appurtenances and dependencies, and whatever else may belong to us upon the account of our said crown from the said River Somme, inclusively on the side of Artois, Flanders, and Hainault, which our said uncle of Burgundy had and possessed lately, by virtue of the treaty of Arras, and before the re-purchase we had made of them; comprehending also, in reference to the towns situate upon the said river, the bailiwicks and shrievalties of the said cities, in the same manner as our said uncle held and possessed them, to be enjoyed by our said brother and cousin and his said heirs, and the heirs of his heirs, male or female, with all their profits and revenues, as well the domain as the aids destined for war, and also the taillages and all other profits whatsoever, as our said uncle enjoyed them, without any exception whatsoever, save the fealty, homage, and sovereignty; which transfer we have made, and do make, at the re-purchase of 200,000 crowns of gold, current money: neither can we nor our successors buy the same again of our said brother and cousin during his life; but only we and our successors may do it of the heirs of our said brother and cousin, descending from him in a direct line, and the heirs of the said heirs, descending also from them in a direct line, who shall be possessed of these territories, upon securing and paying to them once the said sum of 200,000 crowns current money; for the securing of which re-purchase, our said brother and cousin shall grant unto us his letters patent in due form. And our will and meaning is, that our said brother and cousin and his heirs descending from him, that shall be possessed of those territories, may have such power, and at their pleasure constitute and appoint all such officers, as shall be necessary to be constituted and appointed, in reference to the demand of the said cities, towns, fortresses, lands, and signiories; and that the other officers, which shall be necessary on account of royal privileges, aids, and taxes, be made by our successor’s appointment, at the nomination of our said brother and cousin, and his heirs, to impose and levy those aids and taxes, as it was in the time that our said uncle the Duke of Burgundy held and possessed them. Moreover, as by the treaty of Arras, it was agreed, among other things, that the county of Boulogne should be and continue in the possession of our uncle the Duke of Burgundy, and the heirs male of his body, and that our late lord and father was obliged to make reparation to those who pretended a right to it; we, from the above said causes and considerations, and without derogating from the treaty of Arras, have agreed and declared, and we do agree and declare to our said brother and cousin, that he and his male or female children, begot by him in wedlock, during their lives only, do and may hold and possess the said county of Boulogne in the same manner and form as our said brother and cousin by the treaty of Arras might hold and possess and make benefit thereof as their inheritance; and we hold ourselves obliged to make compensation to those who pretend a right in the said county, and to let our said brother and cousin and his children enjoy it. And we have also promised and agreed, and we do agree and promise to our said brother and cousin, that we will transfer and make over, fully, frankly, and freely to him, and we do from henceforward transfer and make over the castles, towns, chatellanies, and provostships of Peronne, Montdidier, and Roye, with all their appurtenances and appendages whatsoever, discharged of all mortgages and re-purchases, with the same rights as they were transferred and made over to our said uncle his father, by the treaty of Arras, to hold and enjoy them in the same manner as is contained and declared in the said treaty; and we will cause, and effectually procure, our most dear and well-beloved cousin, the Count of Nevers, to transfer and make over to our said cousin and brother, the Count of Charolois, all that right which he hath, or pretends to have, to those castles, towns, provostships, and chatellanies, and he shall surrender all that he possesses therein, and give possession thereof to our said brother and cousin the Count of Charolois, or those commissioned by him: and herewith we have made over and transferred to our said brother and cousin, for himself, his heirs and successors, in inheritance for ever, the county of Guisnes, with all its appurtenances and dependencies, to be enjoyed by our said brother and cousin, and his heirs and successors, with all rights, profits, and emoluments whatsoever, as well of the domain, as the aids, taxes, and incomes whatsoever, without retaining or reserving anything for ourselves, except the fealty, homage, and sovereignty thereof: and we hold ourselves obliged to make compensation to the Sieur de Croy and others in respect to any right they have, or pretend to have, in the said county, and to keep our said brother and cousin and his heirs in the quiet and peaceable possession of the said county against the said De Croy and all others. All which things we have and do promise, bonâ fide, on the word of a king, upon our oath, and upon the penalty of all the estates that we are now or shall be possessed of, for ourselves, our heirs and successors, to hold, keep, maintain, and execute every particular in the same manner and form aforegoing, inviolably, so as never to contravene the same, either by ourselves or any other; neither shall we suffer any other, directly or indirectly, to contravene the same, openly or covertly, and all without any fraud, deceit, or evil design; and for the accomplishment and execution of the things above mentioned, and every of them, we do and shall submit to the coercion and power of our holy father the Pope: and we do and will consent, for ourselves and successors, in all courts, as well ecclesiastical as civil, to be constrained to observe all and every of the things above mentioned, by renouncing all rights, privileges, ordinances, royal edicts, exceptions, and all things whatsoever, whereby anything, either in part or in the whole, shall be done contrary to the premises, as fully as if all the said rights, ordinances, edicts, exceptions, and other renunciations, were expressly declared and specified by these presents. Besides which, we will charge, and expressly command our well-beloved and faithful chancellor, our councillors in our council of state, treasurers, superintendents of our finances, bailiffs, seneschals, and other justiciaries and officers, or their lieutenants, and every of them, so far as it relates to them, that they strictly observe, and in every particular fulfil, these presents and the contents of them; and that they neither do nor suffer anything to be done to the contrary; and when anything shall be done to the contrary hereof, they shall immediately make reparation, and, without any delay, restore matters to their former state and condition; and especially these presents shall be verified in parliament, in the chambers of accounts and finances, which shall cause the same to be published and registered everywhere they ought to be; notwithstanding any edicts made against alienating and putting out of our power the demesnes of our said crown, and all the restrictions, promises, and oaths, which we or any of our said officers might have made in general or particular, under any form of words whatsoever, whereby they might or would prevent the effecting, fulfilling and accomplishing all that is contained in these presents; which ordinances, restrictions, promises, obligations and oaths we will not, for the sake of peace, as to the present case, have to be in derogation or prejudice of the transfers and the other things above mentioned, and of the said promises, oaths, or other restrictions, which our officers are subject to, in contradiction to these particulars; but we do, by these presents, and in fulfilling the contents thereof, hold and esteem them acquitted and fully discharged of them.

Ch. XIV.—Of the Peace that was concluded at Conflans between the King and the Count of Charolois and his Allies.—1465.

At length all things were accommodated, and the next day⁠[155] the Count of Charolois made a general muster of his whole army, to see what men he had left, and what he had lost. On a sudden, without any warning, the king came thither, attended only by thirty or forty horse, and went from regiment to regiment to take a view of them all, except the Marshal of Burgundy’s squadron, who was no friend of the king’s; because, having given him the government of Espinal⁠[156] in Lorraine, he took it from him afterwards, and gave it to John, Duke of Calabria, to the great disgust and mortification of the said marshal. The king at last grew sensible of his error, and acknowledged he had been wrong in discarding, upon his first accession to the crown, those worthy and eminent knights that had faithfully served his father, and who, resenting the injury, had joined with the princes against him. The king used his utmost endeavours to retrieve the false step he had made, and by little and little reconciled himself to them. It was resolved, that the next day all the lords should repair to the Castle of Vincennes to do homage to the king, and for their security the Castle of Vincennes should be put into the hands of the Count of Charolois.

The next day, according to agreement, the king came thither, and not one of the princes failed to attend him: the porch and gate were lined and strongly guarded, by a good number of the Burgundian soldiers, in their arms. The treaty of peace was read, and the Lord Charles of France did homage to the king for the duchy of Normandy⁠[157]; the Count of Charolois for the towns he held in Picardy⁠[158]; others for what they held in other places: and the Count of St. Paul took his oath as Constable of France. But there never was so plentiful an entertainment, but somebody rose hungry: some had their utmost ambition gratified, and others got nothing at all: some honest but inferior persons the king took to himself, but the greatest part remained with the Duke of Bretagne and the new Duke of Normandy, who took their leave, and went to Rouen, to take possession of that town. At their departure from the Castle of Vincennes, they all took leave of one another, every man retired to his lodgings, and the letters and pardons, and whatever else was agreed upon by the peace, were signed and despatched. All the princes departed upon the same day; the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne went first to Normandy, and the Duke of Bretagne afterwards into his own country: the Count of Charolois retired towards Flanders, and, as he was upon his way, the king made him a visit, and conducted him to Villiers-le-Bel⁠[159] (a village some four leagues from Paris), expressing a great desire to maintain a friendship with him; and that night they lay together in the village. The king had but a very small party with him, but he had commanded 200 men-at-arms to attend him back again, which being told to the Count of Charolois as he was going to bed, he immediately entertained great jealousy and suspicion, and ordered all his guards that were with him to arm. From whence one may observe, that it is almost impossible for two great princes to agree long, by reason of the reports and suspicions which hourly arise: and indeed two great princes, who are desirous to preserve a more than ordinary friendship, ought never to see one another; but rather employ such honest and wise men between them, as may cultivate their amity and palliate their faults.

The next morning the two princes took their leave one of another, and with very kind and obliging language they parted. The king returned to Paris under the guard of the 200 men-at-arms that he had ordered for that purpose; which removed the suspicion the count had conceived of their coming. The count took the road towards Compiègne and Noyon, and as he went, all the towns were opened to him by the king’s particular command. From thence he marched to Amiens, and received homage from that and all the towns upon the Somme, and what formerly belonged to him in Picardy was restored to him by virtue of the peace; for which places the king (as I said before) had paid 400,000 crowns of gold not quite nine months before.⁠[160] Having despatched his business there, he marched towards the country of Liege⁠[161], for that state had made war for five or six months upon his father (during his absence) in the counties of Namur and Brabant, and had done some mischief in those parts; but, being in winter, he could not make any considerable progress: yet he burnt several villages, and made some small incursions into the territories of the Liegeois: but a peace⁠[162] was concluded between them, and the Liegeois were obliged, upon the penalty of a great sum of money, to observe it; after which the Count of Charolois returned into Brabant.⁠[163]

A Treaty of Peace concluded at St. Maur-des-Fossés between the Dukes of Normandy, Bretagne, Calabria, and Lorraine, Charles of Burgundy, the Count of Charolois, the Dukes of Bourbonnois and Auvergne, the Duke of Nemours, the Counts of Armagnac, St. Paul, Albret, and Dunois, and Louis XI. of France. October 29. 1465.

1. All hostilities are to cease entirely between the parties, their subjects, and vassals, and a firm peace and tranquillity to be restored.

2. No reparation shall be required, upon the account of these divisions, from the said lords, their subjects, vassals, and adherents, or prosecutions made by law against them, but they shall live peaceably both within and without the kingdom, without molestation from the king or the said lords.

3. The said lords shall not, upon the account of what is past, renew the war, either by themselves or others, but continue faithful to the king.

4. The king on his part shall be under the same obligations.

5. The subjects, vassals, and adherents of both parties shall return to the peaceable possession of their houses and inheritances, whether within or without the kingdom, and so remain without any cessions or donations to the contrary.

6. All moveable goods shall be restored to those they belonged to before the said troubles; as also all such as have been taken away during the truce.

7. The cities and communities which took part with either side shall no ways be molested and damaged in their privileges, or otherwise, on that account.

8. The places, taken during the troubles on either side, shall be restored.

9. The king shall not oblige the said lords to come to him in person, but yet they are not exempted from the services they owe him, when there is occasion for the defence and manifest good of the kingdom.

10. And when the king shall please to go to the houses and habitations of the said lords, where they shall be in person, he is to give them three days’ notice; neither shall the said lords wait on the king before they first send to know his pleasure.

11. If any crime shall be laid to the charge of the said lords or their adherents, the king shall not proceed against them, or detain their persons, without the utmost deliberation, and very sufficient cause shown; neither shall the said lords proceed against the king’s servants or adherents for any crime alleged, without the maturest deliberation.

12. In order to redress all grievances and disorders on the part of the said lords, and divers of the king’s subjects of all conditions, in reference to church and state, and for the public good, the king shall give a commission to thirty-six eminent men of his kingdom, to meet at a place appointed, to inquire into all such grievances and disorders, to hear and determine all remonstrances, and apply suitable remedies for the preservation of justice, the rights and franchises both of the church and all the people.

13. And whatever edicts, ordinances, declarations, and the like, shall be made by the thirty-six persons, or the major part of them, they shall within fifteen days after they are brought before the king, be verified in form in the courts of parliament and chambers of accounts, and all the officers sworn to observe them; and no instruments of the king from the chancery or elsewhere shall disannul or make them void.

14. The commission of the said thirty-six persons shall last two months, and they shall have power to adjourn once for forty-two days: and if any of their number shall be sick, or incapacitated any way to act, the rest shall substitute others in their room.

15. The king and the said lords shall entirely maintain all the pacts and agreements made between them, as well in relation to the appanage of the Duke of Normandy, as other things granted to the said lords and their adherents, as fully as if expressly set down in this treaty.

16. And seeing the king, during the said troubles, seized into his hands the lands and lordships of Parthenay, Vouvent, Mirebeau, Secondigny, Coudray, Salvart, and Chastellerault, and conferred the same upon his uncle, the Count of Maine, in prejudice to, and to the dispossessing of the Count of Dunois of the said territories; it is agreed, for the public tranquillity, towards which the Count of Dunois does much contribute, that the Count of Maine shall surrender up all those lands to the king, in due form, who shall effectually re-convey them to the Count of Dunois, who shall enjoy them peaceably, and without any molestation whatsoever.

17. And the king shall, by way of compensation to the Count du Maine, confer upon him the land and signiory of Taillebourg.

18. The king restores Anthony de Chabannes, Count of Dammartin, to all his honours, castles, territories, &c., as he and his wife, Margaret de Nanteuil, enjoyed them in the time of the late king. All his personal estate shall also be restored, notwithstanding any decree of parliament to the contrary.

19. Both parties shall mutually swear to the exact observation of all these articles, and enjoin them to be observed by all their officers, parliaments, prelates, &c.; and if the king would contravene any of them, they shall no manner of way assist him therein.

20. Both parties shall swear and promise they will not seek for a dispensation of their said oaths and promises, on any occasion whatsoever.

Lastly. If any of the said lords shall attempt anything against the king, in prejudice of the said treaty, the others shall be obliged to assist the king against them.

Ch. XV.—How the King recovered into his hands whatever had been given to his Brother, by the Division between the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne.—1465.

But to return to the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne, who had marched to take possession of the Duchy of Normandy. It was not long after they had made their entry into Rouen, before they began to fall out and differ about the division of the spoil; for the persons of quality and officers whom I have mentioned were still with them, and having been used to great honours and preferments in the reign of Charles VII., perceiving the war was at an end, and the king was not to be depended upon, they thought it hard not to be advanced to some considerable post, and every man expected the best place for himself.

The Duke of Bretagne pretended to a share of them, and thought it very reasonable that part of them should be wholly at his disposal, since he had brought the greatest number of troops into the field, and had been at the greatest expense in the war; which the Duke of Normandy refusing, the dispute grew so high, that, for the safety of his person, the Duke of Bretagne was forced to retire to Mount St. Catherine, near Rouen; and the debate continued so strong, that the Duke of Normandy, by the assistance of the citizens of the town, had resolved to have besieged him, had he not marched away directly for Bretagne. As soon as the king had received the news of this division, he drew down with his forces towards that country, and one may easily imagine he knew what he had to do, for he was a perfect master in that science, and knew how to improve everything to his own advantage. Some of those who had the command of the principal towns began to deliver them up, and make their peace with him. I speak not of these affairs upon my own knowledge, for I was not there present, but as the king has since been pleased to inform me. He treated privately with the Duke of Bretagne (who was in possession of some towns in Lower Normandy), in hopes to persuade him altogether to abandon his brother’s interest: they had several conferences together at Caen, where they came to an accommodation⁠[164], by which the said town of Caen and several others were to remain in the hands of the Lord de Lescut, with a certain number of paid troops; but this treaty was so intricate and perplexed, I believe neither of them understood it very well. Immediately after this, the Duke of Bretagne returned into his own country, and the king went back towards his brother.

The Duke of Normandy, finding himself unable to hold out against the king, who had taken Pont de l’Arche, and other places about him, resolved to fly, and take sanctuary in Flanders. The Count of Charolois was still at St. Tron⁠[165] (a small town in the diocese of Liege), but much troubled and disturbed, his army having been defeated and broken, and part of it employed (though in the winter time) against the Liegeois; which division vexed him at the heart, for the only thing which he most ambitiously desired, was to see a duke in Normandy, because by that means the king would be much weakened, and be deprived of almost the third part of his kingdom. He ordered some forces immediately to be raised in Picardy, to reinforce the garrison of Dieppe; but before they could be assembled, the governor had made his peace, and the king became master of all the duchy of Normandy, except such places as were left in the custody of the Lord de Lescut by the treaty at Caen.

Ch. XVI.—The new Duke of Normandy retires into Bretagne very poor and disconsolate, upon account of his having miscarried in his Design.—1465.

The Duke of Normandy (as I said before) had once a design to have retired into Flanders, but on a sudden, a reconciliation was made between the Duke of Bretagne and him,⁠[166] when it was too late; for both of them found their errors, and soon grew sensible that there was nothing in this world so firm and stable, but that division is able to destroy it at last. And, indeed, it is next kin to an impossibility, that many great lords of equal quality and power should continue long in a confederacy, unless one of them be invested with a supreme command and authority over the rest; and it is absolutely necessary, that that person should be a man of great wisdom and highly beloved, to keep them all in obedience. With my own eyes I have seen many examples of this nature, and therefore I speak not by report: besides, we are all but too much inclined to divide thus to our own prejudice, without any regard to the consequences which may follow; and, in my opinion, one wise prince with the command of 10,000 men, and money to pay them, is more to be feared and esteemed than ten, who every one of them has 6000, and all of them allied and confederate together; and the reason is, because they have always so many ceremonies and punctilios of honour to be adjusted and accommodated between them, that half their opportunity is lost before they can agree or decide among themselves.

In this manner the Duke of Normandy retired into Bretagne, poor and disconsolate, being forsaken by all those officers that had served his father, Charles VII., who had made their peace with the king, and were advanced to places of higher trust and honour than they ever enjoyed under his father. These two dukes were wise, as the proverb says of the Bretons, when it was too late, and kept themselves close in Bretagne with the Lord de Lescut, their chief servant; during which time, several ambassadors were still going and coming, sometimes from them to the king, sometimes from the king to them; now from them to the Count of Charolois, then from the count to them; sometimes from the king to the Duke of Burgundy, and then again from the Duke of Burgundy to him: some for intelligence, and some to debauch their respective subjects, and make what pernicious bargains they could, and all under the specious pretence of amity and friendship.

However, some were honest, and went with a true zeal to accommodate matters between them; but they were not a little conceited, to presume so far upon their own wisdom as to think that their presence could prevail anything upon such powerful princes as they, who were cunning and penetrating, and understood their own interest too well. I saw the proposals myself, and truly, in my judgment, neither the one nor the other were reasonable. But there is a sort of people so vain and self-conceited as to believe they can perform things which they do not understand; for very often their masters will not tell them their secret thoughts. People of such a kidney are sent only in formality, and to fill up a table, and many times to their own cost; for always they have some hanger-on or other who has some secret designs, as I have observed at all times, and in all places, wherever I have been concerned; so that (as I said before) great princes ought to be very careful into whose hands they commit the management of their affairs; and it also concerns those who are employed in negotiations abroad, to be very cautious how they undertake them; and he that can excuse himself and get off (unless he knows himself capable of performing it, and finds his master to be well affected to the business) is, in my judgment, the wisest man; for I have known many an honest man much puzzled and troubled in managing such an affair. I have seen princes of two quite contrary, or, at least, very different, dispositions; some are of so subtle and jealous a temper, that no man knows how to live with them, and they think everybody betrays them. Others are as confident on the other side, and commit too much to their ministers, but then they are so dull and so unskilful in state affairs, they cannot distinguish when a man does well or ill; and these princes are very wavering and inconstant, and their love changes suddenly into hatred, and their hatred into love; and though neither with the one nor the other, are there many good ministers to be found (and where they are, they do not continue long in favour, and are never safe), yet I had rather live with a wise than with a weak prince, for there a man may have an opportunity of excusing himself and recovering his favour; but with the ignorant, there is no reconciliation, for he does nothing of himself, but refers all to his ministers, who have the sole administration of affairs, and then he changes his mind upon every trifling occasion. However, their subjects are obliged to obey them in the countries where they reign. But the result of all this is, that we should place our confidence only in God, for in him (and in none else) all our virtue, goodness, and safety, consist. It is our misery that few people understand this, till it is too late, and they have been taught by their misfortunes: yet it is better to be wise late, than never.