BOOK THE SECOND. (continued 2)

“The king is content that merchants give security, as to foreign duty, according to ancient usage; that is, to vend their goods in any part of the kingdom, where the aids have their course on the king’s part. Suppose, then, that the duke, by the king’s grant, takes those aids to his own use, without giving security that the said goods shall be sold, and vended in the provinces of the kingdom, where the said aids have their course, as in the country of Artois, and also in others belonging, and made over by the treaty of Arras, or otherwise, to the said duke, without any fraud; yet if hereafter it should appear, that that was not the ancient way of giving security, the whole will be reduced to the manner and form prescribed by the ancient royal ordinances, or other usages. In like manner as to the duchy of Burgundy, wherein the duke pretends the like innovations have been practised, the king and duke shall depute each a commissioner to inquire into the state of those ordinances, and the truth of the fact; and shall regulate the differences as seems most consonant to reason, and that within a year: upon which all troubles and innovations shall cease, and the duke enjoy his rights as to the said foreign imposition in those parts of the kingdom transferred to him by the treaty of Arras. And all demands from the subjects of the said duke in his towns of Arras, St. Omer, Hesdin, Terouenne, Auxerre, and others, in reference to their giving the said security, shall cease, and be no manner of charge to them. Moreover, all law proceedings shall cease upon the said account above mentioned, till the commissioners have decided the said differences, and wholly without prejudice to the king and the duke’s right; and as to the rights of highways, which are of another nature, the commissioners hereafter named shall have power to order things in favour of the duke, pursuant to the treaty of Arras, in and throughout all the royal territories, and also in the lands on both sides the Somme transferred to the duke by the king.”

7. As to the limits of the duchy of Burgundy, and also the other towns and villages of the counties of Mâconnois, Auxerrois, and Bar-sur-Seine, which the duke does not entirely enjoy, nor in the manner he ought, according to the form of the said treaty, the said ambassadors insist he may be put into the peaceable possession of the said towns, villages, and other rights conveyed to him by the said treaty, that he may enjoy the profits of them, and that satisfaction be made to him in reference to the profits received by the king’s officers, since the time they were transferred, and stoppage had been made of them; and to this end the said ambassadors require that four commissioners be appointed—viz., two on either side, who shall be empowered to go to such places on the duke’s account, in order to inform themselves fully concerning his pretensions, if information has not already been given, and thereupon make a declaration of the rights of the said duke, that he may really, and out of hand, enjoy the same, according to the form of the said treaty of Arras, without any farther process or law-suit, on remitting the same to the cognizance of the king, or any of his officers.

“The king is content, on his part, to appoint four commissioners to decide the matters in dispute, with as many nominated by the duke; and if these eight cannot do it, it shall be left to three on each side; and if these cannot effect the matter, each party shall appoint two, who shall determine the differences, according to the form prescribed in the said article.”

8. As to the troubles and molestations given about the granaries belonging to the duke by the said treaty of Arras, and the restraint put upon several of his subjects in the country of Burgundy, Mâconnois, Charolois, Bar-sur-Seine, and Auxerrois, to take salt elsewhere than from the said granaries, contrary to the form of the said treaty of Arras, to his great detriment, the ambassadors desire these grievances may likewise be effectually redressed.

“The king fully agrees to this, and commissioners may be appointed to inquire into the defaults, and redress them as in the preceding article.”

9. The ambassadors farther remonstrate about some lands, places, and villages, situate in the bailiwicks and jurisdictions of Mâconnois and St. Gengon, and some others in the county of Auxerrois, and others of Bar-sur-Seine, belonging to the said duke by the treaty of Arras, the enjoyment of which has been denied him.

“The king from henceforward declares, that the duke shall enjoy the villages and jurisdictions in the bailiwicks of Mâcon and St. Gengon, and also the jurisdictions and villages of Auxerre and Bar-sur-Seine, according to the contents of the treaty of Arras, notwithstanding any obstructions to the contrary: and to this end the said eight commissioners, the six, or the four, in the manner above declared, shall be empowered by the king and duke to hear, examine, and determine things equitably, according to the treaty of Arras, and in the same manner and form as is set down in the eighth article aforegoing, and the answer made thereunto.”

10. Item, the said Duke of Burgundy is also opposed and molested in the enjoyment of several fiefs and homages belonging to him, by virtue of the said treaty, in the said counties and bailiwicks of Mâcon, St. Gengon, and Auxerre, and their jurisdictions, especially of the counties of Beauvillois, which ought to belong to the bailiwick of Mâcon, of all which the said ambassadors demand redress.

“The king is willing to grant it, and it is left to commissioners to determine it, pursuant to the eighth article, and the answer to it.”

11. And as to other points or articles contained and declared in the said treaty of Arras, the ambassadors demand, in the duke’s name, that those which shall be found unaccomplished or impeded, and such as the duke has had no cognizance of, shall be decided by the said commissioners as aforesaid, without any farther contradictions or appeals.

“It is answered, that, to put an end, as soon as possible, to all differences concerning the said treaty of Arras and its dependencies, the eight, six, or four commissioners as aforesaid, shall have full power to examine strictly into the same, and by viewing the places, and without any process or form of law, to decide, determine, and execute what they think most just, by putting the said duke into the possession of whatever they find to belong to him, by virtue of the said treaty, notwithstanding any contradictions or appeals whatsoever; and shall promise from thenceforward to acquiesce with the same.”

12. The third chief point concerns things appertaining to the said duke, upon the account of his lordships, both within and without the kingdom.

And, in the first place, as to the limits of the kingdom, the county of Burgundy, and the territories under the jurisdiction of St. Laurence, the said ambassadors remonstrate for a determination of the same, and that such an equal number of commissioners be appointed on both sides to judge and determine the said differences without any farther review of the same; and notwithstanding any contradiction or appeal whatsoever.

“The king agrees, that eight commissioners be appointed—viz., four on each side—finally to adjudge and determine the said differences.”

13. As for the limits of the countries and territories appertaining to the duke, which adjoin to the counties of Flanders and Artois, and other territories of the kingdom, concerning any law-suit that has been commenced by any private persons in the court of parliament; the said ambassadors move, that the king would please to suspend the same for the space of twelve years, that so a way may be found for deciding it without the form of a process, and with the least expense.

“The king is content to suspend such proceedings for eight years; but yet without prejudicing or derogating from the right of jurisdiction, which may or ought to belong to him; or that the said suspension should give any possession, or other advantage, contrary to the rights of the king or the said duke; and the matter shall be left to the decision of commissioners.”

14. The said ambassadors complain of the grievances occasioned by appeals lodged against the determinations and judgments of the four principal laws of Flanders, against the laws and privileges of the said country, and thereby manifestly disturbing the said duke in his rights. Redress is also required in matters of traffic, upon which the country of Flanders principally depends.

“The first part of this article the king fully agrees to—nothing is said of the last clause.”

15. It is remonstrated, that, pursuant to the rights of the country of Flanders, the court of parliament ought to receive no appeals from other laws and judges of Flanders, omisso medio; for the resort ought first to belong to the duke, and he ought not to be obliged to have recourse for a review to the said court, as they do in other countries of the kingdom; for relief ought not to be given the subjects of Flanders in case of an appeal, if the appeal does not immediately precede the sentence of the count, or his council in Flanders; and to this end the king is desired to grant him his letters patent in due form.

“The contents of this article he agrees to, pursuant to the custom of the country.”

16. They farther remonstrate against the troubles and impediments met with in appeals made in causes within the jurisdiction, lands and chastellanies of Lille, Douay, and Orchies, in the council-chamber of Flanders, against all reason, and of which the duke has been in peaceable possession for a long time, except that short space wherein any contradiction has been made; and that the said impediments may cease, seeing the said chastellanies continually belonged to the county of Flanders; and since the king held them upon the contract of the marriage of the great Duke Philip, great grandfather of the present duke, they were re-united to the county of Flanders; so that the duke may hold them alone in fief with the said county.

“Agreed to by the king.”

17. Seeing that neither the king nor his court of parliament have any right, but the duke and his grand council, to take cognizance of the causes of his subjects within the kingdom in the empire; and that, on the contrary, considering that appeals are not thereby hindered, the ambassadors desire there may be no trouble given therein, either by the king or his officers; and that the jurisdiction, sovereignty and other rights, both of the king and duke, may be preserved.

“The king is content, that the duke or his great council take cognizance of the causes of his countries and subjects within the kingdom, in the empire; saving the exception of the parties, and of those of the empire or kingdom, and the whole done without prejudice to the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the king, in relation to the kingdom, and the right and sovereignties belonging to the duke in reference to the empire; and this agreement shall last as long as the king and duke live.”

18. As to the 4000 livres yearly rent, belonging to the duke upon the account of his predecessors the Earls of Hainault and Ostervant, upon the revenue of Vermandois, appertaining to the king, and of which there are great arrears, the ambassadors demand both the rent and the arrears.

“The said commissioners shall settle that matter, and do the duke justice.”

19. The ambassadors also complain of the restraint put upon the duke’s subjects and servants—some of them being natives of his county of Burgundy, in his territories without the kingdom; others of the duchy of Burgundy, and other territories of the duke’s—by obliging them to take new and unusual oaths to serve the king against all persons whatsoever, and especially against the said duke, without any regard had to their being his vassals; and upon their delaying to do it, though they were ready to take the oath of allegiance in the usual form, and to serve according to the nature and quality of their fiefs; yet Monsieur de Chastillon and other of the king’s officers have proceeded against them very irregularly and unjustly, as well by seizing their lands and lordships, and receiving the profits thereof, and committing outrages in some of the said lands as in an enemy’s country, as by confiscation of body and goods, and the said profits they have applied to their own use: nay, which is still more, the said Chastillon has proceeded against the duke himself, upon account of the signiory of Fouvants, which belongs to him.

“The contents of this and the following 21st, 22nd, 23rd, and 24th articles, the king is willing to redress fully for the future; restitution shall be made of the profits aforesaid, and the king will appoint a commissioner to see reparation duly made. All prisoners shall be freely released, and free egress and ingress given to the duke’s subjects. The king also consents that the vassals and subjects of the said duke living and residing in his dominions, as also his domestic servants, who have lands, fiefs, and lordships in his kingdom, upon the account of which they are bound to certain military services when the king issues out his general mandate for the defence of his person, shall not be obliged to serve in person, but find others, more or less in number, as the tenure requires, in their stead.”

20. Again, M. de Chastillon and others have driven some ecclesiastics out of Langres, that have livings there, by reason of their being natives of the duke’s dominions; and publicly enjoined them and other natives not to reside on those benefices, nor elsewhere in the kingdom.

“The king agrees fully to redress this grievance.”

21. The said M. de Chastillon and others of the king’s officers have seized the goods of the inhabitants of Valenciennes at the fairs of Rheims, and of other considerable merchants, subjects and servants of the said duke; namely, M. de Ternant, William de Villiers, M. Jean Jacqueling, the receiver of Auxerrois, Jean Gormont, and others, who have had no reparation made them for their losses. In like manner with them the king’s officers without any cause have seized M. Jean de Janly, the duke’s envoy to the Duke of Calabria and the King of Arragon.

“The same answer given to this as to the 20th article aforegoing.”

22. The ambassadors demand that such novel and unreasonable constraints may be no more practised; that the seizing of the lands of the duke’s subjects may be entirely discontinued, so as that they may peaceably enjoy the same as formerly, and have restitution made them for the profits, and also that the ecclesiastics of Langres may be satisfied.

“Agreed to as the last.”

23. In like manner an entire restitution is required of the goods taken from the duke’s subjects in Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and Flanders, of which the said subjects have lately made grievous complaints for redress, and the liberty of those who are imprisoned; and withal, that letters patent might be granted, that disorders and hostilities may not be practised for the future; the subjects of the said duke having been interrupted in their herring fishery, as well those of Holland, Zealand, and Brabant, as those of Flanders and Boulogne, to their great damage; and therefore they desire the king’s passes to secure them for the future, upon producing of which they may proceed unmolested.

“Answered as the last article.”

24. The ambassadors set forth, that the gifts made the duke by the king of the revenue of Chastel-Chinon for six years, and which he did not enjoy above a year or two, may be restored to him for that term.

“This the king fully agrees to.”

25. The king, for very good causes and considerations, is desired to cancel those causes that are depending in his court of parliament between Jean Boutilhac, and Christian and Jean de Digonne, both brothers, which were commenced in the time of the troubles, and by the duke’s order, M. Jacques de la Galee, Messieurs de Lalain, and de Montigny, Gerard le Febvre, and the people of Bruges, and the king’s proctor, joined in the said causes to bring them before him; and afterwards pursuant to the abolition made at Conflans, and the contents of the letters patent formerly granted by the king thereupon, to maintain the said letters of abolition.

“The king is willing to cancel the causes above said before himself and council, or the commissioners appointed for the universal reformation of justice through the kingdom, of whom the Chancellor of France is one. And as to the affair of Boutilhac and the king’s proctor against the Digonnes, Boutilhac and the proctor shall be silenced; then for Lalain, seeing the said causes have a relation to the business of the limits above mentioned, in respect to which a stop had been made to the re-delivery of their goods seized and detained upon that occasion, these goods which are in the hands of commissioners or others deputed by them, they shall peaceably enjoy, till the dispute about the limits shall be decided by the said commissioners in the form aforesaid, provided that they and all their goods shall be liable to the making good, on their part, the sentence given by the said commissioners in that behalf. And as for the interposition of appeals by Gerard Febvre, and others, from the judgments and sentences of the said court of Bruges, they shall be of no effect.”

26. The king is desired to inhibit De Torcy, his heirs, &c., for ever to prosecute a certain decree obtained by him against the late M. de Saveuse, contrary to the tenor of the treaty of Arras; which decree after it was made, had a stop put to it till the death of the late king, and by the king now being, for fifteen years, commencing from that of sixty.

“The said suspension of fifteen years the king is willing shall be observed, and that after the expiration of the said term, the execution of the said decree shall be suspended for twenty years longer, still with a salvo to the king and the duke’s rights from thenceforwards, and for the twenty years past.”

27. The ambassadors cannot also but remonstrate against the denial of mandates in case of appeal and other points of justice to the duke’s officers and subjects, and even when his officers have appealed and demanded security for the preservation of his right and signiory.

“The king will command speedy and strict justice to be done, and all mandates in cases of appeal or otherwise shall be granted without hesitation; so that it may be evident to all men that he is desirous to do right to the duke’s subjects.”

28. The ambassadors desire the king would let the duke enjoy the lands, signiories and rights made over to him, and to let him have instruments of ratification, by which all impediments to the contrary shall be declared null and of no effect.

“This the king assents to in the full extent of it.”

29. The ambassadors demand reparation of damages for himself and subjects during the troubles, which by a moderate computation amount to above 200,000 crowns in gold.

“The king is willing to make reparation, but expects the same on the part of the duke.”

30. The king is desired to prohibit the Bailiff of Gens for the future to receive appeals, and to grant relief in cases of appeals by the subjects of the duchy of Burgundy; forasmuch as that duchy is the first peerage of France, and therefore the duke and his subjects ought to appeal nowhere but to the parliament, if they think fit.

“The king agrees to this article.”

31. The bailiff, judges and officers of the said duke in that duchy, ought not for the future to be hindered from taking cognizance of the subjects of the said duchy, under pretence that they are burghers of Ville-neuve-le-Roy; and the Bailiff of Gens and all others should be forbidden to grant protections to the subjects of the said duke in his duchy, under pretence of that burghership.

“The king agrees also to this.”

32. The king is desired to grant letters patent, and in them to declare that all executions made by virtue of the seal of the said duchy, shall take place according and pursuant to the privileges of the said seal, and notwithstanding any appeals, and without prejudicing the same.

“The king agrees to this article.”

33. All complaints made in respect to innovations, which shall be exhibited by the said duke in his said duchy and his other territories, or by the judges of those countries who may and are wont to offer those complaints, ought really to be redressed, notwithstanding any appeals, &c.

“This the king allows of.”

34. Though the villages of Desgrandes, Mallay St. Guillain, Ducray, and other adjacent ones, are directly in the duchy of Burgundy, appertaining to the said duke, and belonging to the bailiwick of Destun; yet the king’s officers have attempted to make them to belong to Lyons, as well in point of jurisdiction as in the matter of taxes, to the prejudice of the said duke, and also contrary to the treaty of Arras, by which all the profits and royal rights in the bailiwicks of Mâcon and St. Gengon ought to belong to the said duke; for if the king had any right to the said villages, it must be upon the account of the said bailiwicks of Mâcon and St. Gengon only; and for the late duke, he complained of it to the late King Charles, and since to the present king; and was informed that M. Guichard Bastier, Chief-judge of Lyons, should inquire into the matter of fact, and there determine it. Nevertheless, the said ambassadors require that the said information may be reviewed and examined by the said commissioners, who shall be appointed to transact the other matters above mentioned, and so as to reinstate the said duke in the possession of the said villages whereof he has been deprived wrongfully and without any just cause; in case that information be sufficient to do it, or otherwise the commissioners shall decide it in the manner aforesaid.

“The king agrees to this article in all the parts of it.”

35. And in case there are any articles that cannot presently be executed, but that it shall be necessary that they should be examined and determined by commissioners, whom the king and the duke shall appoint, and that in order to this a convenient time be also assigned; and that it may so happen that though the said commissioners have not full power from the king and the duke to determine the things left to their cognizance: insomuch that the said matters may be delayed through the difficulties which may occur, as well in respect to the knowing, as making a declaration of the rights of the parties; let the king and the duke, if they are so pleased, expedite their powers, by which both sides shall agree, that, in case the said commissioners cannot accord, they may choose an umpire, an able man, who cannot be suspected of partiality, to whom they shall declare and impart their difficulties and differences; and when he shall be fully instructed in the whole affair, he shall declare his opinion according to his conscience, and without any favour or affection. And so the matter shall be adjudged and determined, according to the advice of those the said commissioners who shall be of the umpire’s opinion, notwithstanding the opposition of the rest, with a salvo always to the greatest and soundest part in number of persons and opinions of the said commissioners, by whose advice the matter shall be determined as effectually as if all the commissioners had agreed to it. And in case the said commissioners shall not be able to agree among themselves about the choice of an umpire, those on the king’s side shall be obliged to name two worthy persons, and the duke’s commissioners as many, neither of whom shall be natives, or the subjects of either of them, nor suspected of partiality; out of which four, one shall be chosen by lot, who shall be the umpire, to decide the matter as aforesaid; and if the commissioners who shall be appointed by the king do not agree in the choice of an umpire as aforesaid, in that case the duke’s commissioners may do it without them. And, on the contrary, if the said commissioners of the duke do not agree to it, those of the king’s may in like manner do it without them. And that choice, together with the king’s which, by virtue thereof, shall be made, shall be as valid as if done by the commissioners on both sides by common consent; and the said commissioners on one side may proceed in the said affair, by default, and upon the refusal of the commissioners on the other side, and act with the said umpire, in the same manner as if all the commissioners were together. And all that shall be determined, done, and executed, in the things aforesaid, shall remain firm and valid for ever; and that the said commissioners and every of them shall swear solemnly that they will take care of, attend, and manage the said affairs as aforesaid, and have a very strict regard to the right of each part, and proceed therein without interruption or delay, and without alleging any excuse, unless in case of death or sickness. And in case of an excuse as aforesaid, the commissioner, whose business it is, shall appoint one to act in his stead, who shall proceed with the rest in the same form and manner as above directed.

“The king agrees to the contents of this article.”

[The conclusion and ratification of this treaty being matters of form, we omit them.]

Ch. X.—How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundy in his Expedition against the Liegeois, who were formerly his Allies.—1468.

After the conclusion of the peace, the King and the Duke of Burgundy set out the next morning for Cambray⁠[250], and from thence towards the country of Liege: it was the beginning of winter, and the weather very bad. The king had with him only his Scotch guards and a small body of his standing forces; but he ordered 300 of his men-at-arms to join him. The duke’s army marched in two columns; one was commanded by the Marshal of Burgundy (of whom I have spoken before), and with him were all the Burgundians, the above-mentioned nobility of Savoy, and a great number of forces out of Hainault, Luxembourg, Namur, and Limburg; the other body was led by the duke himself. When they came near the city of Liege, a council of war was held in the duke’s presence, in which it was the opinion of some of the officers, that part of the army should march back, since the gates and walls of that city had been demolished the year before, and no hopes were left them of being relieved; for the king was with us in person, and had made some overtures for them, which was almost as much as was demanded of them: but the duke was not at all pleased with this proposition, and it was well he was not, for never prince was nearer his ruin, and it was only his suspicion of the king which was the occasion of his rejecting it. Certainly they who proposed it, out of an opinion of their too great strength, were very ill-advised; it was a great instance of their folly or pride, and I have often heard of such counsel having been given, but it was always by such officers as were either ignorant of what was fit to be done, or such as had a mind to be esteemed for their courage; but our king (whom God pardon!) understood an affair of this nature excellently well. He was slow and timorous in undertaking any action of importance, but when once he had begun, he provided so well, that it was hardly possible for his designs to miscarry.

The Marshal of Burgundy was ordered with the brigade under his command, to advance before us, and possess himself of the city; if he was refused entrance, he was ordered to force it if he could, for there were already several deputies from the city coming and going about an accommodation. The marshal advanced as far as Namur, and the king and duke arriving the next day⁠[251], he removed and marched on. As soon as he approached the city, the poor inconsiderate citizens made a sally, but were easily defeated (at least a good part of them), and the rest retired. During this confusion in the town, the bishop made his escape, and came to our army. There was at that time a legate⁠[252] sent from the Pope⁠[253] to pacify their disputes, and to inquire into the difference between the bishop and the people; for they remained still under excommunication for the above-mentioned reasons and offences. This legate exceeding his commission, and hoping to make himself bishop of that city, favoured the people, advised them to take arms, and to stand upon their defence, and other foolish counsels he gave them besides: but finding what danger the town was in, he endeavoured to make his escape, and got away with his whole train (consisting of five and twenty persons very well mounted); but they were all retaken. The duke having notice of it, sent word to those who had taken him, that they should carry him somewhere out of the way (without acquainting him with it), and make him pay as great a ransom for his liberty as they could get; because if it came publicly to his knowledge, the honour he was obliged to pay to the apostolic see would not suffer him to detain him a prisoner. They could not take his advice, but fell out among themselves, and some who pretended to a share, coming to the duke with their complaints, as he was sitting publicly at dinner, he sent to have the legate delivered into his hands, took him from them, showed him abundance of respect, and treated him very honourably. The great body of forces which were in the vanguard, under the command of the Marshal of Burgundy and the Lord of Humbercourt, presuming they should carry their point, marched directly to the city, and (moved by their avarice), they thought it better to plunder it, than to accept of a treaty which was offered: supposing there was no necessity of staying for the king (who was seven or eight leagues behind), they advanced until just about night they arrived at the suburbs, into which they entered in a part that led directly to one of the gates which had been lately repaired by the citizens; some parley there passed between them, but nothing was concluded on. Night came upon them, and it grew very dark before they had taken up their quarters; so that not knowing where to dispose themselves, they were in great disorder; some walked up and down, others called out for their masters, their comrades, and their captains. Monsieur Jehan de Vilde and other officers in the town, perceiving their folly and confusion, took courage, and (the inconvenience of having had their walls thrown down being now of great advantage to them), they sallied through the ruins and out of the breaches in the walls as they pleased upon those who were in the front; but they attacked the pages and servants (who were left with the horses at the farther end of the suburbs, where they entered) by the way of the vineyards and hillocks, and slew many of them, but a greater number fled (for the night knows no shame): in short, they attacked us so vigorously, that in this action they slew above 800 men, of whom 100 were men-at-arms. But the wiser and more courageous of that vanguard kept themselves together in a body (the greatest part of them being men-at-arms and persons of good family), and marched up with their colours directly to the gate, imagining if there was a sally, it would be that way. A continued rain had made the ways prodigiously miry, and the men-at-arms being dismounted, stood up to their ancles in mud and dirt. All the inhabitants that remained in the town resolved to make a general sally at once, and with great shouts and a vast number of torches, they were marching through the gate, when our men (who were not far off, and had four good pieces of cannon with them), fired up the street among them two or three times, and made such a slaughter that they retired out of the suburbs, and shut up their gates. Whilst this dispute lasted in the suburbs, those who had sallied by the walls, being near the town, had got together some few carts and waggons, with which they fortified themselves, and reposed (though but indifferently, for they continued out of the town from two o’clock in the morning till six): but as soon as the day began to break, and we were able to discover where they lay, we immediately repulsed them. In this action, Monsieur Jehan de Vilde was wounded, and died in the town two days after, and two or three officers of note besides.

Ch. XI.—Of the King’s Arrival in person with the Duke of Burgundy before the City of Liege.—1468.

Though sallies out of a town are sometimes necessary, yet they are very dangerous, and of ill consequence to the besieged; since ten men are a greater loss to them than a hundred to the besiegers, because their number is less, and they cannot be recruited as they please; besides they may happen to lose their governor, or some other considerable officer, for want of whose conduct, not being able to make any longer defence, they may be forced to surrender the town immediately. The news of this action was presently brought to the duke, who was in his quarters about four or five leagues from the city. At first the whole body was reported to be cut off; however, the duke mounted, and ordered all the forces that were with him to march immediately, commanding that the news of this action should be kept secret from the king. In our approach to another part of the town, we had intelligence that all was well, that there were not so many slain as was at first supposed, and that among them there was not any person of note but one Monsieur de Sergine, a Flemish knight. At the same time we were informed, that the gentlemen and officers that were left of the vanguard were in great distress and want of provisions, having been upon very hard duty all night long and upon their feet in the dirt and mire at the very gates of the town; that some of the infantry who had fled, and were returned, were so dispirited and out of heart, that no great exploit could be expected from them; and therefore they desired the duke, for God’s sake, to march up with all diligence to their post, which would oblige the enemy to divide their forces, and not lie with their whole garrison upon them. They pressed in like manner for supplies of provisions, for they had not one morsel left to subsist on. The duke immediately sent them what provisions could be got, under a convoy of 300 horse, to comfort and encourage them; and it was time, for none of them, except a few that had brought some wine with them, had either eaten or drunk anything for two or three days and a night, and to mend the matter, they had the hardest weather in the world. On their side it was impossible to enter, unless the duke gave the garrison a diversion. They had abundance of men wounded, and among the rest the Prince of Orange⁠[254] (whom I had forgotten to name), who gave signal proofs of his courage and conduct, and would not stir from his post during the whole time. The Lords du Lau and d’Urfé behaved themselves very gallantly also, though above 2000 men deserted and ran away from them in the night.

It was almost night when the duke received this last intelligence, and having despatched the above-mentioned supplies, he returned to his standard to give a full relation to the king, who seemed to be extremely pleased, for the contrary would have proved much to his prejudice. It was not long before we arrived at the suburbs, and then a strong party of volunteers (men-at-arms and archers) were detached to possess the suburbs, which was easily done; and the Bastard of Burgundy (who had a great command under the duke at that time), the Lord of Ravestein, the Count of Roucy⁠[255] (the constable’s son), and several other persons of quality, took up their quarters in the suburb, and some of them just by the gate which the townsmen had repaired, as they had done the other. The duke had his quarters in the middle of the suburbs, but for that night the king remained in a good, large and well-furnished farm about a quarter of a league from the town, with a strong party both of our and his own men for his guard.

The city of Liege is seated in a very fruitful country, full of mountains and valleys, with the River Maes running through the middle of it, and is much about the same size as Rouen, and was at that time very populous. It was no great distance from that gate where we had our quarter, to the other, where our vanguard were posted, provided we could have gone straight through the town; but being obliged to go round on the outside of it, it was full three leagues about by reason of the holes and little sloughs which (it being mid-winter, and very foul) the weather had filled up. The walls likewise were all demolished, and the citizens might attack our men in what quarter they pleased: besides the foundation being stony and a hard rock, they could never make a ditch, and at that time had nothing but a small trench, which they had thrown up not long before to defend them. Our vanguard were extremely overjoyed and animated at our approach on the first night of our coming; for already the force of the garrison was divided into two parts. About midnight we had a terrible alarm, and the Duke of Burgundy was immediately in the street; not long after the king and constable came to him, and had made great haste to get thither so soon. The darkness and horror of the night contributed much to the terror of our soldiers, some of them crying out, “They sally out of this gate, and some of them out of the other.” The Duke of Burgundy never wanted courage, but his conduct often failed him; and to speak impartially, he did not behave himself at this very time so prudently as he ought to have done, considering the king was there present. In this confusion, the king took upon him to command, and said to the constable, “March you with your men to such a place, for if the enemy falls upon us anywhere, it must necessarily be there.” He who had seen his countenance, and heard him speak, would have acknowledged him to be a prince of great courage and prudence; but this was not the first action in which he had given demonstration of it; however this was only a false alarm, and the king and the duke returned both to their quarters.

The next morning the king removed into the suburbs, and took up his quarters in a little house next door to the duke’s; his guards consisted of 100 Scots, and his household troops were posted in a village near him. The Duke of Burgundy was extremely jealous, lest either the king should find means to get into the city, or return home before he could take it; or else (being so near), make some attempt upon his person. To prevent the worst, he made a draught out of his guards of 300 of the stoutest men-at-arms that he could depend on, and posted them in a great barn that lay between their two quarters. The walls of the barn were broken down, to render their sallies the more easy, if there should be occasion, and these troops were placed there to watch and observe the king’s motions, who was quartered just by them. In this manner we spent eight days; during which (for on the last day the town was taken) neither the duke nor anybody else pulled off their arms. The night before the surrender, at a council of war, it was concluded to storm the town the next morning, which was Sunday, the 30th of October, 1468; and accordingly orders were given out that at a certain signal (which was the firing of one great gun alone, then of two serpentines presently after, and then discontinuing), without farther orders they should begin the assault on one side, as the duke designed to attack them on the other by eight in the morning. That night (as was concluded) the duke disarmed himself and ordered all his army to do the same, and to refresh themselves, especially those in the barn. At that instant (having been informed of our design) the Liegeois resolved to make a sally upon our quarters, as they had done before upon the other side.

Ch. XII.—How the Liegeois made a desperate Sally upon the Duke of Burgundy’s Quarter, where both he and the King were in very great Danger.—1468.

In this chapter I shall show you an example, by which you may observe, that the greatest prince or potentate may suddenly fall into dangerous inconveniences, occasioned by a small number of their enemies; from whence it may reasonably be inferred that all enterprises ought to be well weighed and considered, before they are put in execution. This city had not one soldier in their garrison, but men of their own territories, nor one man of quality or good officer among them; for those few whom they had were all killed and wounded two or three days before. They had neither gate, nor wall, nor fortification, nor one piece of cannon, which was good for anything. Their garrison consisted only of their own townsmen, and 700 or 800 foot from a small mountain at the back of the town called the country of Franchemont, but they had always had the reputation of being valiant and stout soldiers. They were now arrived at the height of desperation, and having no hopes of relief, since the king had come in person against them, they resolved to make a general sally, and put all to a venture, for they looked upon themselves as lost. It was concluded, that by the ruins of the walls which were behind the Duke of Burgundy’s quarters, all their choicest troops should sally, which were 600 of those from the country of Franchemont, led and conducted by the masters of the two houses where the King and the Duke of Burgundy were quartered; near to which houses, by a crack in a great rock, they might march securely before they were perceived, unless they discovered themselves by any noise. Though there were several scouts by the way, they were not discouraged, imagining they should either kill them, or be at the king’s or duke’s quarters as soon as they should give the alarm. Besides, they presumed their two guides would conduct them directly to their own houses, where (as is said before) the king and the duke were quartered; and not halting anywhere by the way, they hoped they might be able to surprise them, and either kill or take them, before their guards could come in to their assistance. Having not far to march, they supposed they should be able to make their retreat, or if the worst came to the worst, they could but die, and they were contented to lose their lives in such an undertaking; for without it, as is said before, they found themselves utterly ruined. It was also ordered that all the people of the city should sally out of the gate which opened into the great street of our suburbs, with loud shouts and cries, hoping by that means to defeat that body of forces that were posted in the suburbs, and to obtain a complete victory, or a glorious death. Had they had 1000 men-at-arms, all regular forces, their attempt would have been great, and I question not but they would have succeeded in it, since with those few which they had, they were very near effecting their designs.

According to the resolution that had been taken, at about ten o’clock at night, the 600 men from Franchemont sallied forth by the breaches of the walls, seized upon the most of our outguards and put them to the sword (among whom there were three gentlemen of the household of the Duke of Burgundy), and certainly if they had marched on directly, and made no noise till they had arrived at the place where they designed, they had slain both those princes in their beds, without any great opposition. Behind the Duke of Burgundy’s quarters there was a tent in which the present Duke of Alençon⁠[256] lay, and with him the Lord of Craon⁠[257]; they stopped there for some time, thrust their pikes through the tent, and killed some of the servants. This giving an alarm to the whole army, some few ran to their arms, several got up, and leaving their tents, ran immediately to the two houses, where the king and the duke were quartered. The barn I mentioned before, where the duke had posted 300 men-at-arms, being close to both houses, they gave them some thrusts with their pikes out of the holes which had been made for the convenience of their sallies. Not full two hours before this attack, these gentlemen had pulled off their arms to refresh and prepare themselves for the assault the next day, so that most of them were unarmed, though some few had clapped on their cuirasses upon the uproar at the Duke of Alençon’s tent, and attacked the invaders through the doors and the holes which they had made, and were the only body of troops that preserved those two great princes; for by this delay, several others had time enough to arm, and make head against them. I and two gentlemen more of his bed-chamber lay that night in the Duke of Burgundy’s chamber (which was very small), and above us there were twelve archers upon the guard, all of them in their clothes, and playing at dice. His main guard was at a good distance, and towards the gate of the town. In short, the master of the house where the duke was quartered, having drawn out a good party of the Liegeois, came so suddenly upon the duke, that we had scarce time to put on his cuirass and breast-plate and clap a steel cap upon his head: as soon as we had done it, we ran down the stairs into the street, but we found our archers engaged with the enemy, and much ado they had to defend the doors and the windows against them. In the street there was a terrible noise and uproar, some crying out, “Vive le Roi!” others, “Vive Bourgogne!” and others, “Vive le Roi, et tuez!” It was some time before our archers and we could beat the enemy from the doors, and get out of the house: we knew not in what condition the king was, nor whether he was for or against us, which put us into a great consternation. As soon as we were got into the street, by the help of two or three torches we discovered some few of our men, and could perceive people fighting round about us, but the action there lasted not long, for the soldiers from all parts came in thronging to the duke’s quarter: the duke’s landlord was the first man of the enemy’s side that was killed (who died not presently, for I heard him speak), and with him his whole party (at least the greatest part of them) were cut in pieces.

The king was also assaulted after the same manner by his landlord, who entered his house, but was slain by the Scotch guards. These Scotch troops behaved themselves valiantly, maintained their ground, would not stir one step from the king, and were very nimble with their bows and arrows, with which it is said they wounded and killed more of the Burgundians than of the enemy. Those who were appointed, made their sally at the gate, but they found a strong guard to oppose them, who gave them a warm reception, and presently repulsed them; they not being so good soldiers as the others. As soon as these people were repulsed, the king and duke met, and had a conference together; seeing several lie dead about them, they were afraid their loss had been greater than really it proved to be; for upon examination, they found they had not lost many men, though several were wounded; and without dispute, if they had not stopped at those two places, and especially at the barn (where they met with considerable opposition), but had followed their guides, they had killed both the king and the Duke of Burgundy, and in all probability would have defeated the rest of the army. Each of these princes retired to his quarters greatly astonished at the boldness of the attempt; and immediately a council of war was called, to consult what measures were to be taken the next morning in relation to the assault, which had been resolved upon before. The king was in great perplexity, as fearing that if the duke took not the town by storm, the inconvenience would fall upon him, and he would either be kept still in restraint, or made an absolute prisoner; for the duke could not think himself secure against a war with France, if he should suffer him to depart. By this mutual distrust of each other, one may clearly observe the miserable condition of these two princes, who could not by any means confide in one another, though they had made a firm peace, not a fortnight before, and had sworn solemnly to preserve it.

Ch. XIII.—Of the storming, taking, and plundering the City of Liege; together with the Ruin and Destruction of the very Churches.—1468.

The king, to free himself from these doubts, about an hour after his return from the sally (which I mentioned before) to his quarters, sent for some of the duke’s officers that had assisted at the council of war, to know the result of it; they told him it was resolved that the town should be stormed next morning in the manner that was concerted before. The king made several grave and judicious objections, and such as the duke’s officers approved of very well; for they were all apprehensive of the assault, in respect of the great numbers of people in the town, and the signal proofs they had given of their courage not two hours before; so that the officers seemed inclinable rather to defer it for some days longer, and to endeavour to have taken it by composition. They came immediately to the duke’s quarters, and made a report of all the king had said unto them, and it was my fortune to be present. They represented all the king’s fears, and their own too, but supposing the duke would not take it so well from them, they fathered it all upon his majesty. The duke took it extremely ill, and replied, that the king raised those difficulties only to preserve the town: besides, he told them, that it was impossible his design should miscarry, because they had no artillery within, nor walls without, to defend them; that their fortifications and their gates were demolished, and therefore he was resolved to delay no longer, but to storm the town, as had been concluded before. However, if the king pleased, he might retire to Namur, and stay there till the town was taken; but for his own part he would not stir till he saw what would be the event of this enterprise. The whole army dreaded this assault, and therefore none of the officers were pleased with this resolution, which was communicated to the king, not bluntly but in the mildest terms imaginable. The king knew what the duke would be at, but dissembled it, and declared he would not go to Namur, but take his fortune the next morning with the rest. My opinion is, that if he had been willing to make his escape, he might have done it that night, for he had with him 100 archers of his guards, several gentlemen of his retinue, and not much fewer than 300 men-at-arms; but when his honour lay at stake, he scorned to do it, lest the world should have upbraided him with want of courage.

In expectation of day, the whole army reposed themselves in their arms for some time, and several went to their devotions, for it was looked upon as a very dangerous enterprise. As soon as it was broad day, and the hour had come for the assault (which as I said before was eight in the morning), the duke ordered the signal to be given, and the great guns to be fired successively as was agreed on, to give them notice who were in our vanguard on the other side of the town (at a great distance to go about, though through the town it was but a little way). The vanguard heard the signal, and immediately prepared to storm the town; the duke’s trumpets began to sound, the colours advanced to the walls, and the soldiers marched after in very good order. The king was at that time in the middle of the street, well attended with his 300 men-at-arms, his guards, and some lords and officers of his household. When we came so near that we expected to be immediately at push of pike, we found no resistance at all, and not above two or three men upon the guard; for supposing, because it was Sunday, that we would not have attacked them, they were all gone to dinner, and we found the cloth laid in every house that we entered. A multitude is seldom formidable, unless commanded by some officer whom they hold in reverence and fear; yet there are certain hours and seasons in which their fury is terrible.

Before this assault the Liegeois were much fatigued and dispirited, as well for the loss they had sustained in their two sallies (in which all their chief officers were slain), as for the great pains and hard service which they had endured for eight days successively; for nobody was exempted from being upon the guard. They being blocked up on both sides (as I stated before), I suppose they thought that Sunday might have been a day of rest to them (but they were mightily mistaken), for they did not make the least defence, either on our side, or on the other, where the Burgundians of our vanguard made their attack, and entered before us⁠[258]; they killed but few, for the people fled over the Maes into the forest of Ardennes, and from thence into such places of refuge as they thought most proper to secure themselves in. On that side of the town where I was, I saw but three men and one woman dead; and I believe there were not above 200 killed altogether, the rest having all fled, and got into the houses or churches for sanctuary. The king marched at his own leisure (for he saw there was no opposition), and the army (consisting by my computation of about 40,000 men), entered at both ends of the town. The duke, having advanced a good way into the city, turned back to meet the king, conducting him as far as the palace, and then returned to the great church of St. Lambert, into which his soldiers were forcing their way for the sake both of the prisoners and the plunder; for though he had posted a battalion of his guards there to secure the church, yet the soldiers could not be restrained, but fell upon them, and attempted to break open the doors. I saw the Duke of Burgundy kill one man himself at his arrival, upon which the soldiers retreated, and the church was preserved for that time; but at length all the men that had fled thither for sanctuary were made prisoners, and all the furniture was taken away. The rest of the churches, which were very numerous (for I have heard the Lord of Humbercourt, who knew the town very well, say, that there were as many masses said in it every day as in Rome), were most of them plundered under pretence of searching for prisoners. I myself was in none but the great church, but I was told so, and saw the marks of it, for which a long time after the Pope excommunicated all such as had any goods belonging to the churches in that city, unless they restored them; and the duke appointed certain officers to go up and down his country, to see the Pope’s sentence put in execution. After the taking and plundering the city, about noon the duke returned to the palace; the king had dined before he came, but expressed much joy at his good fortune, and highly applauded his magnanimity and conduct; for he knew well enough it would be carried to the duke, and he had in his heart a longing desire to be at home in his own kingdom. After dinner the king and the duke were very merry together, and if the king had been lavish in his commendations behind his back, he extolled his actions much more to his face, and the duke was not a little pleased to hear it.

But I am obliged to make a small digression, and give an account of the calamities of those miserable people who fled out of the town, that I may confirm what I said in the beginning of these Memoirs, when I spoke of the misfortunes and dreadful consequences which I have observed to follow those who are defeated in battle, whether king or prince, or any other potentate whatever.

These miserable creatures fled through the country of Ardennes with their wives and children. A gentleman in those parts (who till that time had been of their side), fell upon, and cut off a great party of them; and to ingratiate himself with the duke, he wrote him an account of what he had done, and represented the number both of the prisoners and slain to be much greater than in reality it was, though indeed it was very great; but, however, he made his own peace with the duke by that action. Others fled to Mezières, which is a French town upon the Maes. Two or three of their ringleaders were taken and presented to the duke (one of whom was named Madoulet), whom he ordered immediately to be put to death; and several of the rest died with hunger, or cold, or watching.

Ch. XIV.—How King Louis returned into France by the Consent of the Duke of Burgundy; and how the Duke treated the Liegeois and the People of Franchemont afterwards.—1468.

About four or five days after the taking of the town, the king began to employ his friends about the duke, to propose his return into France; and he himself broke the matter to him very discreetly, telling him, that if he had still any occasion of his assistance, he should freely let him know it and he would willingly stay longer, but that if his presence could be of no farther importance, he desired to be dismissed, that he might return to Paris, and see the peace published in the court of parliament.⁠[259] (For in France it is a custom that all treaties of peace should be published in that court, or otherwise they are void, though indeed the king’s power is very great.) Besides, he desired of the duke that they might have another interview next summer in Burgundy, and enjoy the conversation of one another for a month together. At length the duke consented he should go, yet not without murmuring a little. The duke ordered the articles of peace to be read to the king, that, if he repented of anything, it might be altered. He offered it likewise to his choice, whether he would stand to it or not, and some little apology he made for his bringing him thither. He desired one thing more, which was, that the king would permit a new article to be added in favour of the Lord du Lau, the Lord d’Urfé, and Poncet de Rivière⁠[260] and that he would promise that the lands and preferments, which they had enjoyed before the war, should be restored to them again. This proposition did not please the king at all, for he thought it very unreasonable that those who were not of his party should be comprehended in the peace. Besides, they were servants to the Lord Charles, the king’s brother, and not to the king. However, the king replied that he would consent to it, upon condition that the duke would do the same for the Count of Nevers⁠[261] and the Lord of Croy; upon which answer the duke pressed it no farther. This answer of the king’s was looked upon to be a very wise one, for the duke hated those two gentlemen, so that he would never consent to their restoration. In all the rest, the king told the duke he would alter nothing, but confirm whatever had been sworn at Peronne. In this manner his departure was agreed on, and the king took his leave of the duke⁠[262], who conducted him about half a league, but at their last departure the king said to him, “If my brother, who is in Bretagne, should not be satisfied with the appanage, which for your sake I have given him, what would you have me do?” The duke hastily replied, without considering what he said, “If he should not, it is your part to see him satisfied, but I shall leave that to yourselves.” From which question and answer important actions did afterwards proceed, as you shall hear in the proper place.

The king departed extremely well pleased, and was conducted by the Lords des Cordes, and d’Aimeries⁠[263] (Grand Bailiff of Hainault) out of the Duke of Burgundy’s territories, who himself continued at Liege.⁠[264] That city indeed was barbarously treated, but they had used his subjects with the same cruelty ever since his grandfather’s time, never keeping any promise, nor observing any peace that they made; and it was now the fifth year that the duke had been there in person, and made peace with them every time, and the next year they would be sure to break it. Besides they had stood excommunicated a long time for their insolence to their bishop; yet they could never be restrained, nor brought to receive the commands of the Church with either reverence or obedience.

As soon as the king was gone, the duke resolved (with a small detachment of his forces), to march into the country of Franchemont, which is steep, hilly, full of woods, and lies a little beyond Liege, from whence the best soldiers which they had, came, and particularly those who made that desperate sally which I mentioned before. Before the duke left the city, a great number of those poor creatures, who had hid themselves in the houses when the town was taken, and were afterwards made prisoners, were drowned. He also resolved to burn the city, which had always been very populous; and orders were given for firing it in three different places, and 3000 or 4000 foot of the country of Limbourg (who were their neighbours, and used the same habit and language), were commanded to effect this desolation, but to secure the churches. The first thing they did was to demolish a great bridge over the River Maes; then a strong body was appointed to protect such houses of the canons as were near the great church, that they might have lodging and convenience for the performing of divine service. Other parties were likewise ordered for the preservation of the rest of the churches. All things being thus ordered, the duke began his march into the country of Franchemont: he was no sooner out of the town, but immediately we saw a great number of houses on fire beyond the river; the duke lay that night four leagues from the city, yet we could hear the noise as distinctly as if we had been upon the spot; but whether it was the wind which lay that way, or our quartering upon the river that was the cause of it, I know not. The next day the duke marched on, and those who were left in the town continued the conflagration according to their orders⁠[265]: but all the churches (except some few) were preserved, and above 300 houses belonging to the priests and officers of the churches, which was the reason it was so soon re-inhabited, for many flocked thither to live with the priests.

The cold and frost were so violent, that the greatest part of the duke’s detachment was forced to march on foot into the country of Franchemont, which has no walled towns, but consists wholly in villages. The duke lay still five or six days in a little village called Polleur⁠[266] (which stands in a small valley); he divided his forces into two bodies for the speedier destruction of the country: his orders were to burn all the houses, break down all their iron mills (which were the greatest part of their livelihood), and search about among the woods for such of the poor people as had with their goods run thither to hide themselves, of whom many were killed, and made prisoners; and the soldiers got good store of plunder. In this march I saw incredible effects of the severity of the cold: one gentleman lost the use of his foot, and never recovered it again. A page had two of his fingers drop off with extremity of cold. I saw a woman and her new-born child starved to death with it. For three days together the duke’s attendants could get no wine but what they cut out with a hatchet; for it was frozen in the pipes, and the ice being thick and entire, they were forced to cut it out in pieces, which they carried away in their hats and baskets as they thought fit. I could tell other strange stories of this nature, which would be tedious to write; but we, in short, were starved out of that country, and forced (after we had been there eight days) to march back with all expedition to Namur, and from thence into Brabant⁠[267], where the duke was received with joy.

Ch. XV.—Of the King of France’s Subtilty, by which he prevailed with his Brother Duke Charles, to accept of the Duchy of Guienne, in lieu of Brie and Champagne, and contrary to the Duke of Burgundy’s Intention.—1468-69.

The king, having taken his leave of the Duke of Burgundy, returned with great joy into his own kingdom, not in the least complaining of his usage either at Peronne or Liege, but bearing all things patiently, at least, in appearance; yet, for all that, great wars arose afterwards between them, but not presently, nor was that the cause which I mentioned before (though it might have contributed towards it); for the conditions of peace were much the same as if the king had freely signed it at Paris. But, by the advice of his officers, the Duke of Burgundy was encouraged to extend the bounds of his dominions, and great artifice was used to have it done secretly—of which I shall speak in due time.

Lord Charles of France, the king’s only brother, and lately Duke of Normandy, being informed of the treaty of Peronne, and of the proportion which he was to have thereby, sent presently to the king to desire his majesty would accomplish the treaty, and grant him the investiture of those countries he had promised to give him. The king sent to him again, and several messages passed between them. The Duke of Burgundy sent also an ambassador to the Lord Charles, to desire him not to accept of any other appanage but Champagne and Brie, since they were granted upon his interposition. He also reminded him of the friendship which he had always shown him, and that even when he had deserted the Duke of Burgundy, the duke could not be tempted to retaliate as he had observed others had done, but had comprehended the Duke of Bretagne in the treaty of peace as his ally⁠[268]; besides, he ordered his agents to acquaint him, that the situation of Champagne and Brie was very commodious for them both, and if the king should ever attempt to resume his gift, in a day’s time he might have succours out of Burgundy, for those countries were contiguous; besides, all the taxes, subsidies, and revenues, would accrue wholly to him, and nothing to the king, but the bare homage and sovereignty.

This Lord Charles of France was a person who did little or nothing of himself, but in all things was governed and managed by other people, though he was then above twenty-five years of age. In this manner that winter passed, being half spent before the king left us. Messengers were passing continually about this appanage. The king resolved upon no terms to suffer his brother to enjoy what he had promised, for he did not like that the Duke of Burgundy and he should be such near neighbours. Whereupon the king proposed to the Lord Charles to accept of Guienne and La Rochelle (which is almost all Aquitaine, and more valuable than Brie and Champagne). Charles was afraid of disobliging the Duke of Burgundy; he feared also that if he should comply, and the king afterwards not stand to his word, he should lose friend and fortune both, and leave himself nothing to depend upon.

The king (who in such affairs was the wisest prince of that age), perceiving that he would lose time, unless he could make interest with some of those who were in credit with his brother, addressed himself to Odet de Rye, Lord of Lescut, and since⁠[269] Count of Comminges (who was born and married in the country of Guienne), desiring him that he would be pleased to use his interest with his master to persuade him to accept of that for his appanage; it being much larger and of a greater revenue than what he demanded; which would be the only means to make them live in perfect peace and harmony together like good friends and brothers, and for which all his servants would reap no inconsiderable advantage, but more particularly himself; and, as to the investiture, he was ready to grant it him presently. The Lord Charles being wheedled and cajoled in this way, was easily persuaded to accept of Guienne⁠[270], to the great dissatisfaction of the Duke of Burgundy and his ambassadors in France. Cardinal Balue, Bishop of Angers, and the Bishop of Verdun⁠[271], were arrested and imprisoned, because the cardinal had written to the Duke of Guienne not to accept of any other share than that which was assigned to him by the treaty at Peronne, which the king had promised and sworn to observe. Besides, he added several other arguments to induce him to it, which were directly contrary to the king’s designs. So the Lord Charles of France was created Duke of Guienne in the year 1469, and put into peaceable possession of that country, with the government of La Rochelle; after which the king and he had a meeting⁠[272], and conversed together a long time.